LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  .CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


WAR  OF  THE  INDEPENDENCE 


- 

*  • 

OF 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


BY  CHARLES   BOTTA. 


VOL.  I. 


TRANSLATED  tfROM  THE  ITALIAN, 

BY  GEORGE  ALEXANDER   OTIS.  ESQ. 


SECOND  EDITION.  IN  TWO  VOLUMES,  REVISED  AND  CORRECTED. 


BOSTON : 

PUBLISHED    BY    H^RISON    GRAY. 


William  L.  Lewis,  Printer. 

1826. 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  to  wit . 

District  Clerk's  Office. 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  That  on  the  sixth  day  of  March,  A.D.  1826,  in  the  fiftieth  year 
of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  GEORGE  ALEXANDER  OTIS,  ESQ. 
of  the  said  district,  has  deposited  in  this  office  the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  whereof  he 
claims  as  proprietor,  in  -the  words  following,  to  wit : 

'  History  of  the  War  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America.  By  Charles 
Botta.  Vol.  I.  Translated  from  the  Italian,  by  George  Alexander  Otis,  Esq.  Second  edi- 
tion, in  two  volumes,  revised  and  corrected.' 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled,  '  An  act  for  the 
encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the 
authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,'  and  also  to 
an  act  entitled,  '  An  act  supplementary  to  an  act  entitled,  an  act  for  the  encouragement 
of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  pro- 
prietors of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,'  and  extending  the  benefits 
thereof  to  the  arts  of  designing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints. 

JNO.  W.  DAVIS, 

Clerk  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts 


NOTICE  OF  THE  AUTHOR. 

There  will  be  found,  in  the  course  of  this  history,  several 
discourses  of  a  certain  length.  Those  I  have  put  in  the 
mouth  of  the  different  speakers  have  really  been  pro- 
nounced by  them,  and  upon  those  very  occasions  which 
are  treated  of  in  the  work.  I  should,  however,  mention 
that  I  have  sometimes  made  a  single  orator  say  what  has 
been  said  in  substance  by  others  of  the  same  party.  Some- 
times, also,  but  rarely,  using  the  liberty  granted  in  all 
times  to  historians,  I  have  ventured  to  add  a  small  num- 
ber of  phrases,  which  appeared  to  me  to  coincide  perfectly 
with  the  sense  of  the  orator,  and  proper  to  enforce  his 
opinion  ;  this  has  happened  especially  in  the  two  dis- 
courses pronounced  before  Congress,  for  and  against 
independence,  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  John  Dickin- 
son. 

It  will  not  escape  attentive  readers,  that  in  some  of 
these  discourses  are  found  predictions  which  time  has 
accomplished.  I  affirm  that  these  remarkable  passages 
belong  entirely  to  the  authors  cited.  In  order  that  these 
might  not  resemble  those  of  the  poets,  always  made  after 
the  fact,  I  have  been  so  scrupulous  as  to  translate  them, 
word  for  word,  from  the  original  language. 


TRANSLATOR'S  NOTICE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


The  translator  of  this  history,  in  laying  before  his  fel- 
low-citizens a  second  edition  of  it,  would  offer  them  his 
sincere  acknowledgments  for  their  favorable  reception  of 
the  first ;  a  reception  the  more  gratifying,  as,  notwithstand- 
ing his  own  high  value  of  the  work,  it  surpassed  his  most 
sanguine  expectations.  It  evidently  appeared  that  Botta, 
like  all  his  great  predecessors  in  the  march  of  immortality, 
was  greeted  with  the  most  enthusiasm  and  admiration  by 
those  who  were,  doubtless,  the  most  conscious  of  being 
his  fellow-travellers  on  the  road  to  posterity.  How  warmly 
was  he  welcomed  by  the  surviving  patriots  who  had  distin- 
guished themselves  the  most  eminently  in  the  great 
scenes  he  describes !  The  venerable  John  Adams,  on 
receiving  the  second  volume  of  the  translation,  expressed 
himself  in  the  words  following ;  '  I  unite  with  many  other 
gentlemen  in  the  opinion  that  the  work  has  great  merit, 
has  raised  a  monument  to  your  name,  and  performed  a 
valuable  service  to  your  country.  If  it  should  not  have  a 
rapid  sale  at  first,  it  will  be,  in  the  language  of  book- 
sellers, good  stock,  and  will  be  in  demand  as  long  as  the 
American  Revolution  is  an  object  of  curiosity.  It  is  indeed 
the  most  classical  and  methodical,  the  most  particular  and 
circumstantial,  the  most  entertaining  and  interesting  nar- 
ration of  the  American  War,  that  I  have  seen.'  In  like 
manner,  the  hand  that  penned  the  Declaration  of  Ameri- 
can Independence,  en  receiving  the  first  volume  of  the 
translation,  having  already  for  some  years  been  possessed 
of  the  original,  addressed  the  translator  the  words  of 
encouragement  which  are  here  set  down.  *  I  am  glad  to 


TO    THE    READER.  V 

find  that  the  excellent  history  of  Botta  is  at  length  trans- 
lated. The  merit  of  this  work  has  been  too  long  unknown 
with  us.  He  has  had  the  faculty  of  sifting  the  truth  of 
facts  from  our  own  histories  with  great  judgment,  of  sup- 
pressing details  which  do  not  make  a  part  of  the  general 
history,  and  of  enlivening  the  whole  with  the  constant 
glow  of  his  holy  enthusiasm  for  the  liberty  and  independ- 
ence of  nations.  Neutral,  as  an  historian  should  be,  in 
the  relation  of  facts,  he  is  never  neutral  in  his  feelings, 
nor  in  the  warm  expression  of  them,  on  the  triumphs  and 
reverses  of  the  conflicting  parties,  and  of  his  honest  sym- 
pathies with  that  engaged  in  the  better  cause.  Another 
merit  is  in  the  accuracy  of  his  narrative  of  those  portions 
of  the  same  war  which  passed  in  other  quarters  of  the 
globe,  and  especially  on  the  ocean.  We  must  thank  him, 
too,  for  having  brought  within  the  compass  of  three 
volumes  every  thing  we  wish  to  know  of  that  war,  and  in 
a  style  so  engaging,  that  we  cannot  lay  the  book  down. 
He  had  been  so  kind  as  to  send  me  a  copy  of  his  work, 
of  which  I  shall  manifest  my  acknowledgment  by  sending 
him  your  volumes,  as  they  come  out.  My  original  being 
lent  out,  I  have  no  means  of  collating  it  with  the  transla- 
tion ;  but  see  no  cause  to  doubt  correctness.'  On  receipt 
of  the  second  volume  of  the  translation,  Mr.  Jefferson 
renews  his  eulogies  of  the  history,  in  the  expressions 
which  follow ;  '  I  join  Mr.  Adams,  heartily,  in  good 
wishes  for  the  success  of  your  labors,  and  hope  they  will 
bring  you  both  profit  and  fame.  You  have  certainly  ren- 
dered a  good  service  to  your  country;  and  when  the 
superiority  of  the  work  over  every  other  on  the  same  sub- 
ject shall  be  more  known,  I  think  it  will  be  the  common 
manual  of  our  Revolutionary  History.'  Mr.  Madison  is 
no  less  decisive  in  his  approbation  of  the  undertaking. 
He  writes  the  translator  on  receiving  his  first  volume ; 


VI  TO    THE    READER. 

<  The  literary  reputation  of  this  author,  with  the  philosophic 
spirit  and  classic  taste  allowed  to  this  historical  work, 
justly  recommended  the  task  in  which  you  are  engaged, 
of  placing  a  translation  of  it  before  American  readers;  to 
whom  the  subject  must  always  be  deeply  interesting,  and 
who  cannot  but  feel  a  curiosity  to  see  the  picture  of  it  as 
presented  to  Europe  by  so  able  a  hand.  The  author  seems 
to  have  the  merit  of  adding  to  his  other  qualifications  much 
industry  and  care  in  his  researches  into  the  best  sources 
of  information,  and  it  may  readily  be  supposed  that  he  did 
not  fail  to  make  the  most  of  his  access  to  those  in  France, 
not  yet  generally  laid  open?'  &c.  Thus  cotemporary 
witnesses,  and  the  most  prominent  actors  in  some  of  the 
principal  events  recorded  in  these  volumes,  have 
authorised  and  sanctioned  the  unexpected  indulgence 
with  which  they  were  received  by  the  American  people. 
Grateful  for  such  high  approbation,  and  content  with 
having  been  the  first  to  present  his  countrymen,  at  his 
own  peril,  with  however  imperfect  a  copy  of  so  inimitable 
an  original,  the  translator  will  always  be  happy  to  con- 
gratulate 'them  on  the  appearance  of  a  better. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


BOOK  FIRST. 

SUMMARY. — Opinions,  manners,  customs,  and  inclinations  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
English  colonies  in  America.  Mildness  of  the  British  government  towards  its  colonists. 
Seeds  of-discontent  between  the  two  people.  Plan  of  colonial  government  proposed  by 
the  colonists.  Other  motives  of  discontent  in  America.  Justification  of  ministers.  Designs 
and  instigations  of  the  French.  All  the  states  of  Europe  desire  to  reduce  the  power  of 
England.  New  subjects  of  complaint.  Stamp  duty  projected  by  the  ministers  and  pro- 
posed to  parliament.  The  Americans  are  alarmed  at  it,  and  make  remonstrances.  Long 
and  violent  debates  between  the  advocates  of  the  stamp  act  and  the  opposition.  The 
stamp  act  passes  in  parliament. 

BOOK  SECOND. 

SUMMARY. — Troubles  in  America  on  account  of  the  stamp  duty.  Violent  tumult  at 
Boston.  Movements  in  other  parts  of  America.  League  of  citizens  desirous  of  a  new 
order  of  things.  New  doctrines  relative  to  political  authority.  American  associations 
against  English  commerce.  Admirable  constancy  of  the  colonists.  General  Congress 
of  New  York  and  its  operations.  Effects  produced  in  England  by  the  news  of  the  tumults 
in  America.  Change  of  ministers.  The  new  ministry  favorable  to  the  Americans.  They 
propose  to  parliament  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act.  Doctor  Franklin  is  interrogated  by  th§ 
parliament.  Discourse  of  George  Grenville  in  favor  of  the  tax.  Answer  of  William  Pitt. 
The  stamp  act  is  revoked.  Joy  manifested  in  England  on  this  occasion.  The  news  is 
transmitted  with  all  despatch  to  America. 

BOOK  THIRD. 

SUMMARY. — Extreme  joy  of  the  colonists  on  hearing  of  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act. 
Causes  of  new  discontents.  Deliberations  of  the  government  on  the  subject  of  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  Americans.  Change  of  ministry.  The  new  ministers  propose  to  parliament, 
and  carry,  a  bill  imposing  a  duty  upon  tea,  paper,  glass,  and  painters'  colors.  This  duty 
is  accompanied  by  other  measures,  which  sow  distrust  in  the  colonies.  New  disturbances 
and  new  associations  in  America.  The  royal  troops  enter  Boston.  Tumult,  with  effu- 
sion of  blood,  in  Boston.  Admirable  judicial  decision  in  the  midst  of  so  great  commo- 
tion. Condesccndence  of  the  English  government;  it  suppresses  the  taxes,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  that  on  tea.  The  Americans  manifest  no  greater  submission  in  consequence. 
The  government  adopts  measures  of  rigor.i  The  Americans  break  out  on  their  part ; 
they  form  leagues  of  resistance.  The  Bostonians  throw  tea  overboard.  The  ministers 
adopt  rigorous  counsels.  Violent  agitations  in  America.  Events  which  result  from  them. 
New  confederations.  All  the  provinces  determine  to  hold  a  general  Congress  at  Phila- 
delphia. 

BOOK  FOURTH. 

SUMMARY. — Confidence  of  the  Americans  in  the  general  Congress.  Dispositions  of 
minds  in  Europe,  and  particularly  in  France,  towards  the  Americans.  Deliberations  of 
Congress.  Approved  by  the  provinces.  Indifference  of  minds  in  England  relative  to 
the  quarrel  with  America.  Parliament  convoked.  The  ministers  will  have  the  inhabitants 
of  Massachusetts  declared  rebels.  Oration  of  Wilkes  against  this  proposition.  Oration 
of  Harvey  in  support  of  it.  The  ministers  carry  it.  They  send  troops  to  America.  They 
accompany  the  measures  of  rigor  with  a  proposition  of  arrangement,  and  a  promise  of 
amnesty.  Edmund  Burke  proposes  to  the  parliament  another  plan  of  reconciliation ; 
which  does  not  obtain.  Principal  reason  why  the  ministers  will  hearken  to  no  proposi- 
tion of  accommodation.  Fury  of  the  Americans  on  learning  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Massachusetts  have  been  declared  rebels.  Every  thing,  in  America,  takes  the  direction 
of  war.  Battle  of  Lexington.  Siege  of  Boston.  Unanimous  resolution  of  the  Americans 
to  take  arms  and  enter  the  field. 


Viii  TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 

BOOK  FIFTH. 

SUMMARY. — Situation  of  Boston.  State  of  the  two  armies.  The  provinces  make  prepa- 
rations for  war.  Taking  of  Ticonderoga.  Siege  of  Boston.  Battle  of  Breed's  Hill. 
New  Congress  in  Philadelphia.  George  Washington  elected  captain-general.  Repairs 
to  the  camp  of  Boston.  The  Congress  make  new  regulations  for  the  army.  Eulogy  of 
doctor  Warren.  The  Congress  take  up  the  subject  of  finances.  Endeavor  to  secure  the 
Indians.  Their  manifesto.  Religious  solemnities  to  move  the  people.  Address  of  the 
Congress  to  the  British  nation.  Another  to  the  king.  Another  to  the  Irish  people. 
Letter  to  the  Canadians.  Events  in  Canada.  Resolutions  of  Congress  relative  to  the 
conciliatory  proposition  of  lord  North.  Articles  of  union  between  the  provinces  proposed 
by  the  Congress.  The  royal  governors  oppose  the  designs  of  the  popular  governors. 
Serious  altercations  which  result  from  it.  Massachusetts  begins  to  labor  for  independ- 
ence. The  other  provinces  discover  repugnance  to  imitate  the  example.  Military  ope- 
rations near  Boston.  Painful  embarrassments  in  which  Washington  finds  himself.  Gene- 
ral Gage  succeeded  by  sir  William  Howe,  in  the  chief  command  of  the  English  troops. 
Boldness  of  the  Americans  upon  the  sea.  Difficulties  experienced  by  Howe.  Invasion 
of  Canada.  Magnanimity  of  Montgomery.  Montreal  taken.  Surprising  enterprise 
executed  by  Arnold.  Assault  of  Quebec.  Death  of  Montgomery. 

BOOK  SIXTH. 

SUMMARY — State  of  parties  in  England.  Discontent  of  the  people.  The  ministers 
take  Germans  into  the  pay  of  England.  Parliament  convoked.  Designs  of  France.  King's 
speech  at  the  opening  of  parliament.  Occasions  violent  debates.  The  ministers  carry 
their  Address.  Commissioners  appointed  with  power  of  pardon.  Siege  of  Boston.  The 
English  are  forced  to  evacuate  it.  New  disturbances  in  North  Carolina.  Success  of  the 
American  marine.  War  of  Canada.  Praises  of  Montgomery.  Designs  of  the  English 
against  South  Carolina.  They  furiously  attack  fort  Moultrie.  Strange  situation  of  the 
American  colonies.  Independence  every  day  gains  new  partisans  ;  and  wherefore.  The 
Congress  propose  to  declare  Independence.  Speech  of  Richard  Henry  Lee  in  favor  of 
the  proposition.  Speech  of  John  Dickinson  on  the  other  side.  The  Congress  proclaim 
Independence.  Exultation  of  the  people. 

BOOK  SEVENTH. 

SUMMARY. — Immense  preparations  of  the  British  for  the  reduction  of  America.  Con- 
ferences for  an  arrangement.  The  Americans  lose  the  battle  of  Brooklyn.  New  con- 
ferences. The  troops  of  the  king  take  possession  of  New  York.  Forts  Washington  and 
Lee  fall  into  their  power.  The  English  victoriously  overrun  New  Jersey.  Danger  of 
Philadelphia.  The  royal  army  pause  at  the  Delaware.  General  Lee  is  made  prisoner. 
War  with  the  Indians.  Campaign  of  Canada.  Firmness  of  Washington  and  of  Congress 
in  adverse  fortune  ;  a.nd  their  deliberations  to  reestablish  it.  Dictatorial  power  granted 
to  Washington ;  in  what  manner  he  uses  it.  Overtures  of  Congress  to  the  court  of  France. 
Franklin  sent  thither.  His  character.  The  fortune  of  America  regains  at  Trenton.  Pru- 
dence and  intrepidity  of  Washington.  Howe,  after  various  movements,  abandons  New 
Jersey.  Embarks  at  New  York  to  carry  the  war  into  another  part. 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE   AMERICAN  WAR 


BOOK  FIRST. 

AMERICA,  and  especially  some  parts  of  it,  having  been  discover- 
ed by  the  genius  and  intrepidity  of  Italians,  received,  at  various 
times,  as  into  a  place  of  asylum,  the  men  whom  political  or  religious 
disturbances  had  driven  from  their  own  countries  in  Europe. .  The 
security  which  these  distant  and  desert  regions  presented  to  their 
minds,  appeared  to  them  preferable  even  to  the  endearments  of  coun- 
try and  of  their  natal  air. 

Here  they  exerted  themselves  with  admirable  industry  and  forti- 
tude, according  to  the  custom  of  thos$  whom  the  fervor  of  opinion 
agitates  and  stimulates,  in  subduing  the  wild  beasts,  dispersing  or 
destroying  pernicious  or  importunate  animals,  repressing  or  subject- 
ing the  barbarous  and  savage  nations  that  inhabited  this  New  World, 
draining  the  marshes,  controlling  the  course  of  rivers,  clearing  the 
forests,  furrowing  a  virgin  soil,  and  committing  to  its  bosom  new  and 
unaccustomed  seeds ;  and  thus  prepared  themselves  a  climate  less 
rude  and  hostile  to  human  nature,  more  secure  and  more  commo- 
dious habitations,  more  salubrious  food,  and  a  part  of  the  conve- 
niences and  enjoyments  proper  to  civilised  life. 

This  multitude  of  emigrants,  departing  principally  from  England, 
in  the  time  of  the  last  Stuarts,  landed  in  that  part  of  North  America 
which  extends  from  the  thirty-second  to  the  forty-fifth  degree  of 
north  latitude ;  and  there  founded  the  colonies  of  New  Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  which  took  the  general 
name  of  New  England.  To  these  colonies  were  afterwards  joined 
those  of  Virginia,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  New  Jersey, 
Maryland,  the  two  Carolinas,  and  Georgia.  Nor  must  it  be  under- 
stood, that  in  departing  from  the  land  in  which  they  were  born,  to 
seek  in  foreign  regions  a  better  condition  of  life,  they  abandoned  their 
country  on  terms  of  enmity,  dissolving  every  tie  of  early  attachment. 

VOL.    T.  2 


10  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I. 

Far  from  this,  besides  the  customs,  the  habits,  the  usages  and  man- 
ners of  their  common  country,  they  took  with  them  privileges,  granted 
by  the  royal  authority,  whereby  their  laws  were  constituted  upon  the 
model  of  those  of  England,  and  more  or  less  conformed  to  a  free 
government,  or  to  a  more  absolute  system,  according  to  the  charac- 
ter or  authority  of  the  prince  from  whom  they  emanated.  They 
were  also  modified  by  the  influence  which  the  people,  by  means  of 
their  organ,  the  parliament,  were  found  to  possess.  For,  it  then 
being  the  epoch  of  those  civil  and  religious  dissensions  which  caused 
English  blood  to  flow  in  torrents,  the  changes  were  extreme  and 
rapid.  Each  province,  each  colony,  had  an  elective  assembly,  which, 
under  certain  limitations,  was  invested  with  the  authority  of  parlia- 
ment ;  and  a  governor,  who,  representing  the  king  to  the  eyes  of  the 
colonists,  exercised  also  a  certain  portioji  of  his  power.  To  this 
was  added  the  trial,  which  is  called  by  jury,  not  only  in  criminal 
matters,  but  also  in  civil  causes;  an  institution  highly  important,  and 
corresponding  entirely  with  the  judicial  system  of  England. 

But,  in  point  of  religion,  the  colonists  enjoyed  even  greater  latitude 
than  in  their  parent  country  itself:  they  had  not  preserved  that 
ecclesiastical  hierarchy,  against  which  they  had  combated  so  strenu- 
ously, and  which  they  did  not  cease  to  abhor,  as  the  primary  cause 
of  the  long  and  perilous  expatriation  to  which  they  had  been  con- 
strained to  resort. 

It  can,  therefore,  excite  no  surprise,  if  this  generation  of  men  not 
only  had  their  minds  imbued  with  the  principles  that  form  the  basis 
of  the  English  constitution,  but  even  if  they  aspired  to  a  mode  of 
government  less  rigid,  and  a  liberty  more  entire ;  in  a  word,  if  they 
were,  inflamed  with  the  fervor  which  is  naturally  kindled  in  the  hearts 
of  men  by  obstacles  which  oppose  their  religious  and  political  opi- 
nions, and  still  increased  by  the  privations  and  persecutions  they  have 
suffered  on  their  account.  And  how  should  this  ardor,  this  excite- 
ment of  exasperated  minds,  have  been  appeased  in  the  vast  solitudes 
of  America,  where  the  amusements  of  Europe  were  unknown,  where 
assiduity  in  manual  toils  must  have  hardened  their  bodies,  and  in- 
creased the  asperity  of  their  characters  ?  If  in  England  ibey  had 
shown  themselves  averse  to  the  prerogative  of  the  crown,  how,  as 
to  this,  should  their  opinions  have  been  changed  in  America,  where 
scarcely  a  vestige  was  seen  of  the  royal  authority  and  splendor  ? 
where  the  same  occupation  being  common  to  all,  that  of  cultivating  the 
earth,  must  have  created  in  all  the  opinion  and  the  love  of  a  general 
equality  ?  They  had  encountered  exile,  at  the  epoch  when  the  war 
raged  most  fiercely  in  their  native  country,  between  the  king  and  the 
people  ;  at  the  epoch  when  the  armed  subjects  contended  for  the 
right  of  resisting  the  will  of  the  prince,  when  he  usurps  their  liberty  ; 
and  even,  if  the  public  good  require  it,  of  transferring  the  crown 
from  one  head  to  another.  The  colonists  had  supported  these 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  11 

principles  ;  and  how  should  they  have  renounced  them  f  They  who, 
out  of  the  reach  of  royal  authority,  and,  though  still  in  the  infancy 
of  a  scarcely  yet  organised  society,  enjoyed  already,  in  their  new 
country,  a  peaceful  and  happy  life  ?'  The  laws  observed,  justice 
administered,  the  magistrates  respected,  offences  rare  or  unknown ; 
persons,  property  and  honor,  protected  from  all  violation  ? 

They  believed  it  the  unalienable  right  of  every  English  subject, 
whether  freeman  or  freeholder,  not  to  give  his  property  without  his 
own  consent ;  that  the  house  of  commons  only,  as  the  representative 
of  the  English  people,  had  the  right  to  grant  its  money  to  the  crown  ; 
that  taxes  are  free  gifts  of  the  people  to  those  who  govern  ;  and  that 
princes  are  bound  to  exercise  their  authority,  and  employ  the  public 
treasure,  for  the  sole  benefit  and  use  of  the  community.  '  These 
privileges,'  said  the  colonists,  '  we  have  brought  with  us';  distance, 
or  change  of  climate,  cannot  have  deprived  us  of  English  preroga- 
tives ;  we  departed  from  the  kingdom  with  the  consent  and  under 
the  guarantee  of  the  sovereign  authority ;  the  right  not  to  contribute 
with  our  money  without  our  own  consent,  has  been  solemnly  recog- 
nised by  the  government  in  the  charters  it  has  granted  to  many  of 
the  colonies.  It  is  for  this  purpose  that  assemblies  or  courts  have 
been  established  in  each  colony,  and  that  they  have  been  invested 
with  authority  to  investigate  and  superintend  the  employment  of  the 
public  money.'  And  how,  in  fact,  should  the  colonists  have  relin- 
quished such  a  right ;  they  who  derived  their  subsistence  from  the 
American  soil,  not  given  or  granted  by  others,  but  acquired  and 
possessed  by  themselves  ;  which  they  had  first  occupied,  and  which 
their  toils  had  rendered  productive?  Every  thing,  on  the  contrary, 
in  English  America,  tended  to  favor  and  develop  civil  liberty;  every 
thing  appeared  to  lead  towards  national  independence. 

The  Americans,  for  the  most  part,  were  not  only  Protestants,  but 
Protestants  against  Protestantism  itself,  and  sided  with  those  who  in 
England  are  called  Dissenters ;  for,  besides,  as  Protestants,  not 
acknowledging  any  authority  in  the  affair  of  religion,  whose  decision, 
without  other  examination,  is  a  rule  of  faith,  claiming  to  be  of 
themselves,  by  the  light  of  natural  reason  alone,  sufficient  judges  of 
religious  dogmas,  they  had  rejected  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy,  and 
abolished  even  the  names  of  its  dignities  ;  they  had,  in  short,  divested 
themselves  of  all  that  deference  which  man,  by  his  nature,  has  for 
the  opinions  of  those  who  are  constituted  in  eminent  stations ;  and 
whose  dignities,  wealth  and  magnificence,  seem  to  command  respect 
The  intellects  of  the  Americans  being  therefore  perfectly  free  upon 
this  topic,  they  exercised  the  same  liberty  of  thought  upon  other 
subjects  unconnected  with  religion,  and  especially  upon  the  affairs  of 
government,  which  had  been  the  habitual  theme  of  their  conversation, 
during  their  residence  in  the  mother  country.  The  colonies,  more 
than  any  other  country,  abounded  in  lawyers,  who,  accustomed  to 


12  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I. 

the  most  subtle  and  the  most  captious  arguments,  are  commonly,  in 
a  country  governed  by  an  absolute  prince,  the  most  zealous  advocates 
of  his  power,  and  in  a  free  country  the  most  ardent  defenders  of 
liberty.  Thus  had  arisen,  among  the  Americans,  an  almost  universal 
familiarity  with  those  sophistical  discussions  which  appertain  to  the 
professions  of  theology  and  of  law,  the  effect  of  which  is  often  to 
generate  obstinacy  and  presumption  in  the  human  mind  ;  accordingly, 
however  long  their  disquisitions  upon  political  and  civil  liberty,  they 
never  seemed  to  think  they  had  sifted  these  matters  sufficiently.  The 
study  of  polite  literature  and  the  liberal  arts  having  already  madt  a 
remarkable  progress  in  America,  these  discussions  were  adorned  with 
the  graces  of  a  florid  elocution  ;  the  charms  of  eloquence  fascinated 
and  flattered  on  the  one  hand  the  defenders  of  bold  opinions,  as  on 
the  other,  they  imparted  to  their  discourses  greater  attraction,  and 
imprinted  them  more  indelibly  on  the  minds  of  their  auditors. 

The  republican  maxims  became  a  common  doctrine  :  and  the 
memory  of  the  Puritans,  and  of  those  who  in  the  sanguinary  con- 
tentions of  England  had  supported  the  party  of  the  people  and  pe- 
rished for  its  cause,  was  immortalised.  These  were  their  apostles, 
these  their  martyrs:  their  names,  their  virtues,  their  achievements, 
their  unhappy,  but  to  the  eyes  of  the  colonists  so  honorable,  death, 
formed  the  continual  subject  of  the  conversations  of  children  with 
the  authors  of  their  days. 

If,  before  the  revolution,  the  portrait  of  the  king  was  usually  seen 
in  every  house,  it  was  not  rare  to  observe  near  it  the  images  of 
those  who,  in  the  time  of  Charles  T.  sacrificed  their  lives  in  defence 
of  what  they  termed  English  liberties.  It  is  impossible  to  express 
with  what  exultation  they  had  received  the  news  of  the  victories  of 
the  republicans  in  England  ;  with  what  grief  they  heard  of  the  resto- 
ration of  the  monarchy,  in  the  person  of  Charles  II.  Thus  their  incli- 
nations and  principles  were  equally  contrary  to  the  government,  and 
to  the  church,  which  prevailed  in  Great  Britain.  Though  naturally 
reserved  and  circumspect,  yet  expressions  frequently  escaped  them 
which  manifested  a  violent  hatred  for  the  political  and  religious 
establishments  of  the  mother  country.  Whoever  courted  popular 
favor,  gratified  both  himself  and  his  hearers,  by  inveighing  against 
them ;  the  public  hatred,  on  the  contrary,  was  the  portion  of  the 
feeble  party  of  the  hierarchists,  and  such  as  favored  England.  All 
things,  particularly  in  New  England,  conspired  to  cherish  the  germs 
of  these  propensities  and  opinions.  The  colonists  had  few  books  ; 
but  the  greater  part  of  those,  which  were  in  the  hands  of  all,  only 
treated  of  political  affairs,  or  transmitted  the  history  of  the  persecu- 
tions sustained  by  the  Puritans,  their  ancestors.  They  found  in  these 
narratives,  tfiat,  tormented  in  their  ancient  country  on  account  of 
their  political  and  religious  opinions,  their  ancestors  had  taken  the 
intrepid  resolution  of  abandoning  it,  of  traversing  an  immense  ocean, 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  13 

of  flying  to  the  most  distant,  the  most  inhospitable  regions,  in  order 
to  preserve  the  liberty  of  professing  openly  these  cherished  principles  ; 
and  that,  to  accomplish  so  generous  a  design,  they  had  sacrificed  all 
the  accommodations  and  delights  of  the  happy  country  where  they 
had  received  birth  and  education.  And  what  toils,  what  fatigues, 
what  perils,  had  they  not  encountered,  upon  these  unknown  and 
savage  shores  ?  All  had  opposed  them  ;  their  bodies  had  not  been 
accustomed  to  the  extremes  of  cold  in  winter,  and  of  heat  in  sum- 
mer, both  intolerable  in  the  climate  of  America ;  the  land  chiefly 
covered  with  forests,  and  little  of  it  habitable,  the  soil  reluctant,  the 
air  pestilential;  an  untimely  death  had  carried  off  most  of  the  first 
founders  of  the  colony  :  those  who  had  resisted  the  climate,  and 
survived  the  famine,  to  secure  their  infant  establishment,  had  been 
forced  to  combat  the  natives,  a  ferocious  race,  and  become  still  more 
ferocious  at  seeing  a  foreign  people,  even  whose  existence  they  had 
never  heard  of,  come  to  appropriate  the  country  of  which  they  had 
so  long  been  the  sole  occupants  and  masters.  The  colonists,  by  their 
fortitude,  and  courage,  had  gradually  surmounted  all  these  obstacles ; 
which  result,  if  on  the  one  hand  it  secured  them  greater  tranquillity, 
and  improved  their  condition,  on  the  other  it  gave  them  a  better 
opinion  of  themselves,  and  inspired  them  with  an  elevation  of  senti- 
ments, not  often  paralleled. 

As  the  prosperous  or  adverse  events  which  men  have  shared  to- 
gether, and  the  recollections  which  attend  them,  have  a  singular 
tendency  to  unite  their  minds,  their  affections  and  their  sympathies  ; 
the  Americans  were  united  not  only  by  the  ties  which  reciprocally 
attach  individuals  of  the  same  nation,  from  the  identity  of  language, 
of  laws,  of  climate,  and  of  customs,  but  also  by  those  which  result 
from  a  common  participation  in  all  the  vicissitudes  to  which  a  people  is 
liable.  They  offered  to  the  world  an  image  of  those  congregations 
of  men,  subject  not  only  to  the  general  laws  of  the  society  of  which 
they  are  members,  but  also  to  particular  statutes  and  regulations,  to 
which  they  have  voluntarily  subscribed,  and  which  usually  produce, 
besides  an  uniformity  of  opinions,  a  common  zeal  and  enthusiasm. 

It  should  not  be  omitted,  that  even  the, composition  of  society  in 
the  English  colonies,  rendered  the  inhabitants  averse  to  every  spe- 
cies of  superiority,  and  inclined  them  to  liberty.  Here  was  but  one 
class  of  men  ;  the  mediocrity  of  their  condition  tempted  not  the  rich 
and  the  powerful  of  Europe,  to  visit  their  shores  ;  opulence,  and 
hereditary  honors,  were  unknown  amongst  them  ;  whence  no  vestige 
remained  of  feudal  servitude.  From  these  causes  resulted  a  general 
opinion  that  all  men  are  by  nature  equal ;  and  the  inhabitants  of 
America  would  have  found  it  difficult  to  persuade  themselves  that 
they  owed  their  lands  and  their  civil  rights  to  the  munificence  of 
princes.  Few  among  them, had  heard  mention  of  Magna  Charta ; 
and  those  who  were  not  ignorant  of  the  history  of  that  important 


14  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.          •  BOOK  I. 

period  of  the  English  revolution,  in  which  this  compact  was  con- 
firmed, considered  it  rather  a  solemn  recognition,  by  the  king  of 
England,  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  than  any  concession.  As  they 
referred  to  heaven  the  protection  which  had  conducted  them  through 
so  many  perils,  to  a  land,  where  at  length  they  had  found  that 
repose  which  in  their  ancient  country  they  had  sought  in  vain  ;  and 
as  they  owed  to  its  beneficence  the  harvests  of  their  exuberant  fields, 
the  only  and  the  genuine  so'urce  of  their  riches;  so  not  from  the 
concessions  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  but  from  the  bounty  and 
infinite  clemency  of  the  King  of  the  universe,  did  they  derive  every 
right ;  these  opinions,  in  the  minds  of  a  religious  and  thoughtful  peo- 
plej  were  likely  to  have  deep  and  tenacious  roots. 

From  the  vast  extent  of  the  provinces  occupied,  and  the  abundance 
of  vacant  lands,  every  colonist  was,  or  easily  might  have  become, 
at  the  same  time,  a  proprietor,  farmer,  and  laborer. 

Finding  all  his  enjoyments  in  rural  life,  he  saw  spring  up,  grow, 
prosper,  and  arrive  at  maturity,  under  his  own  eyes,  and  often  by  the 
labor  of  his  own  hands,  all  things  necessary  to  the  life  of  man ;  he 
felt  himself  free  from  all  subjection,  from  all  dependence ;  and 
individual  liberty  is  a  powerful  incentive  to  civil  independence. 
Each  might  hunt,  fowl  and  fish,  at  his  pleasure,  without  fear  of 
possible  injury  to  others ;  poachers  were  consequently  unknown  in 
America.  Their  parks  and  reservoirs  were  boundless  forests,  vast 
and  numerous  lakes,  immense  rivers,  and  a  sea  unrestricted,  inex- 
haustable  in  fish  of  every  species.  As  they  lived  dispersed  in  the 
country,  mutual  affection  was  increased  between  the  members  of  the 
same  family,  and  finding  happiness  in  the  domestic  circle,  they  had 
no  temptation  to  seek  diversion  in  the  resorts  of  idleness,  where 
men  too  often  contract  the  vices  which  terminate  in  dependence  and 
habits  of  servility. 

The  greater  part  of  the  colonists,  being  proprietors  and  cultivators 
of  land,  lived  continually  upon  their  farms;  merchants,  artificers,  and 
mechanics,,  composed  scarcely  a  fifth  part  of  the  total  population. 
Cultivators  of  the  earth  depend  only  on  Providence  and  their  own 
industry,  while  the  artisan,  pn  the  contrary,  to  render  himself  agree- 
able to  the  consumers,  is  obliged  to  pay  a  certain  deference  to  their 
caprices.  It  resulted,  from  the  great  superiority  of  the  first  class, 
that  the  colonies  abounded  in  men  of  independent  minds,  who,  know- 
ing no  insurmountable  obstacles  but  those  presented  by  the  very 
nature  of  things,  could  not  fail  to  resent  with  animation,  and  oppose 
with  indignant  energy,  every  curb  which  human  authority  might 
attempt  to  impose. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  were  exempt,  and  almost  out  of 
danger,  from  ministerial  seductions,  the  seat  of  government  being  at 
such  a  distance,  that  far  from  having  proved,  they  had  never  even 
heard  of,  its  secret  baits. 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  15 

It  was  not  therefore  customary  among  them  to  corrupt,  and  be 
corrupted  :  the  offices  were  few,  and  so  little  lucrative,  that  they 
were  far  from  supplying  the  means  of  corruption  to  those  who  were 
invested  with  them. 

The  love  of  the  sovereign,  and  their  ancient  country,  which  the 
first  colonists  might  have  retained  in  their  new  establishment,  gra- 
dually diminished  in  the  hearts  of  their  descendants,  as  successive 
generations  removed  them  further  from  their  original  stock  ;  and 
when  the  revolution  commenced,  of  which  we  purpose  to  write  the 
history,  the  inhabitants  of  the  English  colonies  were,  in  general,  but 
the  third,  fourth,  and  even  the  fifth  generation  from  the  original 
colonists,  who  had  left  England  to  establish  themselves  in  the  new 
regions  of  America.  At  such  a  distance,  the  affections  of  consan- 
guinity became  feeble,  or  extinct ;  and  the  remembrance  of  their 
ancestors  lived  more  in  their  memories,  than  in  their  hearts. 

Commerce,  which  has  power  to  unite  and  conciliate  a  sort  of 
friendship  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  most  dista-nt  countries,  was 
not,  in  the  early  periods  of  the  colonies,  so  active  as  to  produce 
these  effects  between  the  inhabitants  of  England  and  America.  The 
greater  part  of  the  colonists  had  heard  nothing  of  Great  Britain,  ex- 
cepting that  it  was  a  distant  kingdom,  from  which  their  ancestors 
had  been  barbarously  expelled,  or  hunted  away,  as  they  had  been 
forced  to  take  refuge  in  the  deserts  and  forests  of  wild  America,  in- 
habited only  by  savage  men,  and  prowling  beasts,  or  venomous  and 
horrible  serpents. 

The  distance  of  government  diminishes  its  force ;  either  because, 
in  the  absence  of  the  splendor  and  magnificence  of  fhe  throne,  men 
yield  obedience  only  to  its  power,  unsupported  by  the  influence  of 
illusion  and  respect ;  or,  because  the  agents  of  authority  in  distant 
countries,  exercising  a  larger  discretion  in  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
inspire  the  people  governed  with  greater  hope  of  being  able  to  es- 
cape their  restraints. 

What  idea  must  we  then  form  of  the  force  which  the  British  go- 
vernment could  exercise  in  the  new  world,  when  it  is  considered, 
that  the  two  countries  being  separated  by  an  ocean  three  thousand 
miles  in  breadth,  entire  months  sometimes  transpired,  between  the 
date  of  an  order,  and  its  execution  ? 

Let  it  be  added,  also,  that  except  in  cases  of  war,  standing  armies, 
this  powerful  engine  of  coercion,  were  very  feeble  in  England,  and 
much  more  feeble  still  in  America ;  their  existence  even  was  contrary 
to  law. 

It  follows,  of  necessity,  that,  as  the  means  of  constraint  became 
almost  illusory  in  the  hands  of  the  government,  there  must  have 
arisen,  and  gradually  increased,  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  the 
hope,  and  with  it  the  desire,  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  English  supe- 
riority. 


16  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I. 

All  these  considerations  apply,  especially,  to  the  condition  of  the 
eastern  provinces  of  English  America.  As  to  the  provinces  of  the 
south,  the  land  being  there  more  fertile,  and  the  colonists  conse- 
quently enjoying  greater  affluence,  they  could  pretend  to  a  more 
ample  liberty,  and  discover  less  deference  for  opinions  which  differed 
from  their  own.  Nor  should  it  be  imagined,  that  the  happy  fate 
they  enjoyed,  had  enervated  their  minds,  or  impaired  their  courage. 
Living  continually  on  their  plantations,  far  from  the  luxury  and  se- 
ductions of  cities,  frugal  and  moderate  in  all  their  desires,  it  is  cer- 
tain, on  the  contrary,  that  the  great  abundance  of  things  necessary 
to  life  rendered  *their  bodies  more  vigorous,  and  their  minds  more 
impatient  of  all  subjection. 

In  these  provinces  also,  the  slavery  of  the  blacks,  which  was  in 
use,  seemed,  however  strange  the  assertion  may  appear,  to  have  in- 
creased the  love  of  liberty  among  the  white  population.  Having 
continually  before  their  eyes,  the  living  picture  of  the  miserable  con- 
dition of  man  reduced  to  slavery,  they  could  better  appreciate  the 
liberty  they  enjoyed.  This  liberty  they  considered  not  merely  as  a 
right,  but  as  a  franchise  and  privilege.  As  it  is  usual  for  men,  when 
their  own  interests  and  passions  are  concerned,  to  judge  partially  and 
inconsiderately,  the  colonists  supported  impatiently  the  superiority  of 
the  British  government.  They  considered  its  pretensions  as  tending 
to  reduce  them  to  a  state  little  different  from  that  of  their  own  slaves  ; 
thus  detesting,  for  themselves,  what  they  found  convenient  to  exer- 
cise upon  others. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  especially  those  of  New  England, 
enjoyed  not  only  the  shadow,'  but  the  substance  itself,  of  the  English 
constitution ;  for  in  this  respect,  little  was  wanting  to  their  entire 
independence.  They  elected  their  own  magistrates ;  they  paid 
them ;  and  decided  all  affairs  relative  to  internal  administration. 
The  sole  evidence  of  their  dependence  on  the  mother  country,  con- 
sisted in  this  :  that  they  could  not  enact  laws  or  statutes,  contrary  to 
the  letter  or  spirit  of  the  English  laws ;  that  the  king  had  the  pre- 
rogative to  annul  the  deliberations  of  their  assemblies;  and  that  they 
were  subject  to  such  regulations  and  restrictions  of  commerce,  as  the 
parliament  should  judge  necessary  and  conducive  to  the  general 
good  of  the  British  empire.  This  dependence,  however,  was  rather 
nominal  than  actual,  for  the  king  very  rarely  refused  his  sanction  ; 
and  as  to  commercial  restrictions,  they  knew  how  to  elude  them 
dexterously,  by  a  contraband  traffic. 

The  provincial  assemblies  were  perfectly  free,  and  more  perhaps 
than  the  parliament  of  England  itself;  the  ministers  not  being  there, 
to  diffuse  corruption  daily.  The  democratic  ardor  was  under  no 
restraint,  or  little  less  than  none ;  for  the  governors  who  intervened, 
in  the  name  of  the  king,  had  too  little  credit  to  control  it,  as  they 
received  their  salaries,  not  from  the  crown,  but  from  the  province 


BOOK   I.  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  17 

itself;  and  in  some,  they  were  elected  by  the  suffrages  of  the  inha- 
bitants. The  religious  zeal,  or  rather  enthusiasm,  which  prevailed 
among  the  colonists,  and  chiefly  among  the  inhabitants  of  New  Eng- 
land, maintained  the  purity  of  their  manners.  Frugality,  tempe- 
rance, and  chastity,  were  virtues  peculiar  to  this  people.  There" 
were  no  examples,  among  them,  of  wives  devoted  to  luxury,  hus- 
bands to  debauch,  and  children  to  the  haunts  of  pleasure.  The 
ministers  of  a  severe  religion  were  respected  and  revered  ;  for  they 
gave  themselves  the  example  of  the  virtues  they  preached.  Their 
time  was  divided  between  rural  occupations,  domestic  parties,  pray- 
ers, and  thanksgivings,  addressed  to  that  God  by  whose  bounty  the 
seasons  were  made  propitious,  and  the  earth  to  smile  on  their  labors 
with  beauty  and  abundance,  and  who  showered  upon  them  so  many 
blessings  and  so  many  treasures.  If  we  add,  further,  that  the  inha- 
bitants of  New  England,  having  surmounted  the  first  obstacles,  found 
themselves  in  a  productive  and  healthful  country,  it  will  cease  to  as- 
tonish, that,  in  the  course  of  a  century,  the  population  of  the  Ame- 
rican colonies  should  have  so  increased,  that  from  a  few  destitute 
families,  thrown  by  misfortune  upon  this  distant  shore,  should  have 
sprung  a  great  and  powerful  nation. 

Another  consideration  presents  itself  here.  The  fathers  of  families, 
in  America,  were  totally  exempt  from  that  anxiety,  which  in  Europe 
torments  them  incessantly,  concerning  the  subsistence  and  future  es- 
tablishment of  their  offspring.  In  the  new  world,  the  increase  of 
families,  however  restricted  their  means,  was  not  deemed  a  mis- 
fortune :  on  the  contrary,  it  was  not  only  for  the  father,  but  for  all 
about  him,  that  the  birth  of  a  son  was  a  joyful  event.  In  this  im- 
mensity of  uncultivated  lands,  the  infant,  when  arrived  at  the  age  of 
labor,  was  assured  of  finding  a  resource  for  himself,  and  even  the 
means  of  aiding  his  parents  ;  thus,  the  more  numerous  were  the  chil- 
dren, the  greater  competence  and  ease  were  secured  to  the  household. 

It  is  therefore  evident,  that  in  America,  the  climate,  the  soil,  the 
civil  and  religious  institutions,  even  the  interest  of  families,  all  con- 
curred to  people  it  with  robust  and  virtuous  fathers,  with  swarms  of 
vigorous  and  spirited  sons. 

Industry,  a  spirit  of  enterprise,  and  an  extreme  love  of  gain,  are 
characteristic  qualities  of  those  who  are  separated  from  other  men, 
and  can  expect  no  support  but  from  themselves  ;  and  the  colonists 
being  descended  from  a  nation  distinguished  for  its  boldness  and  ac- 
tivity in  the  prosecution  of  traffic,  it  is  easily  conceived  that  the  in- 
crease of  commerce  was  in  proportion  to  that  of  population.  Po- 
sitive facts  confirm  this  assertion.  In  1704,  the  sum  total  of  the 
commercial  exports  of  Great  Britain,  inclusive  of  the  merchandise 
destined  for  her  colonies,  had  been  six  millions  five  hundred  and  nine 
thousand  pounds  sterling  ;  but  from  this  year  to  1772,  these  colonies 
had  so  increased  in  population  and  prosperity,  that  at  this  epoch 
VOL.  i.  3 


18  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I, 

they  of  themselves  imported  from  England  to  the  value  of  six  mil- 
lions twenty-two  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  pounds  ster- 
ling ;  that  is  to  say,  that  in  the  year  1772,  the  colonies  alone  furnish- 
ed the  mother  country  with  a  market  for  a  quantity  of  merchandise 
almost  equal  to  that  which,  sixty-eight  years  before,  sufficed  for  her 
commerce  with  all  parts  of  the  world. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  English  colonies  in  America,  such  the 
opinions  and  dispositions  of  those  who  inhabited  them,  about  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Powerful  in  numbers  and  in  force, 
abounding  in  riches  of  every  kind,  already  far  advanced  in  the  career 
of  useful  arts  and  of  liberal  studies,  engaged  in  commerce  with  all 
parts  of  the  globe,  it  was  impossible  that  they  should  have  remained 
ignorant  of  what  they  were  capable,  and  that  the  progressive  deve- 
lopment of  national  pride  should  not  have  rendered  the  British  yoke 
more  intolerable. 

But  this  tendency  towards  a  new  order  of  things  did  not  as  yet 
menace  a  general  combustion  ;  and,  without  particular  irritation, 
would  still  have  kept  within  the  bounds  which  had  already  so  long 
sufficed  to.restrain  it.  During  a  century,  the  British  government  had 
prudently  avoided  to  exasperate  the  minds  of  the  colonists  :  with 
parental  solicitude,  it  had  protected  and  encouraged  them,  when  in  a 
state  of  infancy ;  regulating,  afterwards,  by  judicious  laws,  their 
commerce  with  the  mother  country  and  with  foreign  nations,  it  had 
conducted  them  to  their  present  prosperous  atid  flourishing  condi- 
tion. In  effect,  in  times  immediately  following  the  foundation  of  the 
colonies,  England,  as  a  tender  mother,  who  defends  her  own  children, 
had  lent  them  the  succour  of  her  troops  and  her  ships,  against  the 
attacks  of  the  savage  tribes,  and  against  the  encroachments  of  other 
powers;  she  granted  immunities  and  privileges  to  Europeans  who 
were  disposed  to  establish  themselves  in  these  new  countries ;  she 
supplied  her  colonists,  at  the  most  moderate  prices,  with  cloths, 
stuffs,  linens,  and  all  necessary  instruments  as  well  for  their  defence 
against  enemies  as  for  the  exercise  of  useful  professions  in  time  of 
peace,  and  especially  such  as  were  required  for  clearing  the  lands, 
and  the  labors  of  agriculture.  The  English  merchants  also  assist- 
ed them  with  their  rich  capitals,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  engage  in 
enterprises  of  great  importance,  such  as  the  construction  of  ships, 
the  draining  of  marshes,  the  diking  of  rivers,  the  cutting  of  forests, 
the  establishing  of  new  plantations,  and  other  similar  works.. 

In  exchange  for  so  many  advantages,  and  rather  as  a*  necessary 
consequence  of  the  act  of  navigation,  than  as  a  fiscal  restriction,  and 
peculiar  to  commerce,  England  only  required  the  colonists  to  furnish 
her  with  the  things  she*wanted,  on  condition  of  receiving  in  return 
those  in  which  she  abounded,  and  of  which  they  had  need.  The 
Americans  were  therefore  obliged  to  carry  to  the  English  all  the 
commodities  and  productions  which  their  lands  abundantly  supplied, 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  19 

and,  besides,  the  fleeces  of  their  flocks  for  the  use  of  her  manufac- 
turers. It  was  also  prohibited  the  colonists  to  purchase  the  manufac- 
tures of  any  other  part  of  the  world  except  England,  and  to  buy  the 
productions  of  lands  appertaining  to  any  European  people  whatever, 
unless  these  productions  had  been  first  introduced  into  the  English 
ports.  Such  had  been  the  constant  scope  and  object  of  a  great  num- 
ber of -acts  of  parliament,  from  1660  down  to  1764  ;  in  effect,  esta- 
blishing a  real  commercial  monopoly,  at  the  expense  of  the  colonies, 
and  in  favor  of  England  :  at  which,  however,  the  colonists  discovered 
no  resentment;  either  because  they  received  in  compensation  a  real 
prqtection  on  the  part  of  the  government,  and  numerous  advantages 
on  that  of  individuals,  or  because  they  considered  the  weight  of  this 
dependence  as  an  equivalent  for  the  taxes  and  assessments  to  which 
the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  were  subjected,  by  laws  emanating 
from  parliament. 

In  all  this  space  of  time,  parliamentary  taxes  formed  no  part  of  the 
colonial  system  of  government.  In  truth,  in  all  the  laws  relative  to 
the  colonies,  the  expressions  sanctioned  by  usage  in  the  preambles 
of  financial  statutes,  to  designate  taxes  or  duties  to  be  raised  for  the 
use  of  government,  were  studiously  avoided,  and  those  only  of  free 
gifts,  of  grants,  and  aids  lent  to  the  crown,  were  employed.  The 
parliament,  it  is  true,  had  frequently  imposed  export  duties  upon 
many  articles  of  commerce  in  the  colonies  ;  but  these  were  consi- 
dered rather  as  restrictions  of  commerce,  than  as  branches  of  public 
revenue.  Thus,  until  the  year  1764,  the  affair  of  taxation  by 
authority  of  parliament,  slept  in  silence.  England  contented  herself 
with  the  exercise  of  her  supremacy,  in  regulating  the  general  inte- 
rests of  her  colonies,  and  causing  them  to  concur  with  those  of  all 
the  British  empire.  The  Americans  submitted  to  this  system,  if  not 
without  some  repugnance,  at  least  with  filial  obedience. 

It  appears  evident  that,  though  they  were  not  subjected  to  parlia- 
mentary taxes,  they  were  not  useless  subjects  to  the  state,  since  they 
contributed  essentially,  on  the  contrary,  to  the  prosperity  of  the  mo- 
ther country.  • 

It  cannot  be  asserted,  however,  that  ill  humors  were  not  agitated, 
at  intervals,  between  the  people  of  the  two  countries,  by  attempts  on 
the  one  part  to  maintain  and  even  extend  the  superiority,  and  on  the 
other  to  advance  towards  independence.  A  year  after  the  peace  of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  (1749,)  a  grant  was  made,  near  the  river  Ohio,  of 
six  hundred  thousand  acres  of  excellent  land,  to  some  merchants, 
whose  association  was  called  the  Ohio  Company.  The  governor  of 
Canada,  at  that  time  a  province  of  France,  having  had  intelligence 
of  this  establishment,  was  apprehensive-the  English  had  the  intention 
of  interrupting  the  commerce  of  the  Canadians  with  the  Indians,  call- 
ed Tuigtuis,  and  of  intercepting  the  direct  communication  between 
Canada  and  Louisiana.  He  therefore  wrote  to  the  governors  of  New 


20  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I. 

York  and  of  Pennsylvania,  to  express  his  surprise  that  the  English 
merchants  had  violated  the  French  territory,  in  order  to  trade  with 
the  Indians :  he  threatened  that  he  would  cause  them  to  be  seized, 
wherever  he  could  find  them.  This  traffic,  however,  not  having 
been  discontinued,  detachments  of  French  and  Indians  made  prison- 
ers of  the  English  traders,  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  1751. 

The  Indians  friendly  to  England,  indignant  at  the  outrage  their 
confederates  had  sustained,  assembled,  and,  scouring  the  forests,  fell 
upon  the  French  traders,  whom  they  transported  to  Philadelphia. 
,Not  content  with  this  vengeance,  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  despatch- 
ed to  M.  de  Saint  Pierre,  commanding,  for  the  king  of  France,  a 
fort,  situated  upon  the  Ohio,  major  Washington,  the  same  who  com- 
manded afterwards  the  American  armies,  with  orders  to  demand  an 
explanation  of  these  acts  of  hostility,  and  summon  him  to  draw  off 
his  troops.  Saint  Pierre  answered,  that  he  could  not  comply  with 
the  demands  of  the  English ;  that  the  country  appertained  to  the 
king  of  France,  his  master  ;  that  the  English  had  no  right  to  traffic 
upon  those  rivers ;  that,  consequently,  in  execution  of  the  orders  he 
had  received,  he  should  cause  to  be  seized  and  conducted  to  Cana- 
da, every  Englishman  who  should  attempt  to  trade  upon  the  river 
Ohio,  and  its  dependencies. 

This  proceeding  of  the  French  greatly  incensed  the  ministers  of- 
Great  Britain  ;  they  could  not  endure  to  see  their  friends  and  con- 
federates oppressed.  Their  resolution  was  soon  taken  ;  they  de- 
spatched instructions  to  America,  that  resistance  should  be  made, 
by  force  of  arms,  to  the  usurpations  of  the  French.  This  or4er 
arrived  seasonably  in  Virginia ;  hostilities  immediately  followed,  and 
blood  flowed  on  both  sides. 

The  Board,  which  in  England  superintends  especially  the  interests 
of  commerce  and  the  plantations,  perceiving  that  the  colonists,  divid- 
ed among  themselves,  could  not  resist,  without  delay  and  disadvan- 
tage, the  enterprises  of  an  audacious  and  determined  people,  sup- 
ported by -a  great  number  of  Indians,  recommended  to  the  different 
provinces  to  choose  deputies,  to  convene  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
a  general  confederation,  and  a  formal  alliance  with  the  Indians,  in  the 
name  and  under  the  protection  of  his  Britannic  majesty.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  assembly  of  the  governors  and  chief  merv  of  each 
colony  should  be  convened  at  Albany,  situated  upon  the  Hudson 
river.  This  convention,  after  having  conciliated  the  affection  of  the 
Indians  of  the  Six  Tribes,  by  suitable  presents,  proceeded  to  deli- 
berate upon  the  most  expedient  means  of  defending  themselves  and 
their  effects  from  the  attacks  of  the  enemy. 

They  came  to  the  resolution,  that  it  was  of  urgent  importance  to 
unite  all  the  colonies,  by  a  general  league.  The  conditions  of  it 
were  concluded  on  the  4th  of  July,  1754.  They  purported,  in  sub- 
stance, that  a  petition  should  be  presented  to  parliament,  to  obtain 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  21 

an  act  for  the  establishment  of  a  general  government  in  America ; 
that,  under  this  government,  each  colony  should  preserve  its  internal 
constitution,  with  the  exception  of  the  changes  introduced  by  the 
same  act ;  that  the  general  government  should  be  administered  by  a 
president-general,  appointed  arid  paid  by  the  crown,  and  by  a  grand 
council,  elected  by  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  colonies  ; 
that  the  president-general  should  be  invested  with  the  right  of  nega- 
tive over  the  acts  of  the  grand  council,  and  authorised  to  put  them 
in  execution  ;  that  with  the  advice  of  the  grand  council,  he  should 
have  authority  to  conclude,  and  carry  into  effect,  any  treaties  with 
the  Indians,  in  which  all  the  colonies  should  have  a  common  interest, 
as  also  to  make  peace  with  them,  or  to  declare  war  against  the 
same  ;  and  to  take  the  measures  he  might  judge  suitable  for  regulat- 
ing the  traffic  with  these  tribes  ;  that  he  should  have  power  to  pur- 
chase of  the  Indians,  and  for  account  of  the  crown,  lands,  situated 
without  the  territories  of  the  particular  colonies  ;  that  he  should  have 
authority  to  establish  new  colonies  upon  the  acquired  lands,  and  to 
make  laws  for  the  regulation  and  government  of  these  colonies  ;  that 
he  should  have  power  to  levy  and  pay  troops,  to  construct  fortresses, 
and  to  equip  a  fleet  for  the  defence  of  the  coasts,  and  the  protection 
of  commerce  ;  and  also,  in  order  to  accomplish  these  purposes,  that 
he  should  have  power  to  impose  such  duties,  taxes,  or  excises,  as  he 
might  deem  most  convenient ;  that  he  should  appoint  a  treasurer- 
general,  and  a  'particular  treasurer  for  the  provinces  in  which  it 
might  be  thought  necessary ;  that  the  president-general  should  haye 
the  right  to  appoint  all  officers  of  the  service,  by  land  or  sea  ;  and 
that  the  appointment  of  all  civil  officers  should  appertain  to  the  grand 
council ;  and  finally,  that  the  laws  passed  by  these  two  authorities 
could  not  be  contrary,  but  should  even  be  conformable  to  the  Eng- 
lish laws,  and  transmitted  to  the  king  for  approbation. 

Such  was  the  model  of  future  government,  proposed  by  the  colo- 
nies, and  sent  to  England  for  determination.  The  Americans  at- 
tached great  hopes  to  the  success  of  their  plan  ;  already  every 
appearance  announced  an  open  rupture  with  France,  and  the  colo- 
nists affirmed,  that  if  the  confederation  was  approved,  they  should 
be  quite  able  to  defend  themselves  against  the  French  arms,  without 
any  other  succour  on  the  part  of  England. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  how  much  an  order  of  things,  thus 
constituted,  would  have  impaired  the  authority  of  the  British  govern- 
ment, and  approached  the  colonies  towards  independence.  By  this 
establishment,  they  would  have  obtained  a  local  power,  which  would 
have  exercised  all  the  rights  appertaining  to  sovereignty,  however 
dependent  it  might  appear  to  be  on  the  mother  country.  But  this 
project  was  far  from  being  agreeable  to  the  English  ministry,  who 
saw  with  a  jealous  eye,  that  the  confederation  proposed,  furnished  a 
plausible  pretext  for  a  concert  of  intrigues  in  America,  all  tending  to 


22  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

the  prejudice  of  British  sovereignty  :  and,  therefore,  notwithstanding 
the  imminent  peril  of  a  foreign  war  against  a  powerful  enemy,  the 
articles  of  the  confederation  were  not  approved. 

But  the  ministers  of  England  were  not  disposed  to  let  this  occa- 
sion escape  them,  of  increasing,  if  it  was  possible,  the  authority  of 
the  government  in  America,  and  especially  that  of  imposing  taxes  ; 
a  thing  most  of  all  desired  on  the  one  side  of  the  ocean,  and  detested 
on  the  other.  Instead,  therefore,  of  the  plan  proposed  by  the 
American-s,  the  ministers  drew  up  another,  which  they  addressed  to 
the  'governors  of  the  colonies,  to  be  offered  by  them  to  the  colonial 
assemblies.  It  was  proposed  by  the  ministers  ;  '  That  the  governors 
of  all  the  colonies,  assisted  by  one  or  two  members  of  the  councils, 
should  assemble,  to  concert  measures,  for  the  organisation  of  a 
general  system  of  defence,  to  construct  fortresses,  to  levy  troops, 
with  authority  to  draw  upon  the  British  treasury  for  all  sums  that 
might  be  requisite ;  the  treasure  to  be  reimbursed  by  way  of  a  tax, 
which  should  be  laid  upon  the  colonies,  by  an  act  of  parliament.' 

The  drift  of  this  ministerial  expedient  is  not  difficult  to  be  under- 
stood, if  it  be  considered  that  the  governors,  and  members  of  the 
council,  were  almost  all  appointed  by  the  king.  Accordingly,  the 
scheme  had  no  success  in  America  ;  its  motives  were  ably  develop- 
ed, in  a  letter  of  Benjamin  Franklin  to  governor  Shirley,  who  had 
sent  him  the  plan  of  the  ministers.  In  this  letter,  the  seeds  of  the 
discord  which  followed  soon  after,  begin  to  make  their  appearance.* 
§The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  wrote  to  their  agent  in  Lon- 
don, to  oppose  every  measure  which  should  have  for  its  object  the 
establishment  of  taxes  in  America,  under  any  pretext  of  utility  what- 
ever. On  the  contrary,  the  governors,  and  particularly  Shirley,  in- 
sisted continually,  in  their  letters  to  the  ministers,  that  the  thing  was 
just,  possible,  and  expedient. 

These  suspicions,  this  jealous  inquietude,  which  agitated  the 
minds  of  the  Americans,  ever  apprehensive  of  a  parliamentary  tax, 
obtained  with  the  more  facility,  as  they  found  them  already  imbitter- 
ed  by  ancient  resentments.  They  had  never  been  able  to  accustom 
themselves  to  certain  laws  of  parliament,  which,  though  not  tending 
to  impose  contributions,  yet  greatly  restricted  the  internal  commerce 
of  the  colonies,  impeded  their  manufactures,  or  wounded,  in  a  thou- 
sand shapes,  the  self-love  of  the  Americans,  by  treating  them  as  if 
they  were  not  men  of  the  same  nature  with  the  English,  or  as  if,  by 
clipping  the  wings  of  American  genius,  it  was  intended  to  retain 
them  in  a  state  of  inferiority  and  degradation.  Such  was  the  act 
prohibiting  the  felling  of  pitch  and  white  pine  trees,  not  compre- 
hended within  enclosures  ;  such  was  that  which  interdicted  the  ex- 
portation from  the  colonies,  and  also  the  introduction  from  one  colony 


*  See  Note  I. 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  23 

into  another,  of  hats,  and  woollens,  of  domestic  manufacture,  and 
forbade  hatters  to  have  at  one  time,  more  than  two  apprentices  ;  also 
that  passed  to  facilitate  the  collection  of  debts  in  the  colonies,  by 
which  houses,  lands,  slaves,  and  other  real  effects,  were  made  liable 
for  the  payment  of  debts  ;  and  finally,  that  which  was  passed  in  1733, 
at  the  instance  of  the  sugar  colonies,  which  prohibited  the  importa- 
tion of  sugar,  rum,  and  molasses,  from  the  French  and  Dutch  colo- 
nies in  North  America,  without  paying  an  exorbitant  duty.  To 
these  should  be  added  another  act  of  parliament,  passed  in  1750, 
according  to  which,  after  the  24th  of  June  of  the  same  year,  certain 
works  in  iron  could  not  be  executed  in  the  American  colonies  ;  by  a 
clause  of  the  same  act,  the  manufacture  of  steel  was  forbidden. 
Nor  should  we  omit  another,  which  regulated  and  restricted  the  bills 
of  credit  issued  by  the  government  of  New  England,  and  by  which 
it  was  declared,  that  they  should  not  have  legal  currency  in  the  pay- 
ment of  debts,  that  English  creditors  might  not  be  injured  by  the 
necessity  of  receiving  a  depreciated  paper,  instead  of  money.  This 
regulation,  though  just,  the  Americans  received  with  displeasure,  as 
tending  to  discredit  their  currency.  Hence  originated  the  first  dis- 
contents on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  and  the  first  sentiments  of  dis- 
trust on  the  part  of  the  English. 

At  the  same  time,  it  was  pretended,  in  England,  that  if  the  colo- 
nists, on  account  of  the  commercial  restrictions,  so  beneficial  to  the 
mother  country,  had  merely  demanded  to  be  treated  with  tenderness 
and  equity  in  the  imposition  of  taxes,  nothing  would  have  been  more 
just  and  reasonable  ;  but  that  it  could  not  be  at  all  endured,  that 
they  should  refuse  the  European  country  every  species  of  ulterior 
succour  ;  that  England,  in  reserving  to  herself  the  commerce  of  her 
colonies,  had  acted  according  to  the  practice  of  all  modern  nations ; 
that  she  had  imitated  the  example  of  the  Spaniards  and  of  the  Por- 
tuguese, and  that  she  had  done  so  with  a  moderation  unknown  to  the 
governments  of  these  nations.  In  founding  these  distant  colonies,  it 
was  said,  England  had  caused  them  to  participate  in  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  that  are  enjoyed  by  English  subjects  themselves 
in  their  own  country  ;  leaving  the  colonists  at  liberty  to  govern  them- 
selves, according  to  such  local  laws  as  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of 
their  assemblies  had  deemed  expedient ;  in  a  word,  she  had  granted 
the  colonies  the  most  ample  authority  to  pursue  their  respective  in- 
terests, only  reserving  to  herself  the  benefit  of  their  commerce,  and 
a  political  connexion  under  the  same  sovereign.  The  French  and 
Dutch  colonies,  and  particularly  those  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  were 
far  from  being  treated  with  the  same  indulgence  ;  and  also,  notwith- 
standing these  restrictions,  the  subject  of  so  much  complaint,  the 
English  colonies  had  immense  capitals  in  their  commerce,  or  in  their 
funds;  for  besides  the  rich  cargoes  of  the  products  of  their  lands, 
exported  in  British  ships  which  came  to  trade  in  their  ports,  the 


24  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

Americans  had  their  own  ships,  which  served  to  transport  with  an 
incredible  profit,  their  productions  and  merchandise,  not  only  to  the 
mother  country,  but  also,  thanks  to  her  maternal  indulgence,  to  al- 
most all  parts  of  the  world,  and  to  carry  home  the  commodities  and 
luxuries  of  Europe,  at  will.  And  thus,  in  the  English  colonies,  the 
enormous  prices  at  which  European  merchandise  is  sold  in  the 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  establishments,  were  not  only  unusual,  but 
absolutely  unheard  of ;  it  was  even  remarkable  that  many  of  these 
articles  were  sold  in  the  American  colonies  at  the  same,  or  even  at 
a  lower  price  than  in  England  itself.  The  restrictions  imposed  by 
Great  Britain  upon  the  American  commerce,  tended  rather  to  a  just 
and  prudent  distribution  of  this  traffic,  between  all  the  parts  of  its 
vast  dominions,  than  to  a  real  prohibition ;  if  English  subjects  were 
allowed  to  trade  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  the  same  permission  was 
granted  to  American  subjects,  with  the  exception  of  the  north  of 
Europe,  and  the  East  Indies.  In  Portugal,  in  Spain,  in  Italy,  in  all 
the  Mediterranean,  upon  the  coasts  of  Africa,  in  all  the  American 
hemisphere,  the  ships  of  the  English  colonies  might  freely  carry  on 
commerce.  The  English  laws,  for  the  protection  of  this  commerce, 
were  wise  and  well  conceived,  since  they  were  calculated  to  increase 
the  exportation  of  their  own  produce  from  the  American  ports,  and 
to  facilitate,  for  the  colonists,  the  means  of  clearing  their  forests  and 
cultivating  their  soil,  by  the  certain  vent  of  an  immense  quantity'of 
timber,  with  which  their  country  is  covered.  They  could  not,  it 
was  admitted,  procure  themselves  certain  articles,  except  in  the  ports 
of  England  ;  but  it  was  just  to  consider,  that  the  American  lands, 
from  their  nature  and  vast  extent,  must  offer  sufficient  occupation 
both  for  the  minds  and  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants,  without  its  being 
necessary  that  they  should  ramble  abroad  in  search  of  gain,  like  the 
inhabitants  of  other  countries,  already  cultivated  to  perfection. 

Besides,  if  England  reserved  to  herself  an  exclusive  commerce, 
in  certain  kinds  of  merchandise,  how  did  this  concern,  or  how  injure, 
the  Americans  ?  These  objects  appertaining  for  the  most  part  to  the 
refined  luxury  of  social  life,  in  what  country  could  they  procure  them  in 
greater  perfection,  or  at  a  more  moderate  price,  than  in  England  f 
The  affection  and  liberality  of  the  British  government  towards  its 
colonies,  had  gone  so  far,  as  not  only  to  abstain  from  imposing  duties 
upon  English  manufactures  destined  for  their  ports,  but  even  had 
induced  it  to  exempt  foreign  merchandise  from  all  duties,  when  ex- 
ported by  England  to  America  ;  thus  causing  it  to  become  so  com- 
mon in  some  colonies,  as  to  be  sold  at  a  lower  price  than  in  certain 
countries  of  Europe. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  most  entire  liberty  was  grant- 
ed for  the  exchange  of  productions  between  North  America  and  the 
islands  of  the  West  Indies,  a  trade  from  which  the  English  colonists 
derived  immense  advantages.  And  in  fact,  notwithstanding  the  re- 


BOOK  1.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  25 

strictions  laid  upon  the  commerce  of  the  Americans,  did  there  not 
remain  amply  sufficient  to  render  them  a  rich,  happy,  and  enterpris- 
ing people  ?  Was  not  their  prosperity  known,  and  even  envied,  by 
the  whole  world  ?  Assuredly,  if  there  was  any  part  of  the  globe 
where  man  enjoyed  a  sweet  and  pleasant  life,  it  was  especially  in 
English  America.  Was  not  this  an  irrefragable  proof,  a  striking  ex- 
ample, of  the  maternal  indulgence  of  England  towards  her  colonies  ? 
Let  the  Americans  compare  their  condition  with  that  of  foreign  co- 
lonists, and  they  would  soon  confess,  not  without  gratitude  towards 
the  mother  country,  both  their  real  felicity,  and  the  Anility  of  their 
complaints. 

But  all  these  and  other  considerations  that  were  alleged  by  Eng- 
land, had  not  the  effect  to  satisfy  the  Americans,  and  many  discon- 
tents remained.  The  French,  animated  by  the  spirit  of  rivalship, 
which  has  so  long  existed  between  their  nation  and  the  British,  ne- 
glected no  means  of  inflaming  the  wounds  which  the  Americans  had 
received,  or  thought  they  had  received,  from  their  fellow  citizens  in 
England.  The  flourishing  state  of  the  English  colonies,  was  a  spec- 
tacle which  the  French  had  long  been  unable  to  observe  with  indif- 
ference. They  had  at  first  the  design  of  establishing  others  for 
themselves,  in  some  part  of  this  immense  continent,  hoping  to  reap 
from  them  the  same  benefits  which  the  English  derived  from  theirs  ; 
and  to  be  able,  at  length,  to  give  another  direction  to  the  commerce 
of  America,  and  of  Europe.  They  intended,  by  good  laws,  or  by 
the  employment  of  their  arms,  to  repair  the  disadvantages  of  soil  and 
'of  climate,  observable  in  the  countries  which  had  fallen  to  their 
share.  But  the  French  government  being;  more  inclined  for  arms 
than  for  commerce,  and  the  nation  itself  having  a  natural  bias  much 
stronger  in  favor  of  the  one  than  towards  the  other  of  these  profes- 
sions, their  resolutions  were  soon  taken  accordingly.  And  as  their 
character,  also,  disposes  them  to  form  vast  designs,  and  renders 
them  impatient  to  enjoy  without  delay,  they  began  immediately  to 
fortify  themselves,  and  to  enlarge  their  limits.  Bastions,  redoubts, 
arsenals,  and  magazines,  were  established  at  every  point,  and  in  a 
short  time  a  line  of  French  posts  was  seen  to  extend  from  one  ex- 
tremity of  the  continent  to  the  other  ;  but  military  power  can  neither 
supply  population  nor  commerce,  nor  develop  the  advantages  of 
either.  These  fortresses,  these  arms,  these  garrisons,  occupied 
desert  or  steril  regions.  An  immense  solitude,  impenetrable  forests, 
surrounded  them  on  all  sides. 

The  conduct  of  the  English  was  very  different ;  they  advanced 
only  step  by  step,  restricting  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  what 
they  possessed,  and  not  seeking  lo  extend  themselves,  until  urged 
by  the  exigencies  of  an  increased  population.  Their  progress  was 
therefore  slow,  but  sure;  they  occupied  no  new  lands,  until  those 
they  had  occupied  at  first  were  carried  to  the  highest  degree  of  cul- 
VOL.  i.  4 


26  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  f* 

tivation,  and  inhabited  by  a  sufficient  number  of  individuals.  A  me- 
thod so  different,  could  not  fail  to  produce  effects  totally  contrary  ; 
and  in  effect,  a  century  after  the  foundation  of  the  English  and 
French  colonies,  the  former  presented  the  image  of  fertility  and 
abundance,  while  the  latter  exhibited  but  a  steril  and  scarcely  in- 
habited region. 

Meanwhile  the  French  reflecting  that  either  from  the  rigor  of 
the  climate,  or  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  or  from  defect  of  industry,  or 
of  suitable  laws,  they  could  not  hope  to  direct  towards  their  esta- 
blishment the  commerce  of  the  English  colonies,  or  at  least  to  share 
its  benefits  ;  convinced,  on  the  other  hand,  that  these  colonies  were 
an  inexhaustable  source  of  riches  and  power  for  a  rival  nation,  they 
resolved  to  resort  to  arms,  and  to  obtain  by  force  what  they  had 
failed  to  acquire  by  their  industry.  They  hoped  that  the  discontent  of 
the  Americans  would  manifest  itself,  and  produce  favorable  events  ; 
or  at  least,  that  they  would  be  less  prompt  to  engage  in  the  contest. 
They  well  knew  that  in  the  American  arms,  men,  munitions,  and 
treasure,  must  consist  all  the  nerve  and  substance  of  the  war. 

Proceeding  with  their  accustomed  impatience,  without  waiting 
till  their  preparations  were  completed,  they  provoked  the  enemy, 
sometimes  complaining  that  he  had  occupied  lands  appertaining  to 
them,  sometimes  themselves  invading  or  disturbing  his  possessions. 
This  the  British  government  deeply  resented  ;  and  war  between  the 
two  nations  broke  out,  in  the  year  1755.  But  the  effects  little  cor- 
responded with  such  confident  hopes  ;  the  councils  of  England  be- 
ing directed  by  William  Pitt,  afterwards  earl  of  Chatham,  a  man, 
for  the  power  of  his  genius,  and  the  purity  of  his  manners,  rather 
single,  than  rare  ;  the  affairs  of  Great  Britain  succeeded  so  prosper- 
ously, and  her  arms  acquired  so  decided  a  superiority,  by  land  and 
sea,  that  her  enemies,  wearied,  worsted,  and  having  lost  all  hopes  of 
victory,  accepted  the  conditions  of  the  peace  of  Paris,  which  was 
concluded  in  1763.  It  guarantied  to  the  English  the  possession  of 
the  vast  continent  of  North  America,  from  the  banks  of  the  Missis- 
sippi to  the  shores  of  Greenland  ;  but  the  most  important  point  for 
them,  was  the  cession  made  them,  by  France,  of  Canada. 

England  also  gained,  by  this  treaty,  many  valuable  islands  in  the 
West  Indies ;  and  so  greatly  was  her  power  extended  in  the  east, 
and  so  solid  were  the  foundations  on  which  it  reposed,  that  her 
commerce  and  her  arms  soon  reigned  there  almost  without  a  com- 
petitor. 

The  Americans,  on  their  part,  displayed  so  much  zeal  in  sustain- 
ing, with  their  arms  and  resources,  the  efforts  of  the  common  coun- 
try, that,  besides  the  glory  they  acquired,  they  were  deemed  worthy 
to  participate  in  the  advantages  which  resulted  to  England  from  so 
many  successes. 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  27 

The  French  renouncing  the  hope  of  reaping  any  advantage  from 
the  chances  of  war,  resorted  to  the  means  of  address  ;  emissaries 
traversed  the  American  continent,  saying  to  all  that  would  hear 
them,  l  To  what  end  have  the  Americans  lavished  their  blood,  en- 
countered so  many  dangers,  and  expended  so  much  treasure,  in  the 
late  war,  if  the  English  supremacy  must  continue  to  press  upon  them 
with  so  much  harshness  and  arrogance  ?  In  recompense  of  such 
fidelity,  of  so  much  constancy,  the  English  government,  perhaps, 
has  moderated  its  prohibitions,  has  enfranchised  commerce  from 
trammels  so  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  America  ?  Perhaps 
the  odious  and  so  much  lamented  laws  against  manufactures,  have 
been  repealed  ?  Perhnps  the  Americans  no  longer  need  toil  upon 
their  lands,  or  traverse  the  immensity  of  the  seas,  exclusively  to  fill 
the  purses  of  English  merchants  .?  Perhaps  the  government  of  Eng- 
land had  shown  a  disposition  to  abandon  for  ever  the  project  of  par- 
liamentary taxes?  Is  it  not,  on  the  contrary,  too  evident,  that,  with 
its  forces  and  power,  have  increased  its  thirst  of  gold,  and  the  tyran- 
ny of  its  caprices  ?  Was  not  this  admitted  by  Pitt  himself,  when  he 
declared,  the  war  being  terminated,  he  should  be  at  no  loss  to  find 
the  means  of  drawing  a  public  revenue  from  America,  and  of  putting 
an  end,  once  for  all,  to  American  resistance  ?  Has  not  England,  at 
present  being  mistress  of  Canada,  a  province  recently  French,  and, 
as  such,  more  patient  of  the  yoke,  has  she  not  the  means  of  impos- 
ing it  on  her  colonists  themselves,  by  the  hand  of  her  numerous 
soldiery  ?  Is  it  not  time  that  the  Americans,  no  longer  in  a  state  of 
infancy,  should,  at  .length,  consider  themselves  a  nation,  strong  and 
formidable  of  itself  5  Is  it  only  for  the  utility  of  England  they  have 
demonstrated,  in  the  late  war,  what  they  were  capable  of  achieving  ? 
And  by  what  right  should  a  distant  island  pretend  to  govern,  by  its 
caprices,  an  immense  and  populous  continent  f  How  long  must  the 
partialities  and  the  avarice  of  England  be  tolerated  ?  Did  ever  men, 
arms,  riches,  courage,  climate,  invite  to  a  more  glorious  enterprise  ? 
Let  the  Americans,  then,  seize  the  occasion,  with  a  mrnd  worthy  of 
themselves,  now  they  have  proved  their  arms,  now  that  an  enormous 
public  debt  overwhelms  England,  now  that  her  name  has  become 
detestable  to  all !  America  can  place  her  confidence  in  foreign  suc- 
cours. What  could  be  objected  to  a  resolution  so  generous  ?  Con- 
sanguinity ?  But  have  not  the  English  hitherto  treated  the  colonists 
more  as  vassals,  than  as  brothers  ?  Gratitude  f  But  have  not  the 
English  strangled  it,  under  the  pretensions  of  that  mercantile  and 
avaricious  spirit  which  animates  them  ?' 

The  general  state  of  Europe  was  eminently  favorable  to  the 
secret  designs  of  France.  It  is  certain,  that  at  this  epoch,  all  the 
powers  concurred  in  considering  the  enormous  increase  of  the 
strength  of  the  British  nation,  both  upon  land  and  sea,  as  imminent- 
ly menacing  to  the  repose  and  liberty  of  Europe  ;  excessive  pros-. 


28  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

perity  but  too  rarely  permitting  men  to  know  where  to  limit  their 
enterprises.  Supported  with  one  hand  upon  her  colonies  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  with  the  other  upon  her  possessions  of  the  East  Indies,  Eng- 
land seemed  to  press  the  two  extremities  of  the  globe,  and  to  aspire 
at  the  entire  dominion  of  the  ocean.  From  the  day  in  which  was 
concluded  the  peace  of  1763,  England  was  viewed  with  the  same 
jealousy  which  France  had  inspired  under  Lewis  XIV.  She  was 
the  object  of  the  same  umbrage,  of  the  same  distrusts.  All  desired 
to  see  her  power  reduced  ;  and  the  more  she  had  shown  herself 
formidable  in  the  preceding  war,  the  more  ardently  was  it  wished 
to  take  advantage  of  the  present  peace,  to  humble  and  reduce  her. 
These  wishes  "were  much  the  most  fervent  with  the  maritime 
states,  and  especially  in  Holland,  to  whom  England,  in  these  late 
times,  had  caused  immense  losses.  The  English  squadrons  had 
often  interrupted,  and  sometimes  by  the  most  outrageous  proceed- 
ings, the  commerce,  in  the  munitions  of  war,  which  the  Dutch  car- 
ried on  with  France  ;  and,  on  many  occasions,  the  officers  of  the 
British  navy  made  use  of  this  pretext  to  detain  -ships,  laden  with 
articles  that  could  not  really  be  considered  as  munitions  of  war. 

The  kingdoms  of  the  north  reluctantly  supported  the  prepotence 
of  England,  and  openly  complained  that  she  had  presumed  to  harass 
the  commerce  of  neutrals,  in  time  of  war.  It  was  evident  they  were 
prepared  to  seize  the  first  occasion  to  give  her  a  check.  But 
France,  more  than  any  other  power,  being  of  a  martial  spirit,  was 
inflamed  with  a  desire  to  avenge  her  defeats,  to  repair  her  losses, 
and  reconquer  her  glory,  eclipsed  by  recent  discomfiture ;  she  was 
incessantly  occupied  with  calculations  which  might  lead  to  this  object 
of  all  her  wishes  ;  and  no  means  more  efficacious  could  be  offered 
her  for  attaining  it,  than  to  lacerate  the  bosom  of  her  adversary,  by 
separating  from  England  the  American  colonies,  so  important  a  part 
of  her  power  and  resources. 

Excited  by  so  many  suggestions,  the  inhabitants  of  English  Ame- 
rica conceived  an  aversion,  still  more  intense,  for  the  avaricious 
proceedings  of  the  British  government.  Already,  those  who  were 
the  most  zealous  for  liberty,  or  the  most  ambitious,  had  formed  in 
the  secret  of  their  hearts,  the  resolution  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of 
England,  whenever  a  favorable  occasion  should  present.  This  de- 
sign was  encouraged  by  the  recent  cession  of  Canada  :  while  that 
province  continued  a  dependency  of  France,  the  vicinity  of  a  restless 
and  powerful  nation  kept  the  colonists  in  continual  alarm  ;  they  were 
often  constrained  to  solicit  the  succours  of  England,  as  those  from 
which  alone  they  could  expect  protection  against  the  incursions  of 
the  enemy.  But  the  French  having  abandoned  Canada,  the  Ameri- 
cans necessarily  became  more  their  own  protectors ;  they  placed 
greater  reliance  upon  their  own  strength,  and  had  less  need  of  re- 
curring to  others,  for  their  particular  security.  It  should  be  consi- 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  29 

dered,  besides,  that  in  the  late  war  a  great  number  of  the  colonists 
had  renounced  the  arts  of  peace,  and  assuming  the  sword  instead  of 
tl»e  spade,  had  learned  the  exercise  of  arms,  inured  their  bodies  to 
military  fatigues,  and  their  minds  to  the  dangers  of  battle  :  they  had, 
in  a  word,  lost  all  the  habits  of  agriculture  and  of  commerce,  and 
acquired  those  of  the  military  profession.  The  being  that  has  the 
consciousness  of  his  force,  becomes  doubly  strong,  and  the  yoke  he 
feels  in  a  condition  to  break,  is  borne  with  reluctance  :  thus,  the 
skill  recently  acquired  in  the  use  of  arms,  become  general  among 
the  Americans,  rendered  obedience  infinitely  more  intolerable  to 
them.  They  considered  it  a  shameful  and  outrageous  thing,  that  a 
minister,  residing  at  a  distance  of  three  thousand  miles  from  their 
country,  could  oppress,  by  his  agents,  those  who  had  combated  with 
so  much  valor,  and  obtained  frequent  victories  over  the  troops  of  a 
powerful,  brave,  and  warlike  nation.  They  often  reflected,  that  this 
prosperity,  in  which  England  exulted,  and  which  was  the  object  of 
envy  to  so  many  nations,  was  in  great  part  the  work  of  their  hands. 
They  alleged  that  they  had  repaid  with  the  fruit  of  their  toils,  and 
even  with  their  blood,  the  fostering  cares  with  which  the  mother 
country  had  protected  and  sustained  them,  in  the  infancy  of  their 
establishment :  that  now  there  was  a  greater  parity  between  the  two 
nations,  and  therefore  they  had  claims  to  be  treated  on  terms  of 
greater  equality.  Thus  the  Americans  habitually  discoursed,  and 
perhaps  the  less  timid  among  them  aspired  to  loftier  things.  The 
greater  number,  however,  satisfied  with  the  ancient  terms  of  con- 
nexion with  England,  were  reluctant  to  dissolve  it,  provided  she 
would  abandon  all  idea  of  ulterior  usurpations.  Even  the  most 
intrepid  in  the  defence  of  their  privileges,  could  not  endure  the 
thought  of  renouncing  every  species  of  dependence  on  their  legiti- 
mate sovereign.  This  project  they  condemned  the  more  decidedly, 
as  they  perceived  that  in  its  execution  they  must  not  only  encounter 
all  the  forces  of  England,  by  so  many  victories  become  formidable 
to  the  universe,  but  also  must  resort  to  the  assistance  of  a  nation,  in 
language,  manners  and  customs,  so  different  from  themselves  :  of  a 
nation  they  had  so  long  been  accustomed  to  hate,  and  to  combat 
under  the  banners  of  their  mother  country. 

Notwithstanding  the  suggestions  of  the  French,  and  the  new  im- 
pulse which  their  military  essays  had  given  to  the  minds  of  the 
Americans,  this  state  of  things  might  have  continued  still  for  a  long 
time,  if,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  1763,  England  had  not 
conceived  the  extravagant  idea  of  new  taxes,  of  new  prohibitions,  of 
new  outrages.  The  English  commerce,  about  the  close  of  the  war 
with  France,  having  arrived  at  the  highest  point  of  prosperity,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  estimate  the  immense  number  of  vessels  which 
brought  the  productions  of  all  parts  of  the  globe  into  the  ports  of 
Great  Britain,  and  received,  in  exchange,  the  produce,  and  espe- 


30  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

cially  the  manufactures,  of  the  country,  esteemed  above  all  others 
in  foreign  markets ;  and,  as  these  various  commodities  were  subject, 
when  introduced  or  exported,  to  duties,  more  or  less  considerable, 
this  commerce  had  become  a  source  of  riches  for  the  public  treasury. 
But,  it  soon  appeared  that,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  this  revenue,  the 
increase  of  smuggling  was  in  proportion  to  that  of  commerce.  Govern- 
ment, desirous  of  arresting  so  pernicious  a  scourge,  made  a  regulation, 
in  1764,  by  which  it  was  enjoined  the  commanders  of  vessels  station- 
ed upon  the  coasts  of  England,  and  even  those  of  ships  that  were 
destined  for  America,  to  perform  the  functions  of  revenue  officers, 
and  conform  themselves  to  the  rules  established  for  the  protection  of 
the  customs ;  a  strange  and  pernicious  measure,  by  which  those 
brave  officers,  who  had  combated  the  enemy  with  so  much  glory, 
found  themselves  degraded  into  so  many  tide-waiters  and  bailiffs  of 
the  revenue.  The  most  deplorable  effects  soon  resulted  from  it ; 
the  naval  commanders,  little  conversant  with  the  regulations  of  the 
custom-house,  seized  and  confiscated  promiscuously  the  cargoes 
prohibited,  and  those  that  were  not. 

This  confusion  was  the  occasion  of  manifold  abuses,  which,  if  they 
were  soon  repaired  in  England,  could  not  be  remedied  without 
extreme  difficulty  in  America,  from  the  distance  of  places,  and  the 
formalities  required.  Hence  loud  complaints  were  heard  from  all 
the  colonies  against  the  law.  It  produced,  however,  consequences 
still  more  pernicious.  A  commerce  had  been  established,  for  a  great 
length  of  time,  between  the  English  and  Spanish  colonies,  extremely 
lucrative  to  both  the  parties,  and,  ultimately  also  to  England.  On 
the  part  of  the  British  colonies,  the  principal  objects  of  this  traffic 
were  the  manufactures  of  England,  which  the  Americans  had  ac- 
quired in  exchange  for  their  productions,  and  on  the  part  of  the 
Spanish,  gold  and  silver,  in  specie  or  ingots,  cochineal,  medicinal 
drug?  ;  besides  live  stock,  especially  mules,  which  the  Americans 
transported  to  the  islands  of  the  West  Indies,  where  they  were  de- 
manded at  great  prices.  This  commerce  procured  for  the  Ameri- 
cans an  abundance  of  these  metals,  and  enabled  them  to  make  ample 
purchases  of  English  merchandise  ;  and  furnished  their  own  country, 
at  the  same  time,  with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  coin. 

This  traffic,  if  it  was  not  prohibited  by  the  commercial  laws  of 
England,  was  not  expressly  authorised.  Accordingly,  the  new 
revenue  officers  believed  it  was  their  duty  to  interrupt  its  course,  as 
if  it  had  been  contraband  ;  and  captured,  without  distinction,  all 
vessels,  whether  English  or  foreign,  laden  with  merchandise  of  this 
nature.  Hence,  in  a  short  time,  this  commerce  was  destroyed,  to 
the  great  prejudice,  not  only  of  the  colonies  upon  the  continent, 
but  even  of  the  English  islands  themselves,  and  particularly  of 
Jamaica. 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  31 

From  the  same  cause  proceeded  the  ruin  of  another  very  import- 
ant commerce,  which  was  exercised  between  the  English  colonies 
of  America  on  the  one  part,  and  the  islands  appertaining  to  France 
on  the  other ;  and  which  had  been  productive  of  the  greatest  reci- 
procal utility.  Its  material  consisted  principally  of  such  productions 
and  commodities  as  were  superfluous  to  the  one,  and  totally  wanting 
to  the  other.  It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising,  that  the  colonists,  at 
the  news  of  losses  so  disastrous,  should  have  resolved  not  to  pur- 
chase, in  future,  any  English  stuffs,  with  which  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  clothe  themselves  ;  and,  as  far  as  possible,  to  use  none  but 
domestic  manufactures.  They  determined,  besides,  to  give  every 
encouragement  to  those  manufactories  which  wrought  the  materials 
abundantly  produced  by  their  lands  and  animals.  But  in  Boston, 
particularly,  a  rich  and  populous  city,  where  the  luxury  of  British 
merchandise  had  been  extensively  introduced,  it  is  difficult  to  express 
how  extremely  the  public  mind  was  exasperated,  or  with  what 
promptitude  all  the  inhabitants  renounced  superfluities,  and  adhered 
to  the  resolution  of  returning  to  the  simplicity  of  early  times  :  a  re- 
markable example  of  which  was  soon  observed  in  the  celebration  of 
funerals,  which  began  to  take  place  without  habiliments  of  mourning, 
and  without  English  gloves.  This  new  economy  became  so  general 
at  Boston,  that,  in  the  year  1764,  the  consumption  of  British  mer- 
chandise was  diminished  upwards  of  ten  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
Other  towns  followed  this  example  ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  all  the 
colonists  concurred  in  abstaining  from  the  use  of  all  objects  of  luxury, 
produced  by  the  manufactories,  or  by  the  soil,  of  England.  Besides 
this,  and  even  of  necessity,  from  the  scarcity  of  money,  the  mer- 
chants of  the  colonies,  finding  themselves  debtors  for  large- sums  to 
the  English,  and  having  no  reason  to  expect  new  advances,  without 
new  payments,  which  they  were  not  in  a  situation  to  make,  resorted 
also  to  the  plan  of  non-consumption  ;  they  renounced  all  purchase 
and  all  expense,  to  the  incredible  prejudice  of  the  manufacturers  in 
England. 

But  the  English  government  did  not  stop  here  :  as  if  not  satisfied 
with  having  excited  the  discontent  of  the  colonists,  it  desired  also 
to  urge  them  to  desperation.  In  the  month  of  March,  1764,  the 
parliament  passed  a  regulation,  by  which,  if  on  the  one  hand  a 
traffic  was  permitted  between  the  American  colonies  and  the  French 
islands  of  the  West  Indies,  and  others  appertaining  to  other  Eu- 
ropean powers ;  on  the  other,  such  enormous  duties  were  imposed 
on  the  merchandise  imported  from  the  latter,  as  to  create,  as  usual, 
an  almost  universal  contraband,  in  every  article,  with  immense  dis- 
advantage to  the  commerce  itself,  and  equal  prejudice  to  mercantile 
habits  and  probity.  To  crown  so  great  an  evil,  it  was  ordered,  by 
the  same  bill,  that  the  sums  proceeding  from  these  duties  should  be 
paid,  in  specie,  into  the  treasury  of  England.  The  execution  of 


32 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I, 


this  ordinance  must  have  completely  drained  the  colonies  of  the  little 
money  they  had  remaining,  to  be  transported  to  Europe. 

The  secret  exasperation  redoubled,  at  the  first  intelligence  of 
measures  so  extraordinary.  They  remarked,  that  they  were  even 
contradictory  ;  that  it  was  requiring  a  thing,  and,  at  the  same  time 
time,  withholding  the  means  to  perform  it ;  since  the  government 
deprived  them  of  all  faculty  of  procuring  specie,  and  yet  would  have 
them  furnish  it,  to  be  transported  to  a  distance  of  three  thousand 
miles.  But,  as  if  the  ministry  were  afraid  the  tempest  of  indigna- 
tion, excited  by  these  new  laws,  should  be  appeased  too  soon,  they 
wrested  from  the  parliament  another  act,  which  appeared  fjf'rt.-p  nays 
after.  It  purported,  that  bills  of  credit,  which  might  be  issued  in 
future  by  the  American  colonies,  should  no  longer  have  legal  curren- 
cy in  payments  ;  and  that,  as  to  those  in  circulation,  they  likewise 
could  not  be  received  as  legal  payment,  after  the  term  prefixed  for 
their  redemption  and  extinction.  It  is  true,  however,  that  all  the 
money  proceeding  from  the  duties  above  mentioned,  was  directed,  by 
other  clauses  of  the  bill,  to  be  kept  in  reserve,  and  could  only  be 
employed  for  expenses  relative  to  the  colonies;  it  is  true,  also,  that 
at  the  same  time  the  act  was  framed  concerning  bills  of  credit,  some 
others  were  passed,  to  promote  and  regulate  the  reciprocal  commerce 
between  the  colonies  and  mother  country,  and  between  the  colonies 
themselves.  But  these  regulations  failed  to  produce  the  expected 
effects :  for  they  were  necessarily  slow  in  their  operation  ;  while 
those  which  restricted  and  attacked  the  external  commerce  of  the 
colonies,  or  shackled  their  domestic  trade,  were  immediately  opera- 
tive. Some  also  attempted  to  demonstrate,  that  the  money  carried 
off  by  these  duties  must  infallibly  flow  back  into  the  colonies,  for  the 
payment  and  support  of  the  troops  stationed  there,  to  protect  and  de- 
fend them.  But  who  would  guaranty  to  the  colonists,  that  ihe  troops 
should  be  quartered  among  them  so  long  as  the  law  might  continue 
in  force  ?  If  such  was  the  intention  of  the  legislator,  why  cause  this 
treasure  to  travel,  with  no  little  risk  and  expense,  from  America  to 
England,  and  thence  back  to  the  place  from  whence  it  came  ;  thus 
imposing  the  necessity  of  passing  it  through  so  many  and  so  different 
hands  ?  Perhaps,  they  said,  in  order  that  it  might  have  the  honor  of 
visiting  the  British  exchequer  ?  And  why  was  it  not  more  expedient 
to  employ  it  where  it  was  found,  without  so  many  voyages  and  cir- 
cuits ?  This  plainly  demonstrated,  that  it  was  but  a  pretext  for  the 
most  pernicious  designs.  Besides,  for  what  purpose,  for  what  good, 
were  so  many  troops  maintained  in  America  ?  External  enemies  at 
present,  there  were  none;  and  for  the  repression  of  the  Indians,  the 
colonies  were,  doubtless,  sufficient  of  themselves.  But  the  fact  was, 
they  continued,  the  ministers  had  formed  a  design  to  oppress  their 
liberty;  and  for  this  purpose  did  they  arm  themselves  with  so  many 
soldiers,  and  incur  such  vast  expense,  in  the  midst  of  a  people 
abounding  in  loyalty  and  innocence. 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  33 

All  these  new  regulations,  which  succeeded  each  other  with  such 
precipitation,  were  indeed  but  too  well  calculated  to  surprise  and 
alarm  the  inhabitants  of  North  America.  Such  a  proceeding  on  the 
part  of  the  government  appeared  to  them,  and  was  in  fact,  both  new 
and  inauspicious.  They  felt  it  profoundly ;  and,  by  their  remon- 
strances, demonstrated  how  unjustly  they  were  aggrieved,  and  de- 
manded incessantly  to  be  restored  to  their  former  condition.  But 
they  did  not  stop  at  bare  complaints.  When  they  found  that  their 
remonstrances  were  ineffectual,  they  resolved  to  employ  some  more 
efficacious  means  to  convince  the  ministers  of  the  error  they  had 
committed.  The  resolutions  taken  against  British  manufactures, 
which  at  first  had  been  merely  individual,  now  became  general,  by 
combinations  to  this  effect,  contracted  in  the  principal  cities  of 
America,  which  were  observed  with  an  astonishing  constancy  and 
punctuality.  Great  Britain  experienced  from  these  associations  an 
immense  detriment,  and  feared,  not  without  reason,  still  greater  ;  for, 
as  they  comprehended  men  of  all  conditions,  they  tended,  by  de- 
grees, to  conduct  the  manufactures  of  the  country  to  a  certain  de- 
gree of  perfection,  the  more  probable,  as  the  abundance  of  raw 
materials  would  permit  their  products  to  be  sold  at  very  moderate 
prices.  Finally,  it  was  to  be  expected,  that,  with  the  progressive 
increase  of  industry,  the  manufactures  of  the  colonies  might  supply 
with  their  fabrics  the  neighboring  colonies  of  Spain  and  Portugal. 
But,  without  anticipating  the  future,  it  is  certain  that  the  interruption 
alone  of  commerce  between  the  American  colonies  and  England, 
was  extremely  prejudicial  to  the  latter ;  for  it  is  known,  that  the  co- 
lonies, without  including  the  foreign  merchandise  they  received  from 
the  hands  of  England,  annually  purchased  to  the  value  of  three  mil- 
lions sterling,  of  English  productions  or  manufactures.  The  public 
revenues  suffered  materially,  from  the  effects  of  this  new  policy ;  the 
duties  upon  the  exportation  of  merchandise  destined  for  America,  and 
those  upon  the  importation  of  articles  which  foreign  merchants  sent 
in  exchange  for  the  productions  of  the  English  colonies,  experienced 
a  continual  diminution.  Henceforth  began  to  germinate  those  fatal 
seeds,  which  the  British  government,  instead  of  extirpating,  seemed 
to  take  pleasure  in  cultivating,  till  they  produced  all  the  ruin  which 
followed. 

But,  although  these  unusual  duties  had  excited  a  general  discon- 
tent in  America,  and  although  the  inhabitants  complained  of  them 
bitterly,  as  unjust  and  oppressive  burdens,  they  considered  them, 
nevertheless,  not  as  taxes  or  imposts,  but  merely  as  regulations  of 
commerce,  which  were  within  the  competency  of  parliament.  They 
believed,  indeed,  that  in  this  instance  it  had  departed  from  that  pa- 
rental benevolence  which  it  had  discovered  towards  them  during 
more  than  a  century  ;  still  they  did  not  think  it  had  transcended  the 
limits  of  its  authority.  But  the  English  ministers  revolved  in  their 
VOL.  i.  5 


34  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  I. 

minds  a  design  far  more  lucrative  for  the  exchequer,  and  still  more 
prejudicial  to  the  interests  and  liberty  of  the  colonists.  This  was  to 
impose  taxes  or  excises  upon  the  colonies,  by  acts  of  parliament  ; 
and  to  create,  in  this  way,  a  branch  of  public  revenue,  to  be  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  parliament  itself.  This  project,  far  from  being 
new,  had  long  been  fermenting  in  English  heads.  Seme  of  those 
schemers,  who  are  ever  ruminating  new  plans  and  expedients  to  filch 
money  from  the  pockets  of  the  people,  had  already  suggested,  in 
1739,  during  the  Spanish  war,  to  Robert  Walpole,  then  prime  min- 
ister, the  idea  of  taxing  the  colonies  ;  but  this  man,  no  less  sagacious 
than  profoundly  versed  in  the  science  of  government  and  commerce, 
answered,  with  an  ironical  smile,  '  I  will  leave  this  operation  to  some 
one  of  my  successors,  who  shall  have  more  courage  than  me,  and 
less  regard  for  commerce.  I  have  always,  during  my  administration, 
thought  it  my  duty  to  encourage  the  commerce  of  the  American  co- 
lonies ;  and  I  have  done  it.  Nay,  I  have  even  chosen  to  wink  at 
some  irregularities  in  their  traffic  with  Europe;  for  my  opinion  is, 
that  if,  by  favoring  their  trade  with  foreign  nations,  they  gain  five 
hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling,  at  the  end  of  two  years,  full  two 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  it  will  have  entered  the  royal  coffers ; 
and  that  by  the  industry  and  productions  of  England,  who  sells  them 
an  immense  quantity  of  her  manufactures.  The  more  they  extend 
their  foreign  commerce,  the  more  will  they  consume  of  our  mer- 
chandise. This  is  a  mode  of  taxing  them,  more  conformable  to 
their  constitution,  and  to  our  own.' 

But,  at  the  epoch  in  question,  the  power  of  England  had  arrived 
at  such  a  height,  that  it  appeared  impossible  for  the  American  colo- 
nies, though  supported  by  all  Europe,  to  resist  her  will.  So  much 
glory  and  greatness,  however,  had  not  been  acquired  without  enor- 
mous sacrifices ;  and  the  public  debt  amounted  to  the  prodigious 
sum  of  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  millions  sterling,  or  about  six 
hundred  and  fifty-seven  millions  five  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Thus 
it  had  become  necessary  to  search  out  every  object,  and  every  occu- 
pation, susceptible  of  taxes  or  contributions.  It  was,  therefore, 
thought  expedient,  and  even  necessary,  to  tax  the  colonies,  for  whose 
security  and  prosperity,  principally,  a  war  so  terrible  had  been 
waged,  such  dangers  encountered,  so  much  blood  and  treasure  ex- 
pended. As  to  the  species  of  the  tax,  it  was  decided  for  that  of 
stamped  paper,  which  was  already  established  in  England  ;  and  it  was 
understood,  so  far  as  related  to  its  nature,  to  be  the  least  odious  to 
the  Americans,  provided,  however,  it  was  established  by  the  president 
and  the  grand  council,  according  to  the  plan  of  colonial  administra- 
tion proposed  by  themselves,  and  not  by  authority  of  parliament. 
There  were  even  found  Americans,  who,  being  then  in  London,  not 
only  favored,  but  perhaps  first  suggested,  this  new  mode  of  taxing 
the  colonies;  and,  among  others,  it  appears  that  a  certain  Huske,  a 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  .    35 

native  of  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  one  of  its  principal 
promoters. 

This  proposition  was  received  with  eagerness,  as  are,  commonly, 
all  the  projects  of  those  who  are  industrious  to  extort  money  from 
the  people.  English  ears  could  hear  no  sound  more  grateful  than 
this  ;  for  if  the  people  of  England  groaned  under  the  weight  of  taxes, 
both  old  and  new,  they  were  persuaded,  from  what  had  been  told 
them,  that  in  America  there  was  a  redundance  of  all  good  things. 
'Shall  our  colonists,'  they  said,  'enjoy  the  magnificence  of  princes, 
while  we  must  drudge,  and  consume  ourselves  with  efforts  to  procure 
a  scanty  subsistence  ?'  The  officers,  who  had  served  in  the  colo- 
nies, painted,  on  their  return,  in  vivid  colors,  the  American  prosperity 
and  affluence. 

These  details  were  not  so  much  exaggerated  as  might  be  thought, 
at  the  time  of  their  residence  in  America.  Money  was  then  very 
abundant  in  the  colonies,  the  government  necessarily  remitting  thither 
considerable  sums,  for  the  support  of  the  troops,  and  expenses  of 
the  war.  At  that  time,  American  productions  were  in  great  request, 
and  their  commerce  very  flourishing.  The  inhabitants,  being  natu- 
rally courteous  and  hospitable,  expended  generously,  to  render  their 
houses  agreeable  to  strangers,  then  very  numerous.  The  war  ter- 
minated, all  dangers  averted,  the  power  of  an  inveterate  enemy, 
hitherto  intrenched  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  extinguished,  the 
colonists  conceived  it  a  duty  to  offer  the  most  honorable  reception 
in  their  power  to  those  who  had  contributed  so  greatly  to  their  pre- 
sent security  and  felicity. 

The  necessity  of  drawing  a  public  revenue  frorp  the  colonies,  be- 
ing therefore  no  longer  doubted,  and  the  willingness  of  the  colonists 
to  concur  in  it,  by  means  of  the  duty  upon  stamped  paper,  being  pre- 
sumed, as  well  as  their  ability  to  support  it,  the  house  of  commons,  on 
the  10th  of  March,  1764,  voted  a  resolution,  purporting  '  that  it  was 
proper  to  charge  certain  stamp  duties,  in  the  colonies  and  plantations.' 
This  resolution,  not  being  followed,  this  year,  by  any  other  to  carry 
it  into  effect,  existed  merely  as  an  intention  to  be  executed  the  suc- 
ceeding year. 

If  the  stamp  act  had  been  carried  into  immediate  execution  in  the 
colonies,  they  would  perhaps  have  submitted  to  it,  if  not  without 
murmuring,  at  least  without  that  open  opposition  which  was  manifest- 
ed afterwards;  and  it  is  known  how  much  more  easily  the  people  are 
retained  in  quiet,  than  appeased  when  once  excited.  The  principal 
colonists  would  not  have  had  time  to  launch  into  discussions,  in  which 
they  predicted  to  their  fellow-citizens  the  evils  which  must  result 
from  their  consent  to  this  new  tax  ;  and  as  evils  inspire  more  alarm 
at  a  distance  than  at  approach,  the  colonists,  not  having  experienced 
from  this  sudden  imposition  the  prejudice  apprehended  in  the  un- 
certain fiitiirefktould  probably  have  become  tranquil ;  they  cer- 


36  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I. 

tainly  would  not  have  had  so  much  scope  to  inflame  each  other 
against  the  duty,  as  they  afterwards  did.  For  no  sooner  was  the  news 
of  the  impost  in  question  received  in  any  place,  than  it  was  spread, 
as  it  were,  in  a  moment,  throughout  the  country,  and  produced  such 
an  impression  upon  the  minds  of  all,  and  especially  of  the  lower 
classes,  that  all  orders  of  citizens,  waiving  their  ancient  rivalships, 
difference  of  habits,  and  diversity  of  opinions  in  political  and  reli- 
gious matters,  were  unanimous  in  maintaining,  that  it  was  impossible 
to  submit  to  a  law  enacted  in  a  mode  so  contrary  to  ancient  usages, 
to  their  privileges  as  colonists,  and  to  their  rights  as  English  subjects. 
Thus,  for  having  chosen  to  warn  before  the  blow,  the  British  govern- 
ment prepared  in  the  colonies  an  unanimous  and  most  determined 
concurrence  of  opinion  against  one  of  its  solemn  decrees ;  and  de- 
prived itself  of  that  docility  resulting  among  the  people  from  their 
intestine  divisions,  and  the  diversity  of  their  interests. 

The  prime  minister,  Grenville,  had  been  the  author  of  this  delay, 
hoping  the  colonies,  upon  advice  of  the  bill  in  agitation,  if  they  dis- 
liked the  stamp  duty,  would  have  proposed  some  other  mode  of  rais- 
ing the  sum  intended  to  be  levied  by  it.  Accordingly,  when  the 
agents  of  the  colonies  went  to  pay  him  their  respects,  he  informed 
them  that  he  was  prepared  to  receive,  on  the  part  of  the  colonies, 
any  other  proposal  of  a  tax  which  would  raise  the  sum  wanted  ; 
shrewdly  insinuating,  also,  that  it  was  now  in  their  power,  by  consent- 
ing, to  establish  it  as  a  principle,  that  they  should  be  consulted  before 
any  tax  whatever  was  imposed  upon  the  colonies  by  authority  of  par- 
liament. Many  in  England,  and  possibly  the  agents  themselves,  at- 
tributed this  conduct  of  the  minister  to  moderation  ;  but  beyond  the 
Atlantic  it  found  a  quite  different  reception,  all  with  one  voice  ex- 
claiming that  this  was  an  interested  charity.  For  they  thought,  that 
however  civil  his  offers,  the  minister  would  nevertheless  exact,  to  a 
penny,  the  entire  sum  he  desired,  which  in  substance  was  saying, 
that  willingly  or  otherwise,  they  must  submit  to  his  good  pleasure ; 
and  consequently,  his  complaisance  was  but  that  of  an  accom- 
plished robber.  It  was  known  that  he  would  not  be  satisfied  with 
less  than  three  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  a  year,  the  sum  con- 
sidered necessary  for  the  support  of  the  army  it  was  resolved  to 
maintain  in  the  colonies  for  their  defence.  Not  one  of  the  agents 
was  authorised  to  comply.  Two  only  alleged,  they  were  commis- 
sioned to  declare  that  their  provinces  were  ready  to  bear  their  pro- 
portion of  the  duty  upon  stamps,  when  it  should  be  established  ac- 
cording to  ancient  usages.  The  minister,  therefore,  having  heard 
no  proposal  that  appeared  to  him  acceptable,  resolved  to  pursue  the 
design  of  a  stamp  act.  Meanwhile,  the  fermentation  in  America  was 
violent,  not  only  among  private  citizens,  but  also  among  the  members 
of  public  and  corporate  bodies;  and  all  were  of  one  mind,  in  assert- 
ing that  the  parliament  had  no  right  to  tax  the^^lonies.  In  all 


BOOK  1.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

places,  political  circles  and  clubs  were  formed  ;  the  subjectof  all  con- 
versations was  the  fatal  tax.  Every  day,  every  hour,  diminished  the 
respect  and  affection  of  the  Americans  towards  the  British  nation, 
and  increased  their  disposition  to  resist.  As  it  happens  in  all  popular 
commotions,  he  that  declaimed  with  the  most  vehemence  was  the 
most  applauded,  and  deemed  the  best  citizen.  The  benefits  confer- 
red by  the  mother  country,  during  so  long  a  period,  were  consigned 
to  oblivion ;  and  it  had  become  as  frequent  as  it  was  grateful  to  the 
people,  to  read  the  list  of  British  vexations.  These  outrages  were 
represented  in  the  most  odious  colors  by  the  orators  of  the  multi- 
tude, whose  minds  were  continually  exasperated  by  similar  harangues. 
The  assemblies  of  representatives,  and  particularly  those  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  Virginia,  despatched  instructions  to  their  agents  in  Lon- 
don, to  use  all  diligence,  by  all  possible  means,  to  prevent  the  inten- 
tional act  from  being  passed  into  a  law. 

They  also  addressed  remonstrances  to  the  king,  and  to  the  two 
houses  of  parliament,  all  tending  to  the  same  end.  But  those  of 
the  province  of  Massachusetts  were  the  most  energetic  and  vehe- 
ment. This  province  was  particularly  distinguished,  for  the  warmth 
with  which  it  had  opposed  the  new  and  pernicious  direction  which 
the  ministers  had  for  some  time  given  to  American  affairs.  The 
colonists  acquired  a  still  more  determined  resolution,  when  they 
learned,  that  in  the  present  contest  they  were  not  abandoned  to  them- 
selves, but  that  many  were  found  in  the  mother  country  itself,  even 
persons  illustrious  by  their  rank,  their  merit,  or  their  dignities,  who, 
from  conviction,  from  the  desire  of  renown,  or  from  a  wish  to  sup- 
plant the  ministers,  were  continually  exclaiming,  both  in  parliament 
and  elsewhere,  that  '  Such  was  not  the  accustomed  mode  of  conduct 
of  the  English  government  towards  its  subjects  ;  that  it  was  a  new 
tyranny,  which,  if  tolerated,  would  one  day  rebound  from  the  shores 
of  America  upon  those  of  England  ;  the  evil  should  be  resisted  in 
its  principles ;  that  governments  in  prosperity  were  but  too  much 
disposed  to  arrogate  an  extension  of  power  ;  there  was  much  ap- 
pearance that  the  government  of  Great  Britain  inclined  to  imitate 
this  usurpation  ;  that  it  was  therefore  essential  to  watch  it  with  atten- 
tion ;  the  desires  and  the  arts  of  Scottish  favorites  were  sufficiently 
notorious;  that  America  was  the  means  or  the  instrument,  but  Eng- 
land the  object.  And  what  occasion  was  there  for  these  new  im- 
posts ?  To  protect  and  defend  America,  or  the  conquered  territo- 
ries .?  Was  it  to  repress  the  Indian  tribes  ?  The  colonists,  with 
their  light  arms,  and  divided  into  detachments,  were  more  proper  for 
this  service  than  the  heavy  English  infantry.  The  Americans  had 
all  the  courage  requisite  to  defend  themselves,  and  to  succour,  if 
necessary,  the  advanced  posts :  they  had  given  the  proof  of  this,  on 
numerous  occasions.  There  no  longer  existed  a  powerful  enemy 
upon  the  Ao|jiican  continent:  whence,  therefore,  these  continual 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I, 

apprehensions  of  an  attack,  when  the  vestige  of  an  enemy  is  no 
where  to  be  seen  ?  And  what  necessity  was  there  for  maintaining 
an  army  in  America,  the  expense  of  which  must  be  extorted  from 
the  Americans  ?  Precious  fruits,  truly,  had  already. been  gathered 
from  this  military  parade  !  the  minds  of  the  colonists  exasperated, 
affection  converted  into  hatred,  loyalty  into  a  desire  of  innovation. 
In  other  times,  had  not  the  ministers  obtained  from  the  colonies,  by 
legitimate  means,  and  without  such  a  display  of  troops,  according 
to  the  exigency,  all  the  succours  at  their  disposal?  Since  they  had 
been  thought  able  to  furnish  subsidies  to  the  mother  country,  they 
had  never  been  demanded,  except  in  the  mode  of  requisitions  on  the 
part  of  the  crown,  addressed  by  the  governors  to  the  different  assem- 
blies. By  adhering  to  this  mode,  the  same  subsidies  might  be  ob- 
tained, without  giving  offence,  and  without  danger  of  revolt.  But 
they  would  exact  a  servile  obedience,  in  order  to  introduce,  in  due 
time,  into  the  very  bosom  of  the  kingdom,  the  principles  and  govern- 
ment of  the  Stuarts  !  Too  certain  indications  had  been  remarked  of 
this,  the  day  George  Grenville  ventured  to  produce  his  project  of  a 
bill  to  authorise  officers  in  the  colonies  to  quarter  their  soldiers  in 
the  houses  of  the  citizens  ;  a  thing  expressly  calculated  to  strike  the 
people  with  terrror,  to  degrade  them  by  permitting  themselves  to  be 
trampled  upon,  and  thus  prepare  them  to  receive  the  intended  taxes 
with  submission.  The  murmurs  which  had  arisen,  from  every  quar- 
ter, against  so  shocking  an  enormity,  had  indeed  alarmed  the  minis- 
ter ;  but  it  was  time  to  act  more  vigorously  ;  for  it  was  the  duty  of 
every  good  citizen  to  oppose  these  first  attempts.' 

But  the  ministers  were  not  to  be  diverted  from  their  plan  ;  either 
because  they  were  encouraged  by  the  favorites  concealed  behind 
them,  or  from  personal  obstinacy,  or  because  they  believed,  in  defi- 
ance of  all  demonstration  to  the  contrary,  that  the  Americans  would 
be  intimidated  by  the  confusion  and  dangerous  uncertainty  which 
would  prevail  in  all  their  affairs,  if,  in  their  civil  and  commercial 
transactions,  they  did  not  make  use  of  stamped  paper,  and  thus  pay 
the  duty  established.  Hence  the  ministers  were  often  heard  to  say, 
that  the  measure  proposed  should  be  a  law  which  would  execute 
itself.  The  memorials,  the  remonstrances,  the  petitions,  the  resolu- 
tions, of  the  American  provinces,  were  rejected.  The  bill  for  im- 
posing a  stamp  duty  was  therefore  submitted  to  parliament,  in  its 
session  of  17(35.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  with  what  animation  it  was 
discussed.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  upon  any  other  occasion, 
either  in  times  past  or  present,  there  has  been  displayed  more  vigor 
or  acuteness  of  intellect,  more  love  of  country,  or  spirit  of  party,  or 
greater  splendor  of  eloquence,  than  in  these  debates.  Nor  was  the 
shock  of  opinions  less  violent,  without  the  walls  of  Westminster.  All 
Europe,  it  may  be  said,  and  especially  the  commercial  countries, 
were  attentive  to  the  progress,  and  to  the  decision,  dBthis  important 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  39 

The  members  of  parliament  who  opposed  the  bill,  discovered 
great  energy.  They  cited  the  authority  of  the  most  celebrated  po- 
litical writers,  such  as  Locke,  Selden,  Harrington,  and  PuffendorfT, 
who  establish  it  as  an  axiom,  that  the  very  foundation,  and  ultimate 
point  in  view,  of  all  governments,  is  the  good  of  society.  Then,  re- 
tracing their  national  history,  they  alleged  ; 

'  That  it  resulted  from  Magna  Charta,  and  from  all  the  writs  of 
those  times  relative  to  the  imposition  of  taxes  for  the  benefit  of  the 
crown,  and  to  the  sending  of  representatives  to  parliament,  as  well 
as  from  the  Declaration  of  Rights,  and  the  whole  history  of  the 
English  constitution,  that  no  English  subject  can  be  taxed,  except, 
in  their  own  phrase,  '  per  communem  consensum  parliamenti^  that  is, 
by  his  own  consent,  or  that  of  his  representatives ;  that  such  was  the 
original  and  general  right,  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  as 
English  subjects,  carried  with  them,  when  they  left  their  native  land, 
to  establish  themselves  in  these  distant  countries  ;  that  therefore  it 
must  not  be  imagined  their  rights  were  derived  from  charters,  which 
were  granted  them  merely  to  regulate  the  external  form  of  the  con- 
stitution of  the  colonies ;  but  that  the  great  interior  foundation  of 
their  constitution  was  this  general  right  of  the  British  subject,  which 
is  the  first  principle  of  British  liberty, — that  is,  that  no  man  shall  be 
taxed,  but  by  himself,  or  by  his  representative. 

;  The  counties  palatine  of  Chester,  Durham  and  Lancaster,'  added 
these  orators,  '  and  the  marches  of  Wales,  were  not  taxed,  except 
in  their  own  assemblies  or  parliaments,  until,  at  different  times,  they 
were  called  to  participate  in  the  national  representation. 

'  The  clergy,  until  the  late  period,  when  they  were  admitted  to  a 
share  in  the  general  representation,  always  taxed  themselves,  and- 
granted  the  king  what  they  called  benevolences,  or  free  gifts. 

1  There  are  some,  who,  extending  the  power  of  parliament  beyond 
all  limits,  affect  to  believe  that  this  body  can  do  every  thing,  and  is 
invested  with  all  rights ;  but  this  is  not  supported,  and  though  true, 
could  only  be  so  in  violation  of  the  constitution  ;  for  then  there  would 
exist  in  parliament,  as  might  occur  in  the  instance  of  a  single  indivi- 
dual, an  arbitrary  power.  But  the  fact  is,  that  many  things  are  not 
within  the  power  of  parliament.  It  cannot,  for  example,  make  itself 
executive  ;  it  cannot  dispose  of  the  offices  that  belong  to  the  crown  ; 
it  cannot  take  the  property  of  any  man,  not  even  in  cases  of  enclo- 
sures, without  his*  being  heard.  The  Lords  cannot  reject  a  money 
bill,  passed  by  the  commons  ;  nor  the  commons  erect  themselves 
into  a  court  of  justice  j  neither  can  the  parliament  of  England  tax 
Ireland. 

*  It  is  the  birthright  of  the  colonists,  as  descendants  of  English- 
men, not  to  be  taxed  by  any  but  their  own  representatives  ;  and  so 
far  from  being  represented  in  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  they 
are  not  even  virtually  represented  here,  as  the  meanest  inhabitants 


40  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK.  I. 

of  Great  Britain  are,  in  consequence  of  their  intimate  connexion 
with  those  who  are  actually  represented. 

'  And  if  laws  made  by  the  British  parliament  to  tax  all  except  its 
own  members,  or  even  all  except  such  members  and  those  actually 
represented  by  them,  would  be  deemed  tyrannical,  how  much  more 
tyrannical  and  unconstitutional  must  not  such  laws  appear  to  those 
who  cannot  be  said  to  be  either  actually  or  virtually  represented  ! 

*  The   people    of  Ireland    are  much    more    virtually   represented 
in  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  than  the  colonists,  in  consequence 
of  the  great  number  of  Englishmen  possessed  of  estates  and  places 
of  trust  and  profit  in  Ireland,  and  their  immediate  descendants  settled 
in  that  country,  and  of  the  great  number  of  Irish  noblemen  and  gen- 
tlemen in   both  houses  of  the   British   parliament,  and  the  greater 
numbers  still  constantly  residing  in  Great  Britain.    But,  notwithstand- 
ing this,  the  British  parliament  has  never  claimed  any  right  to  tax 
the  people  of  Ireland. 

'  The  first  founders  of  the  colonies  were  not  only  driven  out  of  the 
mother  country  by  persecution,  but  they  left  it  at  their  own  risk  and 
expense.  Being  thus  forsaken,  if  not  worse  treated,  all  ties,  except 
those  common  to  mankind,  were  dissolved  between  them.  They 
absolved  from  all  duty  of  obedience  to  her,  as  she  dispensed  herself 
from  all  duty  of  protection  to  them. 

*  If  they  accepted  of  any  royal  charters  on  the  occasion,  it  was 
done  through  mere  necessity  ;  and,  as  this  necessity  was- not  of  their 
own  making,  their  charters  cannot  be  binding  upon  them  ;  and  even 
allowing  these  charters  to  be  binding,  they  are  only  bound  thereby 
to  that  allegiance  which   the  supreme  head  of  the  realm  may  claim 
indiscriminately  from  all  its  subjects. 

'  It  is  extremely  absurd  to  affirm  that  the  Americans  owe  any  sub- 
mission to  the  legislative  power  of  Great  Britain,  which  had  not  au- 
thority enough  to  shield  them  against  the  violences  of  the  executive  ; 
and  more  absurd  still,  to  say  that  the  people  of  Great  Britain  can 
exercise  over  them  rights  which  that  very  people  affirm  they  might 
justly  oppose,  if  claimed  over  themselves  by  others  ? 

'  The  English  people  combated  long,  and  shed  much  blood,  with 
a  view  of  recovering  those  rights  which  the  crown,  it  was  believed, 
had  usurped  over  themselves  ;  and  how  can  they  now,  without  be- 
coming guilty  of  the  same  usurpation,  pretend  to  exercise  these 
rights  over  others  f 

*  But,  admitting  that,  by  the  charters  granted  to  the  Americans  at 
the  time  of  their  emigration,  and  by  them  from  necessity  accepted, 
they  are  bound  to  make  no  laws  but  such  as,  allowing  for  the  differ- 
ence of  circumstances,  shall  not  clash  with  those  of  England,  this  no 
more  subjects  them  to  the  parliament  of  England,  than  their  having 
been  laid  under  the  same  restraint  with  respect  to  the  laws  of  Scot- 
land, or  any  other  country,  would  have  subjected  them  to  the  parlia- 


BOOK   I.  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  41 

ment  of  Scotland,  or  the  supreme  authority  of  this  other  country ; 
since,  by  these  charters,  they  have  a  right  to  tax  themselves,  for 
their  own  support  and  defence. 

1  Whatever  assistance  the  people  of  Great  Britain  may  have  given 
to  the  people  of  the  colonies,  it  must  have  been  given  either  from 
motives  of  humanity  and  fraternal  affection,  or  with  a  view  of  being 
one  day  repaid  for  it,  and  not  as  the  price  of  their  libejty  ;  at  least 
the  colonies  can  never  be  presumed  to  have  accepted  it  in  that  light. 
If  it  was  given  from  motives  of  humanity  and  fraternal  affection,  as 
the  people  of  the  colonies  have  never  given  the  mother  country  any 
room  to  complain  of  them,  so  they  never  will.  If,  finally,  it  was 
given  with  a  view  of  being  one  day  repaid  for  it,  the  colonists  are 
willing  to  come  to  a  fair  account,  which,  allowing  for  the  assistance 
they  themselves  have  often  given  the  mother  country,  for  what  they 
must  have  lost,  and  the  mother  country  must  have  gained ,  by  pre- 
venting their  selling  to  others  at  higher  prices  than  they  could  sell  to 
her,  and  their  buying  from  others  at  lower  prices  than  they  could 
buy  from  her,  would,  they  apprehend,  not  turn  out  so  much  to  her 
advantage  as  she  imagines.' 

'  Their  having  heretofore  submitted  to  laws  made  by  the  British 
parliament,  for  their  internal  government,  can  no  more  be  brought  as 
a  precedent  against  them,  than  against  the  English  themselves  their 
tameness  under  the  dictates  of  a  Henry,  or  the  rod  of  a  Star  Cham- 
ber ;  the  tyranny  of  many  being  as  grievous  to  human  nature  as  that 
of  a  few,  and  the  tyranny  of  a  few  as  that  of  a  single  person. 

*  If  liberty  is  the  due  of  those  who  have  sense  enough  to   know 
the  value  of  it,  and  courage  enough  to  expose  themselves  to  every 
danger  and  fatigue  to  acquire  it,  the  American  colonists  are  better 
entitled  to  possess  it  than  even  their  brethren  of  Great  Britain  ;  since 
they  not  only  renounced  their  native  soil,  the  love  of  which  is  so  con- 
genial with  the  human  mind,  and  all  those  tender  charities  inseparable 
from  it,  but  exposed  themselves  to  all  the  risks  and  hardships   una- 
voidable in  a  long  voyage  ;  and,  after  escaping  the  danger  of  being 
swallowed  up  by  the  waves,   encountered,   upon    those  uninhabited 
and  barbarous  shores,  the  more  cruel  danger  of  perishing  by  a  slow 
famine  ;  which  having  combated,  and  surmounted,  with  infinite  pa- 
tience and  constancy,  they  have,  as  if  by  a  miracle  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence, at  length  arrived  at  this  vigorous  and  prosperous  state,  so  emi- 
nently profitable  to  those  from  whom  they  derive  their  original. 

*  If,  in  the  first  years  of  their  existence,  some  of  the  colonists  dis- 
covered a  turbulent  humor,  and  all  were  exposed  to  the   incursions 
of  the  neighboring  tribes,  a  savage  and  hostile  race,  which  condition 
required  the  interposition  and  assistance  of  the  British   parliament, 
they  have  now  arrived  to  such  a  degree  of  maturity,  in  point  of  polity 
and  strength,  as  no  longer  to  need  such  interposition  for  the  future ; 
and  therefore,  since  the  proportions  are  changed  which  existed  be- 

VOL.  i.  6 


42  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

tween  the  two  nations,  it  is  proper  also  to  change  the  terms  of  their 
ancient  connexion,  and  adopt  others,  more  conformable  to  their  pre- 
sent respective  power  and  circumstances. 

4  The  present  statutes,  promulgated  by  parliament,  do  not  bind  the 
colonies,  unless  they  are  expressly  named  therein  ;  which  evidently 
demonstrates,  that  the  English  general  laws  do  not  embrace  in  their 
action  the  American  colonies,  but  need  to  be  sanctioned  by  special 
laws. 

4  The  colonies,  therefore,  stand  in  much  the  same  relation  towards 
England,  as  the  barons  with  respect  to  the  sovereigns,  in  the  feudal 
system  of  Europe  ;  the  obedience  of  the  one,  and  the  submission  of 
the  other,  are  restricted  within  certain  limits. 

'The  history  of  colonies,  both  ancient  and  modern,  comes  to  the 
support  of  these  views.  Thus  the  Carthagenians,  the  Greeks,  and 
other  celebrated  nations  of  antiquity,  allowed  their  colonies  a  very 
great  liberty  of  internal  government,  contenting  themselves  with 
the  advantages  they  derived  from  their  commerce.  Thus  the  bar- 
barians of  the  north,  who  desolated  the  Roman  empire,  carried  with 
them  their  laws,  and  introduced  them  among  the  vanquished,  retain- 
ing but  an  extremely  slender  obedience  and  submission  towards  the 
sovereigns  of  their  country. 

4  Thus  also,  in  more  recent  times,  the  House  of  Austria  had  acted, 
in  regard  to  its  colonies  of  the  Low  Countries,  before  the  latter 
totally  withdrew  themselves  from  its  domination. 

4  Such  examples  ought  to  apprise  the  English  of  the  conduct  they 
should  pursue,  in  respect  to  their  colonies;  and  warn  them  of  what 
they  should  avoid.' 

4  The  colonies  are  already  sufficiently  taxed,  if  the  restrictions 
upon  their  commerce  are  taken  into  view.  No  other  burden  should, 
therefore,  be  laid  upon  the  Americans,  or  they  should  be  restored  to 
an  entire  liberty  of  commerce  ;  for  otherwise  they  would  be  charged 
doubly,  than  which  nothing  can  be  deemed  more  tyrannical. 

*  It  is  not  argued,  however,  that  the  American  colonies  ought  not 
to  be  subject  to  certain  external  duties,  which  the  parliament  has  au- 
thority to  establish  in  their  ports,  or  to  some  other  restrictions,  which 
have  been  laid  upon  their  commerce  by  the  act  of  navigation,  or  other 
regulations. 

4  They  are  in  the  same  case  as  all  other  colonies,  belonging  to  the 
rest  of  the  maritime  powers  in  Europe ;  from  their  first  establish- 
ment, all  commerce  with  foreign  nations  has  been  prohibited  them. 

4  What  is  spoken  of  are  internal  taxes,  to  be  levied  on  the  body  of 
the  people  ;  and  it  is  contended,  that  before  they  can  be  liable  to 
such  taxes,  they  must  first  be  represented. 

4  Even  admitting,  what  is  denied,  that  the  British  parliament  has 
the  right  to  make  laws  for  the  colonies,  still  more  to  tax  them  with- 
out their  concurrence,  there  lie  many  objections  against  all  the  duties 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  43 

lately  imposed  on  the  colonies,  and  more  still,  and  weightier,  against 
that  of  the  stamps  lately  projected  by  the  ministers,  and  now  pro- 
posed for  the  sanction  of  parliament.  For,  whereas  these  stamp 
duties  were  laid  gradually  on  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  they  are 
now  to  be  saddled,  all  at  once,  with  all  their  increased  weight,  on 
those  of  the  colonies ;  and  if  these  same  duties  were  thought  so 
grievous  in  England,  on  account  of  the  great  variety  of  occasions  in 
which  they  were  payable,  and  the  great  number  of  heavy  penalties, 
which  the  best  meaning  persons  might  incur,  they  must  be  to  the 
last  degree  oppressive  in  the  colonies,  where  the  people,  in  general, 
cannot  be  supposed  so  conversant  in  matters  of  this  kind,  and  num- 
bers do  not  even  understand  the  language  of  these  intricate  laws,  so 
foreign  to  their  ordinary  pursuits  of  agriculture  and  commerce.* 

*  It  should  be  added,  that  these  laws,  which  savor  too  much  of 
their  native  soil,  and  bear  too  distinctly  the  character  of  that  subtilty 
for  which  the  English  financial  system  is  distinguished,  must  be  view- 
ed by  foreigners  as  insidious  snares,  and  tend  to  discourage  them 
from  emigrating,  with  their  families,  to  the  American  shores.  Need 
any  one  be  told  how  prejudicial  this  would  prove  to  their  growing 
population,  and,  by  rebound,  to  the  interests  of  England  herself? 

'  Finally,  as  the  money  produced  by  these  duties,  according  to  the 
terms  of  the  bill  proposed,  is  required  to  be  paid  into  the  English 
treasury,  the  colonies,  already  impoverished  by  commercial  prohibi- 
tions, must,  in  a  short  time,  be  drained  of  all  their  specie,  to  the  ruin 
of  their  commerce,  both  internal  and  external.' 

On  the  part  of  the  ministers,  these  objections  were  answered,  as 
follows  : 

'  First  of  all,  it  is  necessary  to  banish  from  the  present  question 
all  this  parade  of  science  and  erudition,  so  pompously  displayed  by 
our  opponents,  and  which  they  have  collected  from  the  books  of  spe- 
culative men,  who  have  written  upon  the  subject  of  government. 
All  these  refinements  and  arguments  of  natural  lawyers,  such  as 
Locke,  Selden,  PufFendorfF,  and  others,  are  little  to  the  purpose,  in  a 
question  of  constitutional  law. 

4  And  nothing  can  be  more  absurd,  than  to  hunt  after  antiquated 
charters,  to  argue  from  thence  the  present  English  constitution  ;  be- 
cause the  constitution  is  no  longer  the  same  ;  and  nobody  knows  what 
it  was,  at  some  of  the  times  that  are  quoted  ;  and  there  are  things 
even  in  Magna  Charta,  which  are  not  constitutional  now.  All  these 
appeals,  therefore,  to  the  records  of  antiquity,  prove  nothing  as  to  the 
constitution  such  as  it  now  is. 

1  This  constitution  has  always  been  subject  to  continual  changes 
and  modifications,  perpetually  gaining  or  losing  something ;  nor  was 
the  representation  of  the  commons  of  Great  Britain  formed  into  any 
certain  system,  till  the  reign  of  Henry  VII. 

*  See  Note  II, 


44  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I. 

'  With  regard  to  the  modes  of  taxation,  when  we  get  beyond  the 
reign  of  Edward  I.  or  king  John,  we  are  all  in  doubt  and  obscurity  ; 
the  history  of  those  times  is  full  of  uncertainty  and  confusion.  As 
to  the  writs  upon  record,  they  were  issued,  some  of  them  according 
to  law,  and  some  not  according;  to  law ;  and  such  were  those  concern- 
ing ship  money  ;  to  call  assemblies  to  tax  themselves,  or  to  compel 
benevolences ;  other  taxes  were  raised  by  escuage,  or  shield  ser- 
vice, fees  for  knight's  service,  and  other  means  arising  from  the 
feudal  system.  Benevolences  are  contrary  to  law  ;  and  it  is  well 
known  how  people  resisted  the  demands  of  the  crown,  in  the  case 
of  ship  money ;  and  were  prosecuted  by  the  court. 

'  With  respect  to  the  marches  of  Wales,  this  privilege  of  taxing 
themselves  was  but  of  short  duration  ;  and  was  only  granted  these 
borderers,  for  assisting  the  king,  in  his  wars  against  the  Welsh  in  the 
mountains.  It  commenced  and  ended  with  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  $ 
and  when  the  prince  of  Wales  came  to  be  king,  they  were  annexed 
to  the  crown,  and  became  subject  to  taxes,  like  the  rest  of  the  do- 
minions of  England. 

{  Henry  VIII.  was  the  first  king  of  England  who  issued  writs  for  it 
to  return  two  members  to  parliament ;  the  crown  exercised  the  right 
of  issuing  writs,  or  not,  at  pleasure  ;  from  whence  arises  the  inequal- 
ity of  representation,  in  our  constitution  of  this  day.  Henry  VIII. 
issued  a  writ  to  Calais,  to  send  one  burgess  to  parliament ;  and  one 
of  the  counties  palatine  was  taxed  fifty  years  to  subsidies,  before  it 
sent  members  to  parliament. 

1  The  clergy  at  no  time  were  unrepresented  in  parliament.  When 
they  taxed  themselves  in  their  assemblies,  it  was  done  with  the  con- 
currence and  consent  of  parliament. 

'  The  reasoning  about  the  colonies  of  Great  Britain,  drawn  from 
the  colonies  of  antiquity,  is  a  mere  useless  display  of  learning  ;  for  it 
is  well  known  the  colonies  of  the  Tynans  in  Africa,  and  of  the  Greeks 
in  Asia,  were  totally  different  from  our  system.  No  nation,  before 
England,  formed  any  regular  system  of  colonisation,  but  the  Ro- 
mans ;  and  their  colonial  system  was  altogether  military,  by  garrisons 
placed  in  the  principal  towns  of  the  conquered  provinces  ;  and  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  principal  country  was  absolute  and  unlimited. 

'  The  provinces  of  Holland  were  not  colonies  ;  but  they  were 
states  subordinate  to  the  House  of  Austria,  in  a  feudal  dependence. 
And,  finally,  nothing  could  be  more  different  from  the  laws  and  cus- 
toms of  the  English  colonies,  and  that  inundation  of  northern  barba- 
rians, who,  at  the  fall  of  the  Roman  empire,  invaded  and  occupied 
all  Europe.  Those  emigrants  renounced  all  laws,  all  protection,  all 
connexion  with  their  mother  countries  :  they  chose  their  leaders,  and 
marched  under  their  banners,  to  seek  their  fortunes,  and  establish 
new  kingdoms  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  empire. 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  45 

*  On  the  contrary,  the  founders  of  the  English  colonies  emigrated 
under  the  sanction  of  the  king  and  parliament ;  their  constitutions 
were  modelled  gradually  into  their  present  forms,  respectively  by 
charters,  grants  and  statutes ;  but  they  were  never  separated  from 
the  mother  country,  or  so  emancipated  as  to  become  independent, 
and  sui  juris. 

6  The  commonwealth  parliament  were  very  early  jealous  of  the 
colonies  separating  themselves  from  them ;  and  passed  a  resolution 
or  act,  and  it  is  a  question  whether  it  is  not  now  in  force,  to  declare 
and  establish  the  authority  of  England  over  her  colonies.  But  if 
there  was  no  express  law,  or  reason  founded  upon  any  necessary 
inference  from  an  express,  law,  yet  the  usage  alone  would  be  suffi- 
cient to  support  that  authority  ;  for,  have  not  the  colonies  submitted, 
ever  since  their  first  establishment,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  mother 
country  ?  Have  they  not  even  invoked  it  in  many  instances  .?  In  all 
questions  of  property,  have  not  the  appeals  of  the  colonies  been 
made  to  the  privy  council  here  ?  And  have  not  these  causes  been 
determined,  not  by  the  law  of  the  colonies,  but  by  the  law  of  Eng- 
land ?  And  have  they  not  peaceably  submitted  to  these  decisions  ? 

1  These  cases  of  recourse,  however,  have  been  very  frequent. 
New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut  have  been  in  blood  about  their 
differences  ;  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  in  arms  against  each  other. 
Does  not  this  show  the  necessity  of  one  superior  decisive  jurisdiction, 
to  which  all  subordinate  jurisdictions  may  recur  ?  Nothing,  at  any 
time,  could  be  more  fatal  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  colonies, 
than  the  parliament  giving  up  its  superintending  authority  over  them. 
From  this  moment,  every  bond  between  colony  and  colony  would  be 
dissolved,  and  a  deplorable  anarchy  would  ensue.  The  elements  of 
discord  and  faction,  already  diffused  amongst  them,  are  too  well 
known,  not  to  apprehend  an  explosion  of  this  sort. 

'  From  this  to  the  total  annihilation  of  the  present  colonial  system, 
to  the  creation  of  new  forms  of  government,  and  falling  a  prey  to 
some  foreign  potentate,  how  inevitable  is  their  career  ! 

'  At  present  the  several  forms  of  their  constitution  are  very  vari- 
ous, having  been  established  one  after  another,  and  dictated  by  the 
circumstances  and  events  of  the  times ;  the  forms  of  government 
in  every  colony,  were  adapted  from  time  to  time,  according  to  the 
size  of  the  colony,  and  so  have  been  extended  again  from  time  to 
time,  as  the  numbers  of  the  inhabitants,  and  their  commercial  con- 
nexions, outgrew  the  first  model.  In  some  colonies,  at  first  there 
was  only  a  governor,  assisted  by  two  or  three  counsellors  ;  then  more 
were  added  ;  then  courts  of  justice  were  erected,  then  assemblies 
were  created. 

<  As  the  constitutions  of  the  colonies  are  made  up  of  different 
principles,  so  they  must,  from  the  necessity  of  things,  remain  depen- 
dent upon  the  jurisdiction  of  the  mother  country;  no  one  ever 


46  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I* 

thought  the  contrary,  till  this  new  doctrine  was  broached.  Acts  of 
parliament  have  been  made,  not  only  without  a  doubt  of  their  legali- 
ty, but  accepted  with  universal  applause,  and  willingly  obeyed. 
Their  ports  have  been  made  subject  to  customs  and  regulations, 
which  cramped  and  diminished  their  trade  ;  and  duties  have  been 
laid,  affecting  the  very  inmost  parts  of  their  commerce,  and  among 
others,  that  of  the  post ;  and  no  one  ever  thought,  except  these  new 
doctors,  that  the  colonies  are  not  to  be  taxed,  regulated,  and  bound 
by  parliament. 

*  There  can  be  no  doubt,  but  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies 
are   as  much  represented  in  parliament,  as  the  greatest   part  of  the 
people  of  England  are,  among  nine  millions  of  whom,  there  are  eight 
who  have  no  votes  in  electing  members  of  parliament ;  and,  there- 
fore, all  these  arguments,  brought  to  prove  the  colonies  not  depen- 
dent on  parliament,  upon  the  ground   of  representation,   are  vain  ; 
nay,  they  prove  too  much,  since  they  directly  attack  the  whole  pre- 
sent constitution  of  Great  Britain.     But  the  thing  is,  that  a  member 
of  parliament,  chosen  for  any  borough,  represents  not  only  the  con- 
stituents and  inhabitants  of  that  particular  place,  but  he  represents 
the  inhabitants  of  every  other  borough  in  Great  Britain.     He  repre- 
sents the  city  of  London,  and  all  other  the  commons  of  the  land,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  all  the  colonies  and  dominions  of  Great  Britain,  and 
is  in  duty  and  conscience  bound  to  take  care  of  their  interests. 

'  The  distinction  of  internal  and  external  taxes,  is  false  and 
groundless.  It  is  granted,  that  restrictions  upon  trade,  and  duties 
upon  the  ports,  are  legal,  at  the  same  time  that  the  right  of  the  par- 
liament of  Great  Britain,  to  lay  internal  taxes  upon  the  colonies,  is 
denied.  What  real  difference  can  there  be  in  this  distinction  ?  Is 
not  a  tax,  laid  in  any  place,  like  a  pebble  falling  into  and  making  a 
circle  in  a  lake,  till  one  circle  produces  and  gives  motion  to  another, 
and  the  whole  circumference  is  agitated  from  the  centre  f 

*  Nothing  can  be  more  clear,  than  that  a  tax  of  ten  or  twenty  per 
cent,  laid  upon  tobacco  either  in  the  ports  of  Virginia  or  London,  is 
a  real  duty  laid  upon  the  inland  plantations  of  Virginia  itself,  an  hun- 
dred miles  from  the  sea,  wherever  the  tobacco  grows. 

'  Protection  is  the  ground  that  gives  the  right  of  taxation.  The 
obligation  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  is  natural 
and  reciprocal,  consisting  of  defence  on  the  one  side,  and  obedience 
on  the  other  ;  and  common  sense  tells,  that  the  colonies  must  be  de- 
pendent in  all  points  upon  the  mother  country,  or  else  not  belong  to 
it  at  all.  The  question  is  not  what  was  law,  or  what  was  the  con- 
stitution ?  but  the  question  is,  what  is  law  now,  and  what  is  the  con- 
stitution now  ? 

*  And  is  not  this  law,  is  not  this  the  constitution,  is  not  this  right, 
which  without  contradiction,  and  for  so  long  a  time,  and  in  number- 
less instances,  as  such  has  been  exercised  on  the  one  part,  and  ap- 
proved by  obedience  on  the  other  ? 


BOOK     I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  47 

1  No  attention  whatever  is  due  to  these  subtile  opinions  and  vain 
abstractions  of  speculative  men  ;  as  remote  from  the  common  ex- 
perience of  human  affairs,  and  but  too  well  adapted  to  seduce  and 
inflame  the  minds  of  those,  who,  having  derived  such  signal  advan- 
tages from  their  past  submission,  ought  for  the  future  also  to  obey 
the  laws  of  their  hitherto  indulgent,  but  powerful  mother. 

4  Besides,  is  not  the  condition  of  the  Americans,  in  many  respects, 
preferable  to  that  of  the  English  themselves  ?  The  expenses  of  in- 
ternal and  civil  administration,  in  England,  are  enormous ;  so  incon- 
siderable, on  the  contrary,  in  the  colonies,  as  almost  to  surpass 
belief. 

'  The  government  of  the  church,  productive  of  so  heavy  an  ex- 
pense in  England,  is  of  no  importance  in  America  ;  there  tithes, 
there  sinecure  benefices,  are  unknown.  Pauperism  has  no  existence 
in  the  colonies  ;  there,  according  to  the  language  of  Scripture,  every 
one  lives  under  his  own  fig  tree  ;  hunger  and  nakedness  are  banish- 
ed from  the  land  ;  and  vagrants,  or  beggars,  are  never  seen.  Happy 
would  it  be  for  England,  if  as  much  could  be  affirmed  of  her  sub- 
jects on  this  side  of  the  ocean  !  But  the  contrary,  as  every  body 
knows,  is  the  truth. 

'  What  nation  has  ever  shown  such  tenderness  towards  its  colonies 
as  England  has  demonstrated  for  hers  ?  Have  they,  in  their  necessi- 
ties, ever  sought  in  vain  the  prompt  succours  of  Great  Britain  ?  Was 
it  for  their  own  defence  against  the  enemy,  or  to  advance  their  do- 
mestic prosperity,  have  not  the  most  ample  subsidies  been  granted 
them  without  hesitation  ? 

'Independently  of  these  benefits,  what  other  state  has  ever  extend- 
ed to  a  part  of  its  population  this  species  of  favor,  which  had  been 
bestowed  by  England  upon  her  colonies  ?  She  has  opened  them  a 
credit  without  which  they  could  never  have  arrived  at  this  height  of 
prosperity,  which  excites  the  astonishment  of  all  that  visit  them  ; 
and  this  considered,  the  tax  proposed  must  be  deemed  a  very  mo- 
derate interest  for  the  immense  sums  which  Great  Britain  has  lent 
her  colonies. 

'  As  to  the  scarcity  of  money,  the  declamations  upon  this  head  are 
equally  futile  :  gold  and  silver  can  never  be  wanting  in  a  country  so 
fertile  in  excellent  productions  as  North  America.  The  stamp  duty 
proposed  being  not  only  moderate,  but  even  trivial,  could  never  with- 
draw from  the  country  so  considerable  a  quantity  of  specie,  as  to 
drain  its  sources,  especially  as  the  product  of  this  duty  will  be  kept  in 
reserve  in  the  treasury,  and  being  destined  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
the  protection  and  defence  of  the  colonies,  must  therefore  of  necessity 
be  totally  reimbursed. 

'  This  supremacy  of  England,  about  which  such  a  clamor  has 
been  raised,  amounts  then  in  reality,  to  nothing  but  a  superiority  of 
power  and  of  efforts  to  guard  and  protect  all  her  dependencies,  and 


48  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

all  her  dominions  ;  which  she  has  done  at  a  price  that  has  brought 
her  to  the  brink  of  ruin.  Great  Britain,  it  is  true,  has  acquired  in 
this  struggle  a  gjory  which  admits  of  no  addition  ;  but  all  her  colo- 
nies participate  in  this.  The  Americans  are  not  only  graced  by  the 
reflected  splendor  of  their  ancient  country,  but  she  has  also  lavished 
upon  them  the  honors  and  benefits  which  belong  to  the  members  of 
the  British  empire,  while  England  alone  has  paid  the  countless  cost 
of  so  much  glory.' 

Such  were  the  arguments  advanced  in  parliament,  with  equal 
ability  and  warmth,  on  the  one  part,  and  on  the  other,  in  favor,  and 
against,  the  American  tax.  While  the  question  was  in  suspense,  the 
merchants  of  London,  interested  in  the  commerce  of  America,  tor- 
tured with  the  fear  of  losing  or  not  having  punctually  remitted,  the 
capitals  they  had  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  presented  a 
petition  against  the  bill,  on  the  day  of  its  second  reading  ;  for  they 
plainly  foresaw  that  among  their  debtors,  some  from  necessity,  and 
others  with  this  pretext,  would  not  fail  to  delay  remittances.  But  it 
was  alleged,  that  the  usage  of  the  house  of  commons  is  not  to  hear 
petitions  directed  against  tax  laws  ;  and  this  of  the  London  mer- 
chants, was,  accordingly,  rejected. 

Meanwhile,  the  ministers,  and  particularly  George  Grenville,  ex- 
claimed ; 

4  These  Americans,  our  own  children,  planted  by  our  cares,  nour- 
ished by  our  indulgence,  protected  by  our  arms,  until  they  are  grown 
to  a  good  degree  of  strength  and  opulence  ;  will  they  now  turn  their 
backs  upon  us,  and  grudge  to  contribute  their  mite  to  relieve  us  from 
the  heavy  load  which  overwhelms  us  ?' 

Colonel  Barre  caught  the  words,  and  with  a  vehemence  becom- 
ing in  a  soldier,  said  ; 

'Planted  by  your  cares  !  No  !  your  oppression  planted  them  in 
America  ;  they  fled  from  your  tyranny,  into  a  then  uncultivated  land, 
where  they  were  exposed  to  almost  all  the  hardships  to  which  hu- 
man nature  is  liable,  and  among  others,  to  the  savage  cruelty  of  the 
enemy  of  the  country,  a  people  the  most  subtle,  and,  I  take  upon  me 
to  say,  the  most  truly  terrible,  of  any  people  that  ever  inhabited  any 
part  of  God's  earth  ;  and  yet,  actuated  by  principles  of  true  English 
liberty,  they  met  all  these  hardships  with  pleasure,  compared  with 
those  they  suffered  in  their  own  country,  from  the  hands  of  those 
that  should  have  been  their  friends.' 

*  They  nourished  up  by  your  indulgence  ?  They  grew  by  your 
neglect ;  as  soon  as  you  began  to  care  about  them,  that  care  was  ex- 
ercised in  sending  persons  to  rule  over  them,  in  one  department  and 
another,  who  were  perhaps,  the  deputies  of  the  deputies  of  some 
members  of  this  house,  sent  to  spy  out  their  liberty,  to  misrepresent 
their  actions,  and  to  prey  upon  them  ;  men,  whose  behavior,  on 
many  occasions,  has  caused  the  blood  of  these  sons  of  liberty  to  recoil 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  49 

within  them ;  men,  promoted  to  the  highest  seats  of  justice,  some 
of  whom,  to  my  knowledge,  were  glad,  by  going  to  foreign  countries, 
to  escape  the  vengeance  of  the  laws  in  their  own. 

s  They  protected  by  your  arms  ?  They  have  nobly  taken  tip  arms 
in  your  defence,  have  exerted  their  valor  amidst  their  constant  and 
•laborious  industry,  for  the  defence  of  a  country,  whose  frontiers, 
while  drenched  in  blood,  its  interior  parts  have  yielded  for  your  en- 
largement, the  little  savings  of  their  frugality,  and  the  fruits  of  their 
toils.  And  believe  me,  remember,  I  this  day  told  you  so,  that  the 
same  spirit  which  actuated  that  people  at  first,  will  continue  with 
them  still ;  but  prudence  forbids  me  to  explain  myself  any  further. 
God  knows,  I  do  not,  at  this  time,  speak  from  motives  of  party  heat ; 
what  I  assert  proceeds  from  the  sentiments  of  my  heart.  However 
superior  to  me  in  general  knowledge  and  experience,  any  one  here 
may  be,  yet  I  claim  to  know  more  of  America,  having  seen,  and 
been  more  conversant  in  that  country.  The  people  there  are  as 
truly  loyal,  as  any  subjects  the  king  has ;  but  a  people  jealous  of 
their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  them,  if  they  should  be  violat- 
ed ;  but  the  subject  is  delicate  ;  1  will  say  no  more.' 

This  discourse  was  pronounced  by  the  colonel  without  preparation, 
and  with  such  a  tone  of,  energy,  that  all  the  house  remained,  as  it 
were,  petrified  with  surprise,  and  all  viewed  him  with  attention,  with- 
out uttering  a  word. 

But  the  pride  of  the  ministers  would  not  permit  them  to  retreat, 
and  the  parliament  could  not  hear,  with  patience,  its  authority  to 
tax  America,  called  in  question.  Accordingly,  many  voted  in  favor 
of  the  bill,  because  they  believed  it  just  and  expedient ;  others,  be- 
cause the  ministers  knew  how  to  make  it  appear  such  ;  others,  final- 
ly, and  perhaps  the  greater  number,  from  jealousy  of  their  contested 
authority.  Thus,  when  the  house  divided  on  the  7th  of  February, 
1765,  the  nays  were  not  found  to  exceed  fifty,  and  the  yeas  were  two 
hundred  and  fifty.  The  bill  was,  therefore,  passed,  and  was  approv- 
ed with  great  alacrity  in  the  house  of  lords,  on  the  8th  of  March  fol- 
lowing, and  sanctioned  by  the  king  the  22d  of  the  same  month. 

Such  was  this  famous  scheme,  invented  by  the  most  subtle,  by  the 
most  sapient  heads  in  England  ;  whether  the  spirit  of  sophistry 
in  which  it  originated,  or  the  moment  selected  for  its  promulgation, 
be  the  most  deserving  of  admiration,  is  left  for  others  to  pronounce. 
Certain  it  is,  that  it  gave  occasion  in  America  to  those  intestine 
commotions,  that  violent  fermentation,  which,  after  kindling  a  civil 
war,  involving  all  Europe  in  its  flames,  terminated  in  the  total  dis- 
junction from  the  British  empire  of  one  of  its  fairest  possessions. 

If  in  this  great  revolution,  the  arms  of  England  suffered  no  dimi- 
nution of  splendor  and   glory,  owing  to  the  valor  and  gallantry  dis- 
played by  her  soldiers  throughout  the  war,  it  cannot  be  disguised  that 
VOL.  i.  7 


00  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

her  power  and  influence  were  essentially  impaired  among  all  nations 
of  the  world. 

The  very  night  the  act  was  passed,  doctor  Franklin,  who  was  then 
in  London,  wrote  to  Charles  Thomson,  afterwards  secretary  of 
Congress,  '  The  sun  of  liberty  is  set ;  the  Americans  must  light  the 
lamps  of  industry  and  economy.'  To  which  Mr.  Thomson  an- 
swered ;  '  Be  assured  we  shall  light  torches  of  quite  another  sort.' 
Thus  predicting  the  convulsions  that  were  about  to  follow. 


END    OF    BOOK    FIRST. 


NOTES  TO  BOOK  I. 


NOTE    I. PAGE    22. 


FRANKLIN'S  LETTER. 

£  EXCLUDING  the  people  of  the  colonies  from  all  share  in  the  choice  of  the  grand 
council,  would  probably  give  extreme  dissatisfaction,  as  well  as  the  taxing  them  by  act 
of  parliament,  where  they  have  no  representation. 

'  In  matters  of  general  concern  to  the  people,  and  especially  when  burthens  are  to  be 
laid  upon  them,  it  is  of  use  to  consider,  as  well  what  they  will  be  apt  to  think  and  say, 
as  what  they  ought  to  think ;  I  shall,  therefore,  as  your  excellency  requires  it  of  me, 
briefly  mention  what  of  either  kind  occurs  to  me  on  this  occasion. 

'  First,  they  will  say,  and  perhaps  with  justice,  that  the  body  of  the  people  in  the  co- 
lonies are  as  loyal,  and  as  firmly  attached  to  the  present  constitution,  and  reigning  fa- 
mily, as  any  subjects  in  the  king's  dominions. 

'  That  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  readiness  and  willingness  of  the  representatives 
they  may  choose,  to  grant,  from  time  to  time,  such  supplies  for  the  defence  of  the  coun- 
try, as  shall  be  judged  necessary,  so  far  as  their  abilities  allow. 

'That the  people  in  the  colonies,  who  are  to  feel  the  immediate  mischiefs  of  invasion 
and  conquest  by  an  enemy,  in  the  loss  of  their  estates,  lives,  and  liberties,  are  likely  to 
be  better  judges  of  the  quantity  of  forces  necessary  to  be  raised  and  maintained,  forts 
to  be  built  and  supported,  and  of  their  own  abilities  to  bear  the  expense,  than  the  par- 
liament of  England,  at  so  great  a  distance. 

'  That  governors  often  come  to  the  colonies  merely  to  make  fortunes  with  which  they 
intend  to  return  to  Britain;  are  not  always  men  of  the  best  abilities  or  integrity  ;  have, 
many  of  them,  no  estates  here,  nor  any  natural  connexions  with  us,  that  should  make 
them  heartily  concerned  for  our  welfare  ;  and  might,  possibly,  be  fond  of  raising  and 
keeping  up  more  forces  than  necessary,  from  the  profits  accruing  to  themselves,  and  to 
make  provision  for  their  friends  and  dependants. 

'  That  the  counsellors,  in  most  of  the  colonies,  being  appointed  by  the  crown,  on  the 
recommendation  of  governors,  are  often  persons  of  small  estates,  frequently  dependent 
on  the  governors  for  offices,  and  therefore  too  much  under  influence 

'  That  there  is,  therefore,  great  reason  to  be  jealous  of  a  power  in  such  governors  and 
councils,  to  raise  such  sums  as  they  shall  judge  necessary,  by  drafts  on  the  lords  of  the 
treasury,  to  be  afterwards  laid  on  the  colonies  by  act  of  parliament,  and  paid  by  the 
people  here;  since  they  might  abuse  it,  by  projecting  useless  expeditions,  harassing  the 
people,  and  taking  them  from  their  labor  to  execute  such  projects,  merely  to  create  offi- 
ces and  employments,  and  gratify  their  dependants,  and  divide  profits. 

'  That  the  parliament  of  England  is  at  a  great  distance,  subject  to  be  misinformed 
and  misled  by  such  governors  and  councils,  whose  united  interests  might,  probably,  se- 
cure them  against  the  effect  of  any  complaint  from  hence. 

1  That  it  is  supposed  an  undoubted  right  of  Englishmen,  not  to  be  taxed,  but  by  their 
own  consent,  given  through  their  representatives ;  -that  the  colonies  have  no  representa- 
tives in  parliament. 

1  That  to  propose  taxing  them  by  parliament,  and  refuse  them  the  liberty  of  choosing 
a  representative  council,  to  meet  in  the  colonies,  and  consider  and  judge  of  the  necessity 
of  any  general  tax,  and  the  quantum,  shows  a  suspicion  of  their  loyalty  to  the  crown, 
or  of  their  regard  for  their  country,  or  of  their  common  sense  and  understanding; 
which  they  have  not  deserved. 


52  NOTES.  BOOK  I. 

'  That  compelling  the  colonies  to  pay  money  without  their  consent,  would  be  rather 
like  raising  contributions  in  an  enemy's  country,  than  taxing  of  Englishmen  for  their 
own  public  benefit ;  that  it  would  be  treating  them  as  a  conquered  people,  and  not  as 
true  British  subjects. 

'  That  a  tax  laid  by  the  representatives  of  the  colonies  might  be  easily  lessened  as  the 
occasions  should  lessen  ;  but  being  once  laid  by  parliament,  under  the  influence  of  the 
representations  made  by  governors,  would  probably  be  kept  up  and  continued  for  the 
benefit  of  governors,  to  the  grievous  burthen  and  discontentment  of  the  colonies,  and 
prevention  of  their  growth  and  increase. 

1  That  a  power  in  governors,  to  march  the  inhabitants  from  one  end  of  the  British 
and  French  colonies  to  the  other,  being  a  country  of  at  least  one  thousand  five  hundred 
miles  long,  without  the  approbation  or  the  consent  of  their  representatives  first  obtained, 
to  such  expeditions,  might  be  grievous  and  ruinous  to  the  people,  and  would  put.  them 
upon  a  footing  with  the  subjects  of  France  in  Canada,  that  now  groan  under  such  op- 
pression from  their  governor,  wiio,  for  two  years  past,  has  harassed  them  with  long  and 
destructive  marches  to  Ohio. 

'  That  if  the  colonies,  in  a  body,  may  be  well  governed  by  governors  and  councils 
appointed  by  the  crown,  without  representatives,  particular  colonies  may  as  well,  or  bet- 
ter, be  so  governed ;  a  tax  may  be  laid  upon  them  all  by  act  of  parliament,  for  support 
of  government ;  and  their  assemblies  may  be  dismissed  as  an  useless  part  of  the  con- 
stitution. 

'  That  the  powers  proposed  by  the  Albany  plan  of  union,  to  be  vested  in  a  grand 
council  representative  of  the  people,  even  with  regard  to  military  matters,  are  not  so 
great  as  those  which  the  colonies  of  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  are  entrusted  with 
by  their  charters,  and  have  never  abused;  for  by  this  plan,  the  president-general  is  ap- 
pointed by  the  crown,  and  controls  all  by  his  negative  ;  but  in  those  governments,  the 
people  choose  the  governor,  and  yet  allow  him  no  negative. 

'  That  the  British  colonies  bordering  on  the  French,  are  frontiers  of  the  British  em- 
pire ;  and  the  frontiers  of  an  empire  are  properly  defended  at  the  joint  expense  of  the 
body  of  the  people  in  such  empire  ;  it  would  now  be  thought  hard,  by  act  of  parliament, 
to  oblige  the  Cinque  Ports,  or  sea  coasts  of  Britain,  to  maintain  the  whole  navy,  because 
they  are  more  immediately  defended  by  it,  not  allowing  them,  at  the  same  time,  a  vote 
in  choosjng  members  of  parliament ;  and  as  the  frontiers  of  America  bear  the  expense 
of  their  own  defence,  it  seems  hard  to  allow  them  no  share  in  voting  the  money,  judging 
of  the  necessity  of  the  sum,  or  advising  the  measures. 

{  That  besides  the  taxes  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers,  the  colonies  pay 
yearly  great  sums  to  the  mother  country  unnoticed  ;  for, 

1.  Taxes  paid  in  Britain  by  the  land-holder,  or  artificer,  must  enter  into  and  increase 
the  price  of  the  produce  of  land  and  manufactures  made  of  it,  and  great  part  of  this 
is  paid  by  consumers  in  the  colonies,  who  thereby  pay  a  considerable  part  of  the  British 
taxes. 

2.  We  are  restrained  in  our  trade  with  foreign  nations  ;  and  where  we  could  be  sup- 
plied with  any  manufacture  cheaper  from  them,  but  must  buy  the  same  dearer  from 
Britain,  the  difference  of  price  is  a  clear  tax  to  Britain. 

3.  We  are  obliged  to  carry  a  part  of  our  produce  directly  to  Britain ;  and  when  the 
duties  laid  upon  it  lessen  its  price  to  the  planter,  or  it  sells  for  less  than  it  would  in  fo- 
reign markets,  the  difference  is  a  tax  paid  to  Britain. 

4.  Some  manufactures  we  could  make,  but  are  forbidden,  and  must  take  them  of 
British  merchants  ;    the  whole  price  is  a  tax  paid  to  Britain. 

5.  By  our  greatly  increasing  demand  and  consumption  of  British  manufactures,  their 
price  is  considerably  raised  of  late  years;  the  advantage  is  clear  profit  to  Britain,  and 
enables  its  people  better  to  pay  great  taxes ;  and  much  of  it  being  paid  by  us,  is  clear 
tax  to  Britain. 

6.  In  short,  as  we  are  not  suffered  to  regulate  our  trade,  and  restrain  the  importation 
and  consumption  of  British  superfluities,  as  Britain  can  the  consumption  of  foreign  su- 
perfluities, our  whole  wealth  centers  finally  amongst  the  merchants  and  inhabitants  of 
Britain ;  and  if  we  make  them  richer,  and  enable  them  better  to  pay  their  taxes,  it  is 
nearly  the  same  as  being  taxed  ourselves,  and  equally  beneficial  to  the  crown. 

'  These  kind  of  secondary  taxes,  however,  we  do  not  complain  of  though  we  have 
no  share  in  laying  or  disposing  of  them ;  but  to  pay  immediate  heavy  taxes,  in  the  lay- 
ing, appropriation,  and  disposition  of  which,  we  have  no  part,  and  which,  perhaps,  we 
may  know  to  be  as  unnecessary  as  grievous,  must  seem  hard  measures  to  Englishmen, 
who  cannot  conceive,  that  by  hazarding  their  lives  and  fortunes  in  subduing  and  settling 
new  countries,  extending  the  dominion,  and  increasing  the  commerce  of  the  mother 


BOOK  I. 


NOTES.  53 


nation,  they  have  forfeited  the  native  rights  of  Britons,  which  they  think  ought  rather 
to  be  given  to  them  as  due  to  such  merit,  if  they  had  been  before  in  a  state  of  slavery. 

'  These,  and  such  kinds  of  things  as  these,  I  apprehend,  will  be  thought  and  said  by 
the  people,  if  the  proposed  alteration  of  the  Albany  plan  should  take  place.  Then  the 
administration  of  the  board  of  governors  and  council  so  appointed,  not  having  the 
representative  body  of  the  people  to  approve  and  unite  in  its  measures,  and  conciliate 
the  minds  of  the  people  to  them,  will  probably  become  suspected  and  odious  ;  danger- 
ous animosities  and  feuds  will  arise  between  the  governors  and  governed,  and  every 
thing'  go  into  confusion.' 

This  was  the  letter  of  Franklin. 


NOTE    II. PAGE    43. 

STAMP  ACT. 

WHEREAS,  by  an  act  made  in  the  last  session  of  Parliament,  several  duties  were 
granted,  continued,  and  appropriated  towards  defraying  the  expenses  of  defending, 
protecting,  and  securing  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  in  America  :  and  whereas 
it  is  first  necessary,  that  provision  be  made  for  raising  a  further  revenue  within  your 
majesty's  dominions  in  America,  towards  defraying  the  said  expenses  ;  we,  your  majes- 
ty's most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  in  parliament 
assembled,  have  therefore  resolved  to  give  and  grant  unto  your  majesty  the  several  rites 
and  duties  hereinafter  mentioned ;  and  do  most  humbly  beseech  your  majesty  that  it 
may  be  enacted,  And  be  it  enacted  by  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  by  and  with 
the  advise  and  consent  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons,  in  this  pre- 
sent parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  from  and  after  the 
first  day  of  November,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty -five,  there  shall  be  raised, 
levied,  collected,  and  paid  unto  his  majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors,  throughout  the 
colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  which  now  are,  or  hereafter  may  be,  under  the 
dominion  of  his  majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors, 

1.  For  every  skin  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall 
be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  declaration,  plea,  replication,  rejoinder,  demurrer, 
or  other  pleading,  or  any  copy  thereof,  in  any  court  of  law  within  the  British  colonies 
and  plantations  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

2.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  special  bail,  and  appearance  upon 
such  bail  in  any  such  court,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

3.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  may  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  petition,  bill,  or  answer,  claim,  pica, 
replication,  rejoinder,  demurrer,  or  other  pleading  in  any  court  of  chancery  or  equity 
within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

4.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or   sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  copy  of  any  petition,  bill,  answer, 
claim,  plea,  replication,  rejoinder,  demurrer,  or  other  pleading,  in  any  such  court,  a 
stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

'  5.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  monition,  libel,  answer,  allegation, 
inventory,  or  renunciation,  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  in  any  court  of  probate,  court  of 
the  ordinary,  orjother  court  exercising  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  within  the  said  colonies 
and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

6.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  copy  of  any  will,  (other  than  the  pro- 
bate thereof,)  monition,  libel,  answer,  allegation,  inventory,  or  renunciation,  in  ecclesi- 
astical matters,  in  any  such  court,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

7.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  donation,  presentation,  collation  or 
institution,  of  or  to  any  benefice,  or  any  writ  or  instrument  for  the  like  purpose,  or  any 
register,  entry,  testimonial,  or  certificate  of  any  degree  taken  in  any  university,  academy, 
college,  or  seminary  of  learning,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty 
of  two  pounds. 


54  NOTES.  BOOK  I. 

8.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  auy  monition,  libel,  claim,  answer,  allega- 
tion, information,  letter  of  request,  execution,  renunciation,  inventory,  or  other  pleading 
in  any  admiralty  court  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one 
shilling. 

9.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  any  copy  of  any  such  monition,  libel,  claim,  answer,  allegation,  information,  letter 
of  request,  execution,  renunciation,  inventory,  or  other  pleading  shall  be  engrossed, 
written  or  printed,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

10.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  appeal,  writ  of  error,  writ  of  dower, 
ad  quad  damnum,  certiorari,  statute  merchant,  statute  staple,  attestation,  or  certificate, 
by  any  officer,  or  exemplification  of  any  record  or  proceeding,  in  any  court  whatsoever 
within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,   (except  appeals,  writs  of4  error,  certiorari, 
attestations,  certificates,  and  exemplifications,  for,  or  relating  to  the  removal  of  any 
proceedings  from  before  a  single  justice  of  the  peace,)  a  stamp  duty  of  ten  shillings. 

11.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  writ  of  covenant  for  levying   fines, 
writ  of  entry  for  suffering  a  common  recovery,  or  attachment  issuing  out  of,  or  returnable 
into  any  court  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  Jive  shillings. 

12.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  judgment,  decree,  or  sentence,  or  dis- 
mission, or  any  record  of  nisi  prius  or  postea,  in  any  court  within  the  said  colonies  and 
plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  four  shillings. 

13.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  affidavit,  common  bail,  or  appearance, 
interrogatory,  deposition,  rule,  order  or  warrant  of  any  court,  or  any  dedimus  potestatem, 
capias  subpcena,  summons,  compulsory  citation,  commission,  recognisance,  or  any  other 
writ,  process,  or  mandate,  issuing  out  of,  or  returnable  into,  any  court,  or  any  office 
belonging  thereto,  or  any  other  proceeding  therein  whatsoever,  or  any  copy  thereof,  or 
of  any  record  not  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  (ex- 
cept warrants  relating  to  criminal  matters,  and  proceedings  thereon,  or  relating  thereto) 
a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

14.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  note  or  bill  of  lading,  which  shall  be 
signed  for  any  kind  of  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  to  be   exported   from,   or  any 
cocket  or  clearance  granted  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of 
four  pence. 

15.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  letters  of  mart  or  commission  for  private 
ships  of  war,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  twenty  shillings. 

16.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  grant,  appointment,  or  admission  of 
or  to  any  public  beneficial  office  or  employment,  for  the  space  of  one  year,  or  any  lesser 
time,  of  or  above  twenty  pounds  per  annum  sterling  money,  in  salary,  fees,  and  perqui- 
sites, within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  (except  commissions  and  appointments 
of  officers  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  of  judges,  and  of  justices  of  the 
peace)  a  stamp  duty  of  ten  shillings. 

17.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  any  grant  of  any  liberty,  privilege,  or  franchise,  under  the  seal  or  sign  manual,  of 
any  governor,  proprietor,  or  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other  per- 
son or  persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  or  any  exemplification 
of  the  same,  shall  be  engrossed  written,  or  printed,  within  the  said  colonies  and  planta- 
tions, a  stamp  duty  of  six  pounds. 

18.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which   shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,   any  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous 
liquors,  to  be  granted  to  any  person  who  shall  take  out  the  same,  within  the  said  colo- 
nies and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  twenty  shillings. 

19.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  license  for  retailing  of  wine,  to  be 
granted  to  any  person  who  shall  not  take  out  a  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous  liquors, 
within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  four  pounds. 

20.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  license  for  retailing  of  wine,  to  be 
granted  to  any  person  who  shall  take  out  a  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous  liquors, 
within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pounds. 


BOOK  I.  NOTES.  55 

21.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall,  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  probate  of  will,  letters  of  administra- 
tion, or  of  guardianship  lor  any  estate  above  the  value  of  twenty  pounds  sterling  money, 
within  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands 
belonging  thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  five  shil- 
lings. 

22.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  probate,  letters  of  administration 
or  of  guardianship,  within  all  other  parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp 
duty  of  ten  shillings. 

23.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  bond  for  securing  the  payment  of  any 
sum  of  money,  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  ten  pounds  sterling  money,  within  the  British 
colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands  belonging  thereto, 
and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

24.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  bond  for  securing  the  payment  of  any 
sum  of  money  above  ten  pounds,  and  not  exceeding  twenty  pounds  sterling  money, 
within  such  colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

25.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  bond  for  securing  the  payment  of  any 
sum  of  money  above  twenty  pounds,  and  not  exceeding  forty  pounds  sterling  money, 
within  such  colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six 
pence. 

26.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  order  or  warrant  for  surveying  or 
setting  out  any  quantity  of  land,  not  exceeding  one  hundred  acres,  issued  by  any  go- 
vernor, proprietor,  or  any  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other  person 
or  persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  within  the  British  colonies 
and  plantations  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

27.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  order  or  warrant  for  surveying 
or  setting  out  any  quantity  of  land  above  one  hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred 
acres,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

28.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  order  or  warrant,  for  surveying 
or  setting  out  any  quantity  of  land  above  two  hundred  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred 
and  twenty  acres,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such  order  or  warrant  for  surveying  or 
setting  out  every  other  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  within  the  said  colonies  and 
plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

29.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  original  grant  or  any  deed,  mesne 
conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  not  exceed- 
ing one  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  within  the  British  colo- 
nies and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands  belonging  thereto,  and 
the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands  (except  leases  for  any  term  not  exceeding  the  term  of 
twenty-one  years)  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

30.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed, 
mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land, 
above  one  hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed, 
or  assigned,  within  such  colonies,  plantations  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

31.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed, 
mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land, 
above  two  hundred,  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  shall  be  granted, 
conveyed,  or  assigned,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such  grant,  deed,  mesne  conveyance, 
or  other  instrument,  granting,  conveying,  or  assigning,  every  other  three  hundred  and 
twenty  acres,  within  such  colonies,  plantations  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings 
and  six  pence. 

32.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed, 
mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  not 
exceeding  one  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  within  all  other 
parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  shillings. 


56  NOTES.  BOOK  1. 

33.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such 
deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of 
land,  above  one  hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  con- 
veyed, or  assigned,  within  the  same  parts  of  the  said  dominions,  a  stamp  duty  of  four 
shillings. 

34.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such 
deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of 
land,  above  two  hundred  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  shall  be 
granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such  grant,  deed,  mesne 
conveyance,  or  other  instrument,  granting,  conveying,  or  assigning  every  other  three 
hundred  and  twenty  acres,  within  the  same  parts  of  the  said  dominions,  a  stamp  duty 
of  Jive  shillings. 

35.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  grant,  appointment,  or  admission,  of 
or  to  any  beneficial  office  or  employment,  not  herein  before  charged,  above  the  value  of 
twenty  pounds  per  annum  sterling  money,  in  salary,  fees,  and  perquisites,  or  any  exem- 
plification of  the  same,  within  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent 
of  America,  the  islands  belonging  thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  (ex- 
cept commissions  of  officers  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  and  of  justices  of 
the  peace)  a  stamp  duty  of  four  pounds. 

36.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  "paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  grant,  appointment,  or  admis- 
sion, of  or  to  any  such  public  beneficial  office  or  employment,  or  any  exemplification  of 
the  same,  within  all  other  parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of 
six  pounds. 

37.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  indenture,  lease,  conveyance,  con- 
tract, stipulation,  bill  of  sale,  charter  party,  protest,  articles  of  apprenticeship  or  cove- 
nant, (except  for  the  hire  of  servants  not  apprentices,  and  also  except  such  other  matters 
as  herein  before  charged)  within  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  a  stamp 
duty  of  two  shillings  and  six  pence. 

38.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  any  warrant  or  order  for  auditing  any  public  accounts,  beneficial  warrant,  order, 
grant,  or  certificate,  under  any  public  seal,  or  under  the  seal  or  sign  manual  of  any  go- 
vernor, proprietor,  or  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other  person  or 
persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  not  herein  before  charged, 
or  any  passport  or  letpass,  surrender  of  office,  or  policy  of  assurance,  shall  be  engrossed, 
written,  or  printed,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  (except  warrants  or  orders 
for  the  service  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  and  grants  of  offices  under  twenty 
pounds  per  annum,  in  salary,  fees,  and  perquisites)  a  stamp  duty  of  Jive  shillings. 

39.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  noctarial  act,  bond,  deed,  letter  of 
attorney,  procuration,  mortgage,  release,  or  other  obligatory  instrument,  not  herein  be- 
fore charged,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings  and 
three  pence. 

^  40.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  register,  entry,  or  enrolment  of  any 
grant,  deed,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

41.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  register,  entry,  or  enrolment  of  any 
grant,  deed,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  not  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

42.  And  for  and  upon  every  pack  of  playing  cards,  and  all  dice,  which  shall  be  sold 
or  used  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  the  several  stamp  duties  following ; 
(that  is  to  say) 

43.  For  every  pack  of  such  cards,  one  shilling. 

44.  And  for  every  pair  of  such  dice,  ten  shillings. 

45.  And  for  and  upon  every  paper  called  a  pamphlet,  and  upon  every  newspaper, 
containing  public  news,  or  occurrences,  which  shall  be  printed,  dispersed,  and  made 
public,  within  any  of -the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  and  for  and  upon  such  adver- 
tisements as  are  hereinafter  mentioned,  the  respective  duties  following ;  (that  is  to 
say) 


BOOK  I.  NOTES.  57 

46.  For  every  such  pamphlet  and  paper,  contained  in  a  half  sheet,  or  any  lesser  piece 
of  paper,  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  half-penny  for  every  printed 
copy  thereof. 

47.  For  every  such  pamphlet  and  paper,  (being  larger  than  half  a  sheet,  and  not  ex- 
ceeding one  whole  sheet)  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  penny  for  every 
printed  copy  thereof. 

48.  For  every  pamphlet  and  paper,  being  larger  than  one  whole  sheet,  and  not  ex- 
ceeding six  sheets  in  octavo,  or  in  a  lesser  page,  or  not  exceeding  twelve  sheets  in 
quarto,  or  twenty  sheets  in  folio,  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  duty  after  the  rate  of  one 
shilling  for  every  sheet  of  any  kind  of  paper  which  shall  be  contained  in  one  printed 
copy  thereof. 

49.  For  every  advertisement  to  be  contained  in  any  gazette,  newspaper,  or  other 
paper,  or  any  pamphlet  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  duty  of  two  shillings. 

50.  For  every  almanac,  or  calendar,  for  any  one  particular  year,  or  for  any  time  less 
than  a  year,  which  shall  be  written  or  printed  on  one  side  only  of  any  one  sheet,  skin,  or 
piece  of  paper,  parchment,  or  vellum,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp 
duty  of  two  pence. 

51.  For  every  other  almanac,  or  calendar,  for  any  one  particular  year,  which  shall  be 
written  or  printed  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  four  pence. 

52.  And  for  every  almanac  or  calendar,  written  or  printed  in  the  said  colonies  and 
plantations,  to  serve  for  several  years,  duties  to  the  same  amount  respectively  shall  be 
paid  for  every  such  year. 

53.  For  .every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  any  instrument,  proceeding,  or  other  matter  or  thing  aforesaid,  shall  be  engrossed, 
written,  or  printed,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  in  any  other  than  the  En- 
glish language,  a  stamp  duty  of  double  the  amount  of  the  respective  duties  before 
charged  thereon. 

54.  And  there  shall  be  also  paid,  in  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  duty  of  six 
pence  for  every  twenty  shillings,  in  any  sum  not  exceeding  fifty  pounds  sterling  money, 
which  shall  be  given,  paid,  contracted,  or  agreed  for,  with  or  in  relation  to  any  clerk 
or  apprentice,  which  shall  be  put  or  placed  to  or  with  any  master  or  mistress,  to  learn 
any  profession,  trade,  or  employment.     II.  And  also  a  duty  of  one  shilling  for  every 
twenty  shillings,  in  any  sum  exceeding  fifty  pounds,  which  shall  be  given,  paid,  con- 
tracted, or  agreed  for,  with,  or  in  relation  to,  any  such  clerk  or  apprentice. 

55.  Finally,  the  produce  of  all  the  aforementioned  duties  shall  be  paid  into  his  ma- 
jesty s  treasury  ;  and  there  held  in  reserve,  to  be  used,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  par- 
liament, for  the  purpose  of  defraying  the  expenses  necessary  for  the  defence,  protection, 
and  security  of  the  said  colonies  and  plantations.     [1765.     Statutes  at  Large.     Picker- 
ing's edition.    4,  5,  George  III.  Vol.  XXVI.  Chap.  XII.  page  179.] 


TOL.    I. 


58  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  II, 


BOOK   SECOND. 

1765.  IT  is  difficult  to  describe  the  effervescence  excited  in 
America,  by  the  news  that  the  stamp  act  had  been  adopted  in  parlia- 
ment. 

The  minister,  Grenville,  knowing  how  odious  it  was  to) the  Ameri- 
cans, and  foreseeing  the  tumults  it  might  cause,  had  endeavored  to 
mitigate  its  severity,  by  strictly  avoiding  to  employ,  as  collectors  of 
the  duty,  any  individuals  born  in  England  ;  but  this  precaution 
proved  ineffectual  to  abate,  in  the  least,  the  tempest  of  indignation 
with  which  it  was  received. 

The  American  gazettes  began  to  be  filled  with  complaints  of  lost 
liberty  ;  the  most  influential  citizens  declared  openly,  that  this  was 
a  manifest  violation  of  their  rights,  which  proceeded  from  no  tran- 
sient error  of  the  English  government,  but  from  a  deliberate  design 
to  reduce  the  colonies  to  slavery;  'This,'  they  exclaimed,  'is  but 
the  commencement  of  a  system  of  the  most  detestable  tyranny.' 

Such  as  opposed  the  schemes  attributed  to  the  government,  either 
to  contract  a  stricter  union  by  a  common  name,  or  to  render  them- 
selves more  agreeable  to  the  people,  alluding  to  the  words  of  colonel 
Barre  in  his  speech  before  parliament,  aMumed  the  specious  title  of 
sons  of  liberty.  They  bound  themselves  mutually,  among  other  things, 
to  march  at  their  own  expense  to  any  part  of  the  continent,  where  it 
should  be  necessary  to  maintain  the  English  constitution  in  America, 
and  to  use  all  their  efforts  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  stamp  act. 

A  committee  of  correspondence  was  organised,  to  address  circular 
letters  to  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  country  ;  exhorting  them  to 
adopt  the  same  principles  and  the  same  resolutions.  These  mea- 
sures gave  a  powerful  activity  to  the  opposition,  and  to  the  tumults 
which  soon  followed.  The  people  were  prepared  for  insurrection, 
the  moment  an  occasion,  or  a  signal,  should  be  given  them. 

The  Virginians,  again  at  this  time,  were  the  first  to  give  it.  The 
29th  of  May,  1765,  the  house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia,  upon  the 
motion  of  George  Johnston  and  Patrick  Henry,  came  to  the  follow- 
ing resolutions  ; 

4  Whereas  the  honorable  house  of  commons  in  England,  have  of 
late  drawn  into  question,  how  far  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony 
hath  power  to  enact  laws  for  laying  taxes  and  imposing  duties,  payable 
by  the  people  of  this  his  majesty's  most  ancient  colony  ;  for  settling 
and  ascertaining  the  same  to  all  future  times,  the  house  of  burgesses 
of  this  present  general  assembly,  have  come  to  the  several  following 
resolutions"; 

1  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  this  his  majesty's  colony 
and  dominion  of  Virginia,  brought  with  them  and  transmitted  to  their 


BOOK  II,  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  59 

posterity,  and  all  other  his  majesty's  subjects  since  inhabiting  in  this 
his  majesty's  colony,  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  that  have  at 
any  time  been  held,  enjoyed  and  possessed  by  the  people  of  Great 
Britain.  That  by  the  two  royal  charters  granted  by  James  I.,  the 
colonists  aforesaid,  are  declared  entitled  to  all  privileges  of  faithful, 
liege  and  natural  born  subjects,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  they 
had  been  abiding  and  born  within  the  realm  of  England. 

*  That  his  majesty's  liege  people  of  this  his  most  ancient  colony, 
have  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus  governed  by  their  own  assembly, 
in  the  article  of  taxes  and  internal  police,  and  that  the  same  have 
never  been  forfeited,  or  any  other  way  yielded  up,  but  have  been 
constantly  recognised  by  the  king  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

'  That  consequently  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony,  together 
with  his  majesty,  or  his  substitute,  have  in  their  representative  capa- 
city the  only  exclusive  right  and  power  to  lay  taxes  and  impositions 
upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony ;  that  every  attempt  to  vest  such 
a  power  in  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever  other  than  the  general 
assembly  aforesaid,  is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  unjust,  and  has  a 
manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British,  as  well  as  American  freedom. 
That  his  majesty's  liege  people,  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony,  are 
not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to  any  law  or  ordinance  whatsoever, 
designed  to  impose  any  taxation  whatsoever  upon  them,  other  than 
the  laws  and  ordinances  of  this  general  assembly.  That  any  person 
who  shall  by  speaking  or  writing,  maintain  that  any  person  or  per- 
sons, other  than  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony,  have  any  right 
or  power  to  impose  or  lay  any  taxation  whatsoever  upon  this  people, 
shall  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  this  his  majesty's  colony.' 

These  resolutions  were  passed  9n  this  day,  by  an  immense  ma- 
jority ;  but  the  day  following,  the  assembly  being  more  full,  as  many 
of  the  older  and  more  prudent  citizens  attended,  the  subject  was  re- 
considered ;  and  by  their  influence  and  representations,  the  two  last 
articles  were  retrenched.  M.  Fauquier,  the  lieutenant-governor, 
being  informed  of  these  debates,  dissolved  the  assembly ;  but  this 
measure  had  little  success,  for  when  the  new  elections  took  place, 
those  who  did  not  assent  to  the  resolutions  were  excluded,  and  all 
those  who  did  were  re-elected.  Meanwhile,  the  resolutions  circulated 
from  hand  to  hand,  not  as  they  had  been  modified,  but  in  their  origi- 
nal form. 

The  members  of  the  confederacy,  called  the  sons  of  liberty,  were 
especially  active  in  communicating  them  from  one  to  another,  and  in 
a  short  time  they  were  dispersed  every  where,  and  every  where  pe- 
rused and  reperused  with  equal  avidity  and  enthusiasm. 

But  in  New  England,  and  particularly  in  the  province  of  Massa- 
chusetts, the  warm  advocates  of  American  privileges  were  not  con- 
tent with  these  marks  of  approbation,  but  to  propagate  them  the  more 
rapidly  among  all  classes  of  people,  caused  them  to  be  printed  in  the 


60  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    II. 

public  journals,  which  was  the  principal  occasion  of  the  tumults  that 
shortly  ensued. 

Very  early  on  Wednesday  morning  the  14th  of  August,  and  it  is 
believed  at  the  instigation  of  John  Avery,  Thomas  Crafts,  John 
Smith,  Henry  Welles,  Thomas  Chase,  Stephen  Cleverling,  Henry 
Bass,  and  Benjamin  Edes,  all  individuals  extremely  opposed  to  the 
pretensions  of  England,  and  zealous  partisans  of  innovation,  two  effi- 
gies were  discovered  hanging  on  a  branch  of  an  old  elm,  near  the 
southern  entrance  of  Boston,  one  of  which,  according  to  the  label 
that  was  attached  to  it,  represented  a  stamp  officer,  the  other  a  jack- 
boot, out  of  which  rose  a  horned  head,  which  appeared  to  look 
around.  This  spectacle  attracted  the  curious  multitude,  not  only 
from  the  city,  but  as  the  rumor  spread,  from  all  the  adjacent 
country. 

As  the  crowd  increased,  their  minds,  already  but  too  much  heated, 
were  inspired  with  a  spirit  of  enthusiasm  by  this  strange  exhibition, 
and  the  day  was  immediately  devoted  to  recreation.  About  dusk, 
the  images  were  detached  from  the  tree,  placed  on  a  bier,  and  car- 
ried in  procession  with  great  solemnity.  The  people  followed, 
stamping,  and  shouting  from  all  quarters,  '  liberty  and  property  for- 
ever— no  stamp.'  Having  passed  through  the  town  house,  they 
proceeded  with  their  pageantry  down  King  street,  and  into  Kilby 
street ;  when  arrived  in  front,  of  a  house  owned  by  one  Oliver,  which 
they  supposed  was  designed  for  a  stamp  office,  they  halted,  and 
without  further  ceremony,  demolished  it  to  the  foundations.  Bear- 
ing off,  as  it  were  in  triumph,  the  wood  of  the  ruined  house,  with  con- 
tinually increasing  shouts  and  tumult,  they  proceeded  to  the  dwelling 
of  Oliver  himself,  and  there  having  beheaded  his  effigy,  broke  all  his 
windows  in  an  instant.  Continuing  to  support  the  two  figures  in 
procession,  they  ascended  to  the  summit  of  Fort  hill,  where  kindling 
with  their  trophies  a  bonfire,  they  burnt  one  of  them,  amidst  peals  of 
universal  acclamation.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  the  populace  returned  to 
the  house  of  Oliver  with  clubs  and  staves  ;  the  garden,  fences,  and  all 
the  dependencies  of  the  edifice  were  destroyed.  Oliver  had  fled, 
to  avoid  the  popular  fury,  leaving  only  a  few  "friends  to  use  their  dis- 
cretion, for  the  prevention  of  further  damage.  But  some  impru- 
dent words  of  theirs  having  exasperated  the  rage  of  the  multitude, 
they  broke  open  the  doors,  entered  the  lower  part  of  the  house,  and 
destroyed  the  furniture  of  every  description.  At  midnight  they 
disbanded.  The  next  day,  Oliver  finding  himself  thus  the  object  of 
public  detestation,  and  apprehensive  of  a  second  visit,  notified  the 
principal  citizens  that  he  had  written  to  England,  requesting  the 
liberty  of  being  excused  from  the  office  of  distributor  of  stamps.  In 
the  evening,  the  people  re-assembled,  erected  a  pyramid,  intending 
another  bonfire,  but  upon  hearing  of  Oliver's  resignation,  they  de- 
sisted, and  repaired  to  the  front  of  his  house,  gave  three  cheei.3,  and 
took  their  departure  without  damage. 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  61 

Meanwhile,  a  rumor  having  got  abroad,  that  Hutchinson,  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor, had  written  to  England  in  favor  of  the  stamp  duties, 
the  multitude  immediately  repaired  to  his  house,  and  could  not  be 
persuaded  to  retire  till  they  were  assured,  that  this  gentleman  had 
even  written  to  dissuade  from  the  bill.  Upon  which  their  cries  of 
rage  were  followed  by  shouts  of  acclamation  ;  they  kindled  a  bonfire, 
and  quietly  returned  to  their  respective  habitations.  But  far  more 
serious  were  the  disorders  of  the  26th  of  the  same  month.  Some 
boys  were  playing  around  a  fire  they  had  kindled  in  King  street ; 
the  fire  ward  coming  to  extinguish  it,  he  was  whispered,  by  a  person 
unknown,  to  desist,  which  he  not  regarding,  received  a  blow  on  his 
arm,  and  such  other  marks  of  displeasure,  as  obliged  him  to  withdraw. 
Meanwhile,  a  particular  whistle  was  heard  from  several  quarters, 
which  was  followed  by  innumerable  cries  of  *  Sirrah !  Sirrah  !' 
At  this  signal  advanced  a  long  train  of  persons  disguised,  armed 
with  clubs  and  bludgeons,  who  proceeded  to  invest  the  house  of 
Paxton,  marshal  of  the  court  of  admiralty,  and  superintendent  of  the 
port,  who  had  time  to  escape  ;  and,  at  the  invitation  of  the  steward,* 
the  assailants  accompanied  him  to  the  tavern,  were  pacified,  and  the 
house  was  spared.  But  their  repeated  libations  having  renewed 
their  frenzy,  they  sallied  forth,  and  assaulted  the  house  of  William 
Story,  register  of  the  vice-admiralty,  opposite  the  court-house,  the 
lower  part  of  which,  being  his  office,  they  broke  open,  seized  and 
committed  to  the  flames  the  files  and  public  records  of  that  court, 
and  then  destroyed  the  furniture  of  the  house.  Nor  did  the  riot  end 
here.  The  mob,  continually  increasing  in  numbers  and  intoxication, 
stimulated  by  the  havoc  already  committed,  rushed  onwards  to  the 
house  of  Benjamin  Hallowell,  collector  of  the  customs,  the  furniture 
of  which  they  soon  destroyed.  They  renewed  their  potations,  in  the 
cellar  ;  and  what  they  were  unable  to  drink,  they  wasted ;  they 
searched  every  corner,  and  carried  off  about  thirty  pounds  sterling 
in  money.  They  are  joined  by  fresh  bands.  In  a  state  bordering 
on  madness,  they  proceed  to  the  residence  of  Hutchinson,  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor, about  ten  o'clock  at  night ;  they  invest  it,  and  em- 
ploy every  means  to  enter  it  by  violence.  After  having  sent  his 
children,  as  yet  of  tender  age,  to  a  place  of  safety,  he  barricaded  his 
doors  and  windows,  and  seemed  determined  to  remain  ;  but,  unable 
to  resist  the  fury  of  the  assailants,  he  was  constrained  to  quit  the 
place,  and  take  refuge  in  another  house,  where  he  remained  con- 
cealed till  four  in  the  morning.  Meantime,  his  mansion,  perhaps  the 
most  magnificent  and  the  best  furnished  house  in  the  colony,  was 
devoted  to  ruin  and  pillage.  The  plate,  the  pictures,  the  furniture 
of  every  kind,  even  to  the  apparel  of  the  governor,  were  carried  off, 

*  Paxton  was  only  a  tenant ;  the  owner  of  the  house,  T.  Palmer,  Esq.,  gave  the  en- 
tertainment. 


62  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  H- 

besides  nine  hundred  pounds  sterling  in  specie.  Not  content  with 
this,  they  dispersed  or  destroyed  all  the  manuscripts  which  the  go- 
vernor had  been  thirty  years  in  collecting,  as  well  as  papers,  relating 
to  the  public  service,  deposited  in  his  house  ;  an  immense,  and  irre- 
parable loss. 

It  appears  that  Hutchinson  had  become  the  object  of  a  hatred  so 
universal,  because  he  was  accused  of  having  been  accessary  in  lay- 
ing on  the  stamp  duties;  which  imputation,  however,  was  absolutely 
false  ;  for  it  is  ascertained,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  had  always  op- 
posed that  measure,  in  his  letters  to  the  government.  Hence  it  is 
seen  how  erroneous  are  often  popular  opinions ;  and  that  those  who 
govern  should  propose  to  themselves  a  nobler  object,  in  the  perform- 
ance of  their  duty,  than  that  of  pleasing  the  multitude,  who  are  more 
often  found  to  fawn  upon  their  oppressors,  than  to  applaud  their  be- 
nefactors. 

The  next  morning  was  the  time  for  holding  the  assize  and  the  su- 
preme court  of  judicature.  Hutchinson,  who  was  its  president,  was 
obliged  to  appear  on  the  bench  in  the  dress  of  a  private  citizen, 
while  the  other  judges,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar,  were  in  their 
respective  robes.  This  contrast  was  observed  with  grief  and  pity  by 
the  spectators.  The  court,  to  evince  with  what  indignation  they  re- 
ceived the  affront  they  haoLsustained.in  the  person  of  their  president, 
and  how  much  they  detested  the  scenes  of  anarchy  which  the  pre- 
ceding day  had  witnessed,  resolved  to  abstain  from  all  exercise  of  their 
functions,  and  adjourned  to  the  15th  of  October. 

Some  individuals,  who  had  been  apprehended,  refusing  to  de- 
nounce the  authors  of  the  tumult,  were  committed  to  prison  ;  but 
one  of  them  effected  his  escape,  and  the  rest  were  released  soon 
after ;  for  it  was  seen  distinctly,  that  the  people  were  not  disposed  to 
tolerate  any  further  proceedings  against  the  delinquents. 

Meanwhile,  the  principal  citizens,  either  from  a  real  detestation  of 
the  excesses  committed  by  the  rioters,  or  perceiving  that  such  out- 
rages must  infallibly  injure  a  cause  they  considered  just,  were  very 
strenuous  to  distinguish  this  tumultuous  conduct  from  a  truly  noble 
opposition,  as  they  called  it,  to  the  imposition  of  internal  taxes  by 
authority  of  parliament.  They  assembled,  in  consequence,  at  Fa- 
neuil  Hall,  a  place  destined  for  public  meetings,  in  order  to  declare 
solemnly  how  much  they  abhorred  the  extraordinary  and  violent  pro- 
ceedings of  unknown  persons,  the  preceding  night;  and  voted,  una- 
nimously, that  the  selectmen  and  magistrates  of  the  city  be  desired 
to  use  their  utmost  endeavors,  agreeable  to  law,  to  suppress  such  dis- 
orders for  the  future  ;  and  that  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants, 
would  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  assist  them  therein. 

The  next  day,  a  proclamation  was  published  by  the  governor,  of- 
fering a  reward  of  three  hundred  pounds  for  the  discovery  of  any  of 
the  ringleaders,  and  one  hundred  pounds  for  any  of  the  other  per- 


BOOK  H.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  63 

sons  concerned  in  that  tumult.  The  tranquillity  of  the  city  was  re- 
stored, and  preserved  by  a  nightly  military  watch. 

But  the  disorders  were  not  confined  to  the  limits  of  the  city  of 
Boston,  or  the  province  of  Massachusetts.  They  also  broke  out  in 
many  other  places,  and  almost  at  the  same  time ;  which  renders  it 
probable  that  they  had  been  previously  concerted  between  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  different  provinces.  On  Tuesday,  the  27th  of  August, 
about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  people  of  Newport,  in  Rhode 
Island,  began  to  manifest  their  agitation,  by  bringing  forth,  in  a  cart, 
three  images,  intended  as  the  effigies  of  Martin  Howard,  Thomas 
Moffatt,  and  Augustin  Johnston,  with  halters  about  their  necks,  to  a 
gallows  placed  near  the  town-house,  where  they  were  hung  to  public 
view,  till  near  night,  when  they  were  cut  down,  and  burnt,  amidst  the 
acclamations  of  the  multitude. 

The  following  day,  having  probably  received  the  news  of  what  had 
taken  place  in  Boston,  they  assembled  again,  and  beset  the  house  of 
Martin  Howard,  a  celebrated  advocate,  who  had  written  with  great 
zeal  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  parliament.  All  was  plundered  or  de- 
stroyed, except  the  walls.  Thomas  Moffatt,  a  physician,  maintained 
the  same  opinions,  in  all  societies  ;  his  house  was  pillaged,  also,  in  a 
moment.  Both  fled,  and  took  shelter  on  board  an  English  ship  of 
war,  at  anchor  in  the  port ;  and  soon  after,  believing  it  no  longer  safe 
to  remain  in  the  country,  departed  for  Great  Britain.  The  popu- 
lace proceeded  towards  the  house  of  Johnston,  prepared  to  commit 
the  same  disorders ;  but  were  met,  and  parleyed  with,  by  a  gentle- 
man, who  persuaded  them  to  desist  and  disperse. 

At  Providence,  the  principal  city  of  Rhode  Island,  a  gazette  extra- 
ordinary was  published,  on  the  24th  of  August,  with  'Vox  POPULI, 
Vox  DEI,'  in  large  letters,  for  the  frontispiece ;  and  underneath, 
*  Where  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there  is  liberty.  St.  Paul.'  It 
congratulated  the  people  of  New  England,  on  the  glorious  accounts, 
from  all  parts,  of  the  laudable  commotions  of  the  people  in  the  cause 
of  liberty  ;  and  on  the  lawful  measures  adopted  to  prevent  the  exe- 
cution of  the  stamp  act,  not  hesitating  to  treat  as  such  these  blame- 
able  excesses  of  the  populace.  The  writers  extolled  to  the  skies  the 
zeal  of  the  Bostonians,  who,  they  said,  had  not  degenerated  from  their 
fathers,  but  had  preserved  entire  that  spirit  of  freedom  which  had 
already  rendered  them  so  celebrated  throughout  the  world.  Pasqui- 
nades, farces,  satires,  and  popular  railleries  were  not  spared,  in  the 
public  prints.  The  effigies  of  such  as  were  the  objects  of  popular 
displeasure,  were  dragged,  with  halters  about  their  necks,  through  the 
streets,  hung  to  gibbets,  and  afterwards  burnt. 

In  Connecticut,  Ingersoll,  the  principal  stamp  officer,  having  ap- 
pointed for  his  deputy  an  inhabitant  of  Wyndharn,  wrote  him  to  come 
and  receive  his  commission  at  New  Haven.  The  inhabitants  of 
Wyndham,  on  hearing  of  this,  demanded  the  letter  of  Ingersoll,  and 


64  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II* 

warned  him  not  to  accept  the  office ;  which,  preferring  the  less  evil, 
he  consented  to  renounce.  Ingersoll  himself  was  reduced  to  the 
same  extremity,  at  New  Haven.  He  wrote  a  letter,  which  was  after- 
wards published,  in  which  he  declared,  that  since  the  inhabitants  had 
such  an  aversion  to  stamped  paper,  he  would  not  compel  them  to 
use  it.  He  hoped,  however,  that  if  they  should  change  their  minds 
on  further  consideration,  or  from  a  conviction  of  necessity,  they 
would  receive  it  from  him.  This  declaration  was  much  applauded  ; 
but  the  people  having  conceived  new  suspicions  of  his  sincerity,  they 
surrounded  his  house,  and  he  was  informed  that  he  must  decide  im- 
mediately, either  for  or  against  the  resignation  of  his  office.  He  an- 
swered, that  this  choice  was  not  in  his  power.  They  next  demanded, 
whether,  when  the  stamped  paper  arrived,  he  would  deliver  it  to  them, 
to  make  a  bonfire  ?  Or — have  his  house  pulled  down?  He  then  re- 
plied, and  with  evident  reluctance,  that  when  the  stamps  arrived  he 
would  either  reship  them  to  be  sent  back ;  or  when  they  were  in  his 
house,  he  would  leave  his  doors  open,  that  they  might  then  act  as 
they  thought  proper. 

Similar  tumults  also  took  place  in  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  that 
of  Lebanon  ;  but  in  the  latter,  the  ceremony  of  a  mock  trial  was 
added,  by  which  the  effigies  were  condemned,  in  due  form,  to  be 
hung  and  burnt. 

The  next  morning  the  same  scenes  were  repeated,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  trial ;  but  the  deputy  collector  of  the  stamp  duty  had  al- 
ready resigned. 

In  New  Hampshire,  Messerve,  another  stamp  officer,  was  compell- 
ed by  the  multitude  to  renounce  the  exercise  of  his  functions.  In 
Maryland,  Flood,  principal  distributor  of  stamped  paper,  was  me- 
naced in  his  property  if  he  refused  to  resign  ;  he  fled  for  refuge  first 
to  New  York,  and  afterwards  to  Lbng  Island.  But  the  multitude 
having  unexpectedly  crossed  the  strait,  constrained  him  not  only  to 
renounce  his  employment,  but  to  confirm  his  resignation  upon  oath, 
before  a  magistrate. 

At  New  York,  the  stamp  act  was  held  in  such  contempt,  that  it 
was  printed  and  cried  through  the  country  as  the  Folly  of  England 
and  Ruin  of  America.  The  stamp  officers  in  this  quarter  perceived 
they  could  not  resign  too  promptly.  Similar  scenes  took  place  in  the 
other  American  provinces. 

To  foment  the  general  excitement,  and  encourage  the  people  to 
persevere  in  the  opposition  commenced,  their  leaders  took  care  to 
multiply  satirical  pamphlets  and  pasquinades ;  epigrams  and  popular 
jests  were  incessant  in  the  public  prints.  At  Boston,  among  others,  a 
newspaper  was  published,  under  the  following  title  ;  c  The  Constitu- 
tional Courant ;  containing  matters  interesting  to  Liberty,  and  no  wise 
repugnant  to  Loyalty.'  The  frontispiece  represented  a  serpent,  cut 
into  eight  pieces ;  on  the  part  of  the  head,  were  the  initial  letters  of 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  65 

New  England  ;  and  on  that  of  the  body,  the  initials  of  the  other 
colonies,  as  far  as  South  Carolina  ;  and  over  it  *  JOIN  OR  DIE,'  in 
large  letters. 

In  many  places,  the  advocates,  attornies  and  notaries,  held  meet- 
ings, in  which  the  query  was  proposed,  Whether,  when  the  stamps 
should  arrive,  and  the  day  prefixed  for  using  them,  they  would  agree 
to  purchase  stamped  paper  for  their  legal  writings  ?  The  negative 
was  decided  unanimously  :  they  protested,  however,  in  strong  terms, 
against  all  riotous  and  indecent  behavior,  and  pledged  themselves  to- 
discountenance  it,  by  every  means  in  their  power  ;  their  sole  inten- 
tion being,  by  the  refusal  of  the  stamps,  and  other  quiet  methods,  to 
endeavor  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  law. 

The  justices  of  the  peace  for  the  district  of  Westmoreland,  in  Vir- 
ginia, published,  that,  on  account  of  the  stamp  act,  they  had  discon- 
tinued their  functions  ;  unwilling,  they  said,  to  become  instruments 
of  the  destruction  of  the  most  essential  rights,  and  of  the  liberty  of 
their  country. 

Thus,  while  the  frantic  populace  rushed  headlong  into  the  most 
odious  excesses,  men  of  reputation  only  testified  their  resistance  by 
moderate  acts,  but  not  less,  and  perhaps  even  more,  efficacious,  to 
obtain  the  repeal  of  a  law  they  abhorred,  and  to  re-establish  Ameri- 
can liberty.  Thus,  the  spirit  of  independence,  originating  at  first  in 
Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  was  progressively  propagated  in  the 
other  provinces  ;  and  passed  from  the  populace  to  the  middle  classes, 
anij  from  these  to  the  most  eminent  citizens. 

Meanwhile,  the  time  drew  nigh,  when  the  stamped  paper  destined 
for  America  was  expected  to  arrive  from  England  ;  and  the  day  was 
no  longer  distant,  when,  by  the  terms  of  the  law,  the  stamp  act  was 
to  go  into  effect :  it  was  the  first  of  November. 

The  Americans  already  viewed  it  as  a  day  of  sinister  presage,  and 
the  harbinger  of  future  calamities  to  their  country.  On  the  5th  of 
October,  the  ships  which  brought  the  stamps,  appeared  in  sight  of 
Philadelphia,  near  Gloucester  Point.  Immediately,  all  the  vessels 
in  the  harbor  hoisted  their  colors  half-staff  high  ;  the  bells  were 
muffled  ;  and  lolled  for  the  rest  of  the  day  ;  and  every  thing  appear- 
ed to  denote  the  most  profound  and  universal  mourning.  At  four 
in  the  afternoon,  several  thousands  of  citizens  met  at  the  State-House, 
to  consult  on  proper  measures  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  stamp 
act.  Upon  the  motion  of  William  Allen,  son  of  the  president  of  the 
court  of  justice,  it  was  agreed  to  send  a  deputation  to  John  Hughes, 
principal  officer  of  the  stamps  for  the  province,  to  request  he  would 
resign  his  office  ;  to  which,  after  long  resistance,  and  with  extreme 
reluctance,  he  at  length  consented. 

The  tumult  continued  many  days  ;  during  which  Hughes  was  ac- 
tive in  barricading  his  house,  and  securing  the  succours  of  his  friends, 
apprehensive,  notwithstanding  his  resignation,  of  being  attacked  every 
VOL.  i.  9 


66  THE    AMERICAN    VVAfe.  BOOK  II. 

moment.  Amidst  this  general  effervescence,  the  qnakers,  who  are 
very  numerous  in  Philadelphia,  maintained  a  perfect  calm,  and  ap- 
peared disposed  to  submit  to  the  stamp  act.  The  same  also  was  the 
conduct  of  the  Episcopal  clergy  ;  but  they  were  few  in  number. 

The  stamped  paper  arrived  at  Boston  the  I Oth  of  September. 
The  governor  immediately  wrote  to  the  assembly  of  representatives, 
requesting  their  advice,  Oliver  having  resigned  his  office.  The  as- 
sembly replied,  that  this  affair  was  not  within  their  competency  ;  and 
therefore  the  governor,  they  hoped,  would  excuse  them,  if  they 
could  not  see  their  way  clear,  to  give  him  either  advice  or  assistance. 
The  representatives  thus  avoided  the  snare,  and  left  the  governor 
alone,  to  extricate  himself  as  he  could.  He  finally  caused  the  bales 
of  stamped  paper  to  be  lodged  in  the  castle,  where  they  could  be 
defended,  if  necessary,  by  the  artillery. 

But  on  the  first  of  November,  at  dawn  of  day,  all  the  bells  of 
Boston  sounded  the  funeral  knell.  Two  figures,  of  immense  pro- 
portions, were  found  suspended  on  the  elm,  of  which'  we  have  spoken 
before.  This  tree,  since  the  date  of  the  first  tumults,  had  acquired 
the  name  of  '  the  tree  of  liberty.'  Under  its  shade  the  patriots  as- 
sembled to  confer  upon  their  affairs  ;  and  thence  arose  the  custom 
of  planting,  in  every  town,  or  naming  those  already  planted,  trees  of 
liberty.  The  Bostonians  poured  into  the  streets  in  throngs,  and  all 
was  uproar.  At  three  in  the  afternoon,  the  two  effigies  were  detach- 
ed from  the  tree,  in  the  midst  of  universal  acclamations,  carried  round 
the  city,  hung  to  a  gallows,  and  afterwards  cut  in  pieces,  and  thrown 
to  the  winds.  This  executed,  the  people  withdrew  to  their  habita- 
tions, and  tranquillity  seemed  re-established.  But  the  agitators,  soon 
after,  proceeded  to  a  highly  blameable  excess.  Oliver,  who  had 
long  since  resigned  his  employment,  was  dragged  with  violence  to 
the  foot  of  the  tree  of  liberty,  through  the  tumultuous  crowd,  and 
there  compelled,  a  second  time,  to  renounce  upon  oath  ;  as  if  any 
importance  could  be  attached  to  these  oaths,  extorted  by  coercion  ! 
They  attest  the  tyranny  of  those  who  exact  them,  not  the  will  of  him 
that  takes  them. 

In  many  places,  over  the  doors  of  the  public  offices,  was  seen  this 
inscription  :  '  Let  him  that  shall  first  distribute  or  employ  stamped 
paper,  look  well  to  his  house,  his  person,  and  his  furniture.  Vox 
POPULI.'  The  people  went  armed  ;  the  friends  of  stamps  were 
intimidated. 

Nor  less  serious  were  the  disorders  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The 
stamped  paper  arrived  there,  about  the  last  of  October.  Mac  Ever, 
who  had  been  appointed  distributor,  having  resigned  the  office,  the 
lieutenant-governor,  Golden,  a  person  little  agreeable  to  the  multi- 
tude, on  account  of  his  political  opinions,  caused  the  paper  to  be 
lodged  in  fort  George  ;  and  having  taken  some  precautions  for  its 
security,  the  people  began  to  suspect  some  sinister  intention  on  his 
part. 


BOOK  11.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  67 

In  consequence,  on  the  1st  of  November,  towards  evening,  ilie 
populace  assembled  iu  great  numbers,  and  rushed  furiously  to  the 
citadel.  The  governor's  stables  were  forced,  his  coach  taken  out, 
and  drawn  in  triumph  through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city.  A 
gallows  having  been  erected  in  the  grand  square,  the  effigy  of  the 
lieutenant-governor  was  there  hung,  with  a  sheet  of  stamped  paper 
in  the  right  hand,  and  the  figure  of  a  demon  in  the  left.  It  was 
afterwards  taken  down,  and  carried  in  procession,  the  coach  in  the 
van,  to  the  gates  of  the  fortress,  and  finally  to  the  counterscarp, 
under  the  very  mouths  of  the  cannon,  where  they  made  a  grand  bon- 
fire of  the  whole,  amidst  the  shouts  and  general  exultation  of  many 
thousands  of  people.  But  this  irritated  multitude  did  not  stop  here. 
They  soon  repaired  to  the  residence  of  major  James.  It  was  dis- 
tinguished for  its  rich  furniture,  a  library  of  great  value,  and  a  gar- 
den of  singular  beauty.  In  a  moment  all  was  ravaged  and  destroyed. 
They  kindled  also  the  accustomed  bonfire  ;  exclaiming,  Such  are 
the  entertainments  the  people  bestow  on  the  friends  of  stamps  ! 

The  coffee-houses  had  become  a  species  of  public  arena,  and 
schools  for  political  doctrines,  where  the  popular  orators,  mounting 
the  benches  or  tables,  harangued  the  multitude,  who  commonly  re- 
sorted to  these  places  in  great  numbers.  In  a  very  crowded  con- 
course of  this  sort,  an  honest  citizen  of  New  York  arose  and  exhort- 
ed the  people  to  a  more  regular  and  less  blameable  conduct.  He 
entreated  the  inhabitants  even  to  take  arms,  in  order  to  be  prepared 
to  repress  the  factious  on  the  first  symptoms  of  tumult.  His  dis- 
course was  received  with  great  approbation.  But  captain  Isaac 
Sears,  who  had  commanded  a  privateer,  and  was  violently  opposed 
to  the  stamps,  urged  the  people  not  to  give  ear  to  these  timid  men, 
who  take  alarm  at  cobwebs  ;  let  them  follow  him,  and  he  would 
soon  put  them  in  possession  of  the  stamped  paper. 

He  is  joined  at  first  by  a  few  popular  chiefs  ;  all  the  rest  follow  their 
example.  A  deputation  is  sent  to  the  lieutenant-governor,  to  inform 
him  that  he  will  do  well  to  deliver  up  the  stamped  paper.  He  en- 
deavored at  first  to  gain  time,  alleging  that  the  governor,  Henry 
Moore,  was  expected  shortly,  and  would  determine  what  was  proper 
in  this  conjuncture.  The  answer  was  by  no  means  satisfactory.  It 
was  represented  more  imperiously  to  the  lieutenant-governor,  that 
peaceably  or  by  force,  the  people  must  have  the  stamped  paper  ; 
and  that  a  moment's  delay  might  cause  the  effusion  of  blood.  To 
avoid,  therefore,  a  greater  evil,  he  consented  to  put  it  in  their  hands ; 
and  they,  with  great  exultation,  deposited  the  same  in  the  City-Hall. 
Ten  bales,  however,  which  arrived  afterwards,  were  seized  by  the 
populace  and  burnt. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  disorders  committed  in  New  York  by  the 
lower  classes,  citizens  of  a  more  quiet  character  abounded  in  this 
city ;  who,  if.  on  the  one  hand,  they  were  averse  to  the  pretensions 


68  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II. 

of  the  British  parliament,  and  especially  to  the  stamp  act,  on  the 
other,  felt  an  equal  abhorrence  for  these  excesses  of  popular  inso- 
lence ;  well  knowing,  that  they  are  only  excited  by  the  worthless 
and  desperate,  who  alone  can  be  gainers  by  anarchy.  Believing, 
therefore,  it  was  no  longer  advisable  to  leave  the  headlong  multitude 
without  a  check,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  was  essential  to  direct 
their  movements  towards  the  object  proposed  by  themselves,  they 
convoked  a  general  meeting  of  the  people,  in  the  fields  adjacent  to 
the  city.  It  was  there  proposed  to  appoint  a  committee  ol  persons 
of  known  patriotism,  to  correspond  with  the  friends  of  liberty  in  other 
provinces,  and  communicate  intelligence  of  all  occurrences  ;  in  order 
to  enable  the  people  of  the  different  provinces  to  move,  if  requisite, 
all  at  once,  and  as  it  were  in  a  single  body.  This  measure,  how- 
ever, was  not  without  danger,  since  it  inclined  towards  an  open  re- 
bellion, if  not  even  already  of  this  character. 

Many,  therefore,  who  had  been  nominated  members  of  the  com- 
mittee excused  themselves  upon  various  pretexts  ;  but  finally,  Isaac 
Sears  and  four  others  of  distinguished  intrepidity,  offered  themselves, 
and  were  approved  by  the  multitude.  They  commenced  their  labors 
immediately,  subscribing  the  letters  with  all  their  names.  They  re- 
quested their  correspondents  of  Philadelphia,  to  transmit  their  de- 
spatches to  the  more  southern  colonies  5  and  the  Bostonians,  to  those 
of  the  north.  This  produced,  as  it  were,  a  second  generation  of  the 
Sons  of  Liberty,  who,  by  means  of  regular  couriers,  were  enabled 
to  reciprocate  intelligence,  and  to  form  a  league  in  opposition  to  par- 
liamentary taxation.  But  if  the  utility  of  a  regular  correspondence 
was  recognised  by  all  the  party,  they  were  not  long  in  perceiving 
that  it  wps  insufficient  to  accomplish  their  views.  They  saw  that  it 
was  requisite  to  determine  all  the  principles  of  the  association,  and 
cause  them  to  be  accepted  by  all  its  members,  in  order  that  each 
might  know  his  duty,  and  the  counsels  to  be  pursued.  The  authors 
of  this  plan  believed,  also,  that  as  the  articles  of  confederation  were 
to  be  solemnly  subscribed,  many  even  of  the  adverse  party  would 
not  dare  to  oppose  it,  and  would  therefore  give  their  signatures  : 
they  would  thus  have  been  rendered  accessaries,  and  their  future 
support  consequently  secured.  The  articles  were  soon  drawn  up, 
and  accepted  by  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  the  two  provinces  of  New 
York  and  Connecticut :  and  afterwards,  passing  from  hand  to  hand, 
by  those  of  the  other  colonies. 

In  the  preamble  to  this  league,  which  was  composed  very  ably, 
the  confederates  affirmed,  that  perverse  men  had  formed  a  design  to 
alienate  the  rninds  of  the  loyal  and  affectionate  American  subjects 
from  his  majesty's  person  and  government,  and  therefore  they  pro- 
fessed and  declared  their  fidelity  and  allegiance  to  the  king  to  be 
immutable ;  that  they  would  defend  and  support  the  crown  with  all 
their  forces ;  that  with  the  greatest  promptitude  they  submitted  to 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  69 

its  government,  and  this  in  conformity  to  the  British  constitution, 
founded  upon  the  eternal  principles  of  equity  and  justice  ;  that  every 
violation  of  this  constitution  was  at  the  same  time  a  high  offence 
against  heaven,  and  an  audacious  contempt  of  the  people,  from  whom, 
under  God,  all  just  government  proceeds  ;  that  they  were  therefore 
resolved  to  unite  all  their  endeavors,  their  vigilance  and  their  indus- 
try, to  defeat  these  criminal  designs.  'And  since,'  they  added,  la 
certain  pamphlet,  (thus  designating  a  law  passed  by  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain,)  has  appeared  in  America,  under  the  form  of  an  act 
of  parliament,  and  under  the  name  of  the  stamp  act,  although  it  has 
not  been  legally  published  nor  introduced  ;  by  which  the  colonists 
would  be  divested  of  their  dearest  rights,  and  especially  that  of  tax- 
ing themselves  ;  in  order  to  preserve  these  rights  entire,  and  to  de- 
fend them  as  well  as  every  other  part  of  the  British  constitution,  we 
bind  ourselves,  and  promise  to  march  with  all  our  forces,  and  at  our 
own  expense,  upon  the  first  advice,  to  the  succour  of  those  who  shall 
be  menaced  with  any  peril  whatever,  on  account  of  any  thing  done 
in  opposition  to  the  stamp  act.  We  will  attentively  watch  all  they, 
who,  by  commission  or  of  their  own  accord,  shall  endeavor  to  intro- 
duce the  use  of  stamped  paper,  which  would  be  the  total  subversion 
of  the  English  constitution,  and  of  American  liberty.  We  will  re- 
ciprocally designate  to  each  other  all  persons  of  this  sort  that  we 
may  discover,  whatever  shall  be  their  rank  or  their  names,  and  will 
endeavor,  with  all  our  power,  by  every  lawful  means,  to  bring  these 
traitors  to  their  country  to  condign  punishment.  We  will  defend  the 
liberty  of  the  press  from  all  illegal  violation,  and  from  every  impedi- 
ment which  may  result  from  the  stamp  act ;  the  press  being  the  only 
means,  under  Divine  Providence,  of  preserving  our  lives,  liberty, 
and  property.  We  will  also  defend  and  protect  the  judges,  advo- 
cates, attornies,  notaries,  and  similar  persons,  against  all  penalties, 
fines  or  vexations,  they  may  incur  by  not  conforming  to  the  act 
aforesaid,  in  the  exercise  of  their  respective  avocations.' 

Such  was  the  league  of  New  York,  which  increased  the  ardor 
and  concert  of  the  parties,  then  fermenting  at  every  point  of  the 
American  colonies. 

Meanwhile,  the  seeds  of  the  new  doctrine,  in  respect  to  government. 
were  rapidly  propagated  in  the  province  of  New  York  ;  file  public 
journals  offered  them  to  the  daily  consideration  of  their  readers.  It 
was  every  where  asserted,  that  the  colonies  ought  not  to  have  any 
other  connexion  with  Great  Britain  but  that  of  living  under  the  same 
sovereign  ;  and  that  all  dependence  ought  to  cease,  as  to  legislative 
authority. 

These  opinions,  supported  with  equal  ardor  and  ingenuity,  were 
daily  acquiring  new  roots ;  they  were  disseminated  in  the  other  co- 
lonies, and  insensibly  prepared  the  minds  of  the  people  for  the  new 
order  of  things,  towards  which  the  multitude  advanced  without  sus- 


70  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    Hi 

peeling  it,  but  its  leaders,  with  deliberate  purpose.  A  revolution, 
for  which  England,  with  quite  opposite  views,  had  herself  paved  the 
way,  and  prepared  the  most  favorable  circumstances. 

The  merchants  of  New  York  resorted  to  another  mode  of  oppo- 
sition, very  efficacious,  and  well  adapted  to  obtain  the  repeal  of  the 
act.  They  entered  into  reciprocal  agreements,  not  only  to  order  no 
more  goods  from  Great  Britain,  until  the  act  was  repealed,  and  to 
withdraw  all  the  orders  already  given,  and  which  should  not  be  execut- 
ed previous  to  the  1st  of  January,  1766,  but  also,  not  even  to  permit 
the  sale  of  any  English  merchandise,  which  should  be  shipped  after 
this  date.  According  to  the  ordinary  progress  of  minds  once  agitated, 
which  become  continually  more  bold  in  their  opinions,  the  merchants 
added,  that  they  would  persevere  in  these  resolutions,  until  the  acts 
relative  to  sugar,  molasses,  and  bills  of  credit,  were  also  revoked. 
The  same  resolutions  were  voluntarily  adopted,  also  by  the  retail 
traders,  who  agreed  not  to  buy  or  sell  any  English  merchandise, 
that  should  be  introduced  into  the  country  in  contravention  of  these 
si|Bulations. 

Jihe  merchants  and  traders  of  Philadelphia  also  assembled,  and 
entered  into  an  agreement ;  but  not  with  the  same  unanimity.  The 
Quakers  refused  their  concurrence.  They  thought  it  was  prudent, 
however,  to  conform  to  circumstances;  and  wrote  to  England,  re- 
questing that  no  more  goods  might  be  sent  them.  The  Philadelphi- 
ans  went  still  further,  and  prohibited  any  lawyer  from  instituting  an 
action  for  monies  due  to  an  inhabitant  of  England  ;  and  no  American 
was  to  make  any  payment  for  the  benefit  of  a  subject  of  that  king- 
dom, until  the  acts  should  be  repealed.  At  Boston,  although  a  little 
later,  similar  associations  were  formed  ;  and  the  example  of  these 
principal  cities  was  imitated  by  nearly  all  the  other  cities  and  com- 
mercial towns  of  English  America. 

From  these  measures,  England  experienced,  in  her  manufactures, 
an  incalculable  prejudice  ;  while  Ireland,  on  the  contrary,  derived  an 
immense  advantage  from  their  effects  ;  for  the  Americans  resorted  to 
the  latter  country,  to  obtain  such  articles  of  merchandise  as  they 
considered  indispensably  necessary,  and  carried,  in  exchange,  im- 
mense quantities  of  the  seed  of  flax  and  of  hemp.  But  the  colonists 
were  desrfous  also  to  withdraw  themselves  from  this  necessity.  A  so- 
ciety of  arts,  manufactures  and  commerce,  was  formed  at  New  York, 
after  the  model  of  that  in  London.  Markets  were  opened,  in  different 
places,  for  the  sale  of  articles  manufactured  in  the  country;  to  which 
were  brought,  in  abundance,  cloths  and  linens,  stuffs  of  wool  and  of 
flax,  works  in  iron,  of  a  tolerable  quality,  though  a  little  rough,  spirits 
distilled  from  barley,  paper  stained  for  hangings,  and  other  articles  of 
general  utility.  That  the  first  materials  of  fabrics  in  wool  might  sus- 
tain no  diminution,  it  was  resolved  to  abstain  from  eating  the  flesh  of 
lambs,  and  also  from  buying  meat,  of  any  sort,  of  butchers -who 
should  kill  or  offer  for  sale  any  of  these  animals. 


BOOK    II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  71 

Every  citizen,  even  the  most  opulent,  the  most  ostentatious,  conform- 
ing to  the  general  mode,  preferred  to  wear  clothing  made  in  the  coun- 
try, or  their  old  clothes,  to  using  English  manufactures.  Thus  a  ge- 
neral opinion  obtained,  that  America  could  suffice  to  herself,  without 
need  of  recourse  to  the  industry  and  productions  of  England.  And,  as 
if  these  wounds,  inflicted  upon  the  commerce  of  the  mother  country, 
were  not  sufficiently  severe,  it  was  proposed,  in  Virginia  and  South 
Carolina,  to  suspend  all  exportation  of  tobacco  to  any  part  of  Great 
Britain  ;  from  which  the  latter  must  have  sustained  a  very  serious 
detriment,  not  only  by  the  diminution  of  public  revenue,  consequent 
to  that  of  the  duties  upon  importation,  but  by  the  diminutiori  of  com- 
merce itself;  for  the  English  supplied  foreign  markets  with  great 
quantities  of  these  tobaccos. 

On  the  first  of  November,  the  day  prefixed  by  the  law  for  the 
emission  of  stamped  paper,  not  a  single  sheet  of  it  could  have  been 
found  in  all  the  colonies  of  New  England,  of  New  York,  of  JN"ew 
Jersey,  of  Pennsylvania,  of  Maryland,  and  of  the  two  Carolinas.  It 
had  either  been  committed  to  the  flames  during  the  popular  comd^- 
tions,  or  sent  back  to  England,  or  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  pa^y 
in  opposition,  who  guarded  it  carefully.  Hence  originated  a  sud- 
den suspension,  or  rather  a  total  cessation,  of  all  business  that  could 
not  be  transacted  without  stamped  paper.  The  printers  of  news- 
papers only  continued  their  occupation  ;  alleging  for  excuse,  that  if 
they  had  done*  otherwise,  the  people  would  have  given  them  such 
admonitions  as  they  little  coveted.  None  would  receive  the  gazettes 
coming  from  Canada,  as  they  were  printed  upon  stamped  paper. 
The  courts  of  justice  were  closed  ;  the  ports  were  shut;  even  mar- 
riages, were  no  longer  celebrated  ;  and  in  a  word,  an  absolute  stag- 
nation in  all  the  relations  of  social  life  was  established. 

The  governors  of  the  provinces,  though  bound  by  their  oaths,  and 
the  severest  penalties,  to  cause  the  stamp  act  to  be  executed,  con- 
sidering, on  the  one  hand,  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans,  and,  on 
the  other,  the  impossibility  of  finding  any  stamped  paper,  in  the 
greater  part  of  the  towns,  considering  also  the  incalculable  detri- 
ment that  must  result,  as  well  to  the  public  as  to  individuals,  from  a 
total  stagnation  of  all  civil  transactions,  resolved  to  grant  letters  of 
dispensation  to  such  as  requested  them,  and  particularly  to  ships 
about  to  sail  from  the  ports  ;  for  the  captains,  without  this  precau- 
tion, would  have  been  liable  to  heavy  penalties,  in  other  ports  of  the 
British  dominions,  for  not  having  conformed  to  the  stamp  act.  The 
lieutenant-governor  of  South  Carolina,  the  governor  being  absent, 
alone  obstinately  persisted  in  exacting  a  strict  execution  of  the  law, 
and  never  consented  to  grant  dispensations.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  con- 
ceive how  great  was  the  damage  sustained,  in  all  civil  transactions, 
by  the  inhabitants  of  this  opulent  colony,  in  consequence  of  the  ob- 
stinacy shown  by  the  two  parties. 


72  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II. 

But  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  the  most  populous  of  all,  and 
that  in  which  the  opposition  to  the  designs  of  England  was  the  most 
determined  and  the  most  universal,  took  another  resolution,  of  ex- 
treme importance,  which  was  soon  adopted  by  all  the  others.  The 
leading  patriots  of  Massachusetts  reflected  that  popular  commotions 
are  commonly  of  little  duration  ;  and  that  governments,  to  preserve 
their  dignity,  are  more  disposed  to  punish  their  authors,  than  to  re- 
move their  causes;  and  consequently,  that  both  reasons  of  state,  and 
the  wounded  pride  of  those  they  had  braved,  would  be  united  against 
them.  They  reflected,  also,  that  the  regular  correspondence  esta- 
blished between  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  the  different  provinces,  al- 
though of  great  importance  to  diffuse  and  uphold  a  common  opinion, 
was  still  but  a  correspondence  of  private  men,  acting  by  no  public 
authority ;  and  that,  although  the  assemblies  of  representatives  of 
each  province,  had  opposed  the  late  laws  by  suitable  deliberations, 
yet  these  acts  were  but  the  remonstrances  of  particular  provinces, 
which  did  not  represent  the  entire  united  body  of  the  English'  colo- 

AThey  resolved,  therefore,  to  take  measures  preliminary  to  the 
ation  of  a  general  congress,  to  which  each  of  the  provinces 
should  send  its  deputies,  for  the  purpose  of  concluding  a  general  and 
public  confederacy  against  the  laws  of  which  America  complained. 
They  hoped  that  England  would  pay  more  regard  to  the  opposition 
and  remonstrances  of  such  a  body  than  to  those  of  private  individuals, 
or  of  the  provincial  assemblies,  separated  one  from^another.  Per- 
haps they  also  hoped,  as  they  probably  already  meditated  the  design 
of  independence,  that,  by  means  of  this  congress,  the  colonies  would 
become  accustomed  to  act  in  concert,  and  consider  themselves  as  a 
a  single  and  united  nation.  The  first  authors  of  this  deliberation 
were  the  Otises,  father  and  son,  and  James  Warren,  who  took  a  more 
active  part  than  others  in  affairs  of  this  nature. 

The  proposition  having  been  submitted  to  the  house  of  assembly, 
it  was  immediately  adopted,  by  passing  a  resolution,  that  it  was  high- 
ly expedient  to  form  a  congress  without  delay,  to  be  composed  of  all 
the  deputies  that  should  be  sent  by  the  houses  of  representatives  or 
burgesses  of  the  different  colonies,  to  consult  together  respecting  the 
present  occurrences,  and  to  form  and  transmit  to  England,  the  re- 
monstrances which  might  be  deemed  proper.  It  was  decided,  that 
this  congress  should  be  convoked  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  the 
first  Tuesday  of  October. 

This  was  the  first  general  congress  held  in  the  colonies,  since  the 
commencement  of  the  tumults ;  it  served  as  a  model  to  the  other, 
which  governed  the  affairs  of  America  during  the  course  of  the  war 
which  broke  out  some  time  after.  The  other  colonies  addressed 
their  acknowledgments  to  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  for  its  zeal 
in  the  common  cause ;  and  sent  their  deputies  to  the  congress  of 
New  York.  A  memorable  example  !  The  same  councils  which 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  73 

tended  to  establish  a  law  by  the  divisions  supposed  to  have  resulted 
from  the  conflict  of  interests,  produced,  on  the  contrary,  an  univer- 
sal combination  against  this  law ;  and  where  it  was  expected  to  find 
general  obedience,  an  unanimous  resistance  was  encountered.  A 
manifest  proof,  tliHt  where  no  powerful  armies  exist,  to  constrain  the 
opinion  of  the  people,  all  attempts  to  oppose  it,  are  fraught  with  dan- 
ger. The  rulers  of  free  states  ought  to  show  themselves  their  ad- 
ministrators, rather  than  masters ;  they  should  be  capable  of  guiding, 
without  frequent  use  of  the  curb,  or  of  the  spur. 

On  Monday,  the  7th  of  October,  1765,  the  delegates  of  the 
American  provinces  convened  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  ballot 
being  taken,  and  the  votes  examined,  Timothy  Ruggles  was  elected 
president.  The  congress,  after  a  long  preamble,  full  of  the  ordinary 
protestations  of  affection  and  loyalty  towards  the  person  of  the  king, 
and  the  English  government,  inserted  a  series  of  fourteen  articles, 
which  were  but  a  confirmation  of  the  rights  claimed  by  the  Ameri- 
cans, both  as  men  and  as  subjects  of  the  British  crown,  of  which  we 
have  already  made  frequent  mention  ;  concluding  with  complaints  of 
the  restraints  and  impediments  to  their  commerce,  created  by  the 
late  laws. 

They  afterwards  drew  up  three  petitions,  or  remonstrances,  ad- 
dressed to  the  king,  to  the  lords  in  parliament,  and  to  the  house  of 
commons.  They  enlarged  upon  the  merits  of  the  Americans,  in 
having  converted  vast  deserts,  and  uncultivated  lands,  into  populous 
cities  and  fertile  fields  ;  inhospitable  shores  into  safe  and  commodious 
ports ;  tribes  of  ignorant  and  inhuman  savages,  into  civilised  and 
sociable  nations,  to  whom  they  had  communicated  the  knowledge  of 
things,  divine  and  human;  and  thus  had  greatly  advanced  the  glory, 
power,  and  prosperity  of  the  British  nation. 

'We  have  always  enjoyed,'  they  said,  'the  privileges  of  English 
subjects;  to  these  we  are  indebted  for  the  happy  life  we  have  led  for 
so  long  a  time.  We  cannot,  we  ought  not,  to  renounce  them ;  none 
has  the  right  to  tax  us  but  ourselves.  We  have  been  aggrieved  and 
injured,  beyond  measure,  by  the  late  commercial  restrictions ;  but 
especially  by  the  new  and  extraordinary  act  for  imposing  stamp  du- 
ties. The  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  colonies  render  it  impossi- 
ble to  pay  these  duties;  and,  though  it  were  possible,  the  payment 
would  soon  drain  them  of  all  their  specie.  Tiie  execution  of  these 
laws  would,  by  reaction,  become  extremely  detrimental  to  the  com- 
mercial interest  of  Great  Britain.  The  colonies  owe  an  immensely 
heavy  debt,  as  well  to  England  for  British  manufactures,  as  to  their 
own  inhabitants,  for  advances  made  by  them,  for  the  public  service, 
in  the  late  war.  It  is  evident,  the  more  the  commerce  of  the  colo- 
nies is  favored,  the  more  also  that  of  England  is  promoted  and  in- 
creased. In  such  a  country  as  America,  where  the  lands  are  ex- 
tremely divided,  and  transfers  of  property  very  frequent,  where  a 
VOL.  i.  10 


74  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II. 

multiplicity  of  transactions  take  place  every  day,  the  stamp  act  is  not 
only  vexatious,  but  altogether  insupportable  ;  the  house  of  commons 
cannot,  at  so  great  a  distance,  be  acquainted  with  our  wants  or  with 
our  faculties  ;  every  one  knows  the  distinction  between  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  parliament,  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  commerce  in  all  parts 
of  the  empire,  and  colonial  taxation  ;  for  the  latter  object,  the  pro- 
vincial assemblies  have  been  expressly  instituted  in  the  colonies,  which 
would  become  altogether  useless,  if  the  parliament  should  arrogate 
the  right  of  imposing  taxes  ;  the  colonists  have  never  obstructed,  but 
have  always  promoted  to  the  extent  of  their  power,  the  interests  of 
the  crown  ;  they  bear  a  filial  affection  towards  the  government  and 
people  of  England  ;  they  love  their  opinions,  their  manners,  their 
customs,  they  cherish  the  ancient  relations,  which  unite  them  ;  they 
hope,  therefore,  that  their  humble  representations  will  be  heard  ;  that 
their  deplorable  situation  will  be  taken  into  a  just  consideration  ;  that 
the  acts  which  have  oppressed  their  commerce  and  their  property, 
with  such  grievances,  will  be  repealed,  or  that  the  British  govern- 
ment will  otherwise  relieve  the  American  people,  as  in  its  wisdom 
and  goodness  shall  seem  meet.' 

But,  as  if  they  feared  being  called  to  participate  in  the  general 
representation  in  parliament,  by  sending  their  delegates  also,  they 
inserted  in  their  petitions,  an  assertion  entirely  new,  which  was,  that 
considering  the  remote  situation,  and  other  circumstances  of  the  co- 
lonies, it  would  be  impracticable  that  they  should  be  otherwise  repre- 
sented, than  by  their  provincial  assemblies.  Another  of  their  com- 
plaints was  directed  against  the  clauses  of  the  late  laws,  by  which 
the  penalties  and  forfeitures,  that  might  be  incurred  by  the  violation 
of  the  late  regulations,  and  of  the  stamp  act,  were  not  to  be  decided 
as  in  England,  by  the  ordinary  tribunals,  but,  at  the  election  of  the 
informer,  by  one  of  the  courts  of  admiralty.  Thus,  they  affirmed, 
at  the  good  pleasure  of  the  first  suborner,  they  were  liable  to  be 
carried,  for  trial,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other  ;  while 
at  the  same  time,  they  would  be  deprived  of  the  right,  so  dear  to  all, 
of  being  tried  by  a  jury  ;  their  fortunes,  their  characters,  would  be 
in  the  hands  of  a  single  judge. 

The  24th  of  October,  it  was  determined  by  congress,  that  the  pe- 
titions should  be  preferred  in  England,  with  the  requisite  solicitations, 
by  special  agents,  to  be  appointed  for  this  purpose  by  the  several 
provinces,  and  indemnified  for  all  their  expenses.  The  day  follow- 
ing, having  accomplished  the  objects  for  which  it  was  convened,  the 
congress  dissolved  itself. 

The  news  of  the  disturbances  excited  in  America,  by  the  stamp 
act,  being  arrived  in  England,  the  minds  of  all  were  deeply  but  dif- 
ferently affected,  according  to  their  various  opinions  and  interests. 

The  merchants,  foreseeing  that  the  sums  they  had  lent  the  Ameri- 
cans could  not  be  reimbursed,  censured,  and  detested  the  extraordi- 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  75 

nary  law  which  had  interrupted  the  ancient  course  of  things.  The 
greater  part  of  them  did  not  blame,  but  even  appeared  to  approve 
the  resolution  taken  by  the  Americans,  to  discontinue  all  remittances 
to  England,  persuaded  that  the  new  duties  had  deprived  them  of  the 
means.  The  manufacturers,  finding  their  orders  diminished,  and 
their  business  rapidly  declining,  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  straits, 
and  many  to  ruin.  Some  abandoned  themselves  to  dejection  and 
despondency,  others  manifested  a  lofty  indignation  at  the  excesses 
committed  by  the  Americans.  Disputations  and  controversies,  were 
without  number.  Pamphlets  were  daily  published,  written  upon  dif- 
ferent, and  even  opposite  principles'.  In  some,  the  Americans  were 
extravagantly  extolled,  and  praised  as  the  defenders  of  liberty,  the 
destroyers  of  tyranny,  the  protectors  and  supporters  of  all  that  is 
dear  to  man  upon  earth  ;  in  others,  they  were  acrimoniously  accused 
of  ingratitude,  avarice,  turbulence,  suspicion,  and  finally,  of  rebellion. 

Those  who  in  parliament,  or  elsewhere,  had  promoted  the  late 
laws,  were  disposed  to  employ  force,  and  constrain  the  obedience  of 
the  Americans  at  all  hazards  ;  and  to  inflict  condign  punishment  upon 
the  authors  of  such  enormities.  Those,  on  the  contrary,  who  had 
opposed  the  act,  declared  for  more  lenient  measures ;  they  affirmed, 
that  all  other  means  should  be  tried  before  resorting  to  force ;  that 
an  attempt  should  first  be  made  to  sooth  the  minds  of  the  colonists, 
as  it  was  never  too  late  to  employ  coercion  ;  that  the  signal  of  civil 
war  once  given,  the  first  blood  once  shed,  it  was  impossible  to  foresee 
the  consequences,  or  the  termination  of  the  contest. 

It  was  believed,  at  the  time,  that  lord  Bute,  who  had  the  king's 
entire  confidence,  and,  concealed  behind  the  scenes,  was  the  promp- 
ter of  all,  had  strongly  advised  to  trample  down  all  obstacles,  and  to 
use  the  promptest  means  to  subdue  all  opposition.  The  gentlemen 
of  the  royal  household,  who  in  their  ambrosial  life  are  ignorant  of 
human  miseries,  would  have  winged  the  despatches  to  America  with 
fire  and  sword.  The  members  of  the  Episcopal  clergy  itself,  for- 
getting the  clemency  of  their  character,  professed  the  same  senti- 
ments ;  perhaps  they  already  imagined  that  the  Americans,  being 
reduced  to  submission,  and  the  petulance,  as  they  said,  of  their  spi- 
rits brought  under  the  curb,  to  prevent  the  return  of  similar  disorders, 
it  would  be  determined  to  introduce  in  the  colonies,  the  English  hie- 
rarchy. It  was  also  known  that  the  king  was  inclined  to  enforce  the 
execution  of  the  stamp  act,  but  that  if  this  could  not  be  effected 
without  bloodshed,  he  wished  its  repeal. 

Meanwhile,  the  ministry,  who  had  been  the  authors  of  the  restraints 
imposed  on  American  commerce,  and  of  the  stamp  act,  had  received 
their  dismission.  In  appearance,  and  perhaps  in  reality,  this  change 
took  place  on  account  of  the  coldness  with  which  they  had  proposed 
and  supported  the  regency  bill,  before  the  two  houses  of  parliament; 
such  at  least  was  the  general  opinion  ;  but  it  is  not  improbable  that 


76  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK.  II. 

it  was  occasioned  by  the  alarming  commotions  raised  in  England  by 
the  silk-weavers,  who  complained  of  the  declension  of  their  manu- 
facture. The  cause  of  which  was  imputed,  by  some,  to  the  intro- 
duction of  an  unusual  quantity  of  foreign  silks,  and  particularly  those 
of  France ;  but,  the  real  or  principal  cause,  was  the  diminution  of 
purchases  for  American  account.  Perhaps  also,  the  government  al- 
ready suspected,  or  was  apprised  of  the  tumults  in  America.  But 
it  was  given  out  and  circulated  with  much  industry,  that  the  change 
of  ministry  ought  to  be  attributed  solely  to  ihe  statute  of  regency. 
The  government  thus  sheltered  itself  from  the  blame  incurred  by  the 
new  direction  given  to  the  affairs  of  America,  and  left  the  people  at 
liberty  to  throw  it  upon  the  late  ministry.  For  it  is  a  salutary  prin- 
ciple of  the  English  constitution,  that  when  in  consequence  of  a 
false  or  unfortunate  measure,  the  state  is  menaced  with  serious  dan- 
gers, (as  this  measure  could  not,  however,  be  renounced  without 
prejudice  to  the  dignity  of  government)  some  occasion  of  a  nature 
quite  foreign,  is  eagerly  sought  as  a  pretext  for  dismissing  the  minis- 
ters. Then,  without  other  accusation,  the  censure  attaches  to  them; 
the  affair  is  again  brought  under  deliberation,  and  the  plan  of  con- 
duct is  entirely  changed.  Thus  it  is  seen,  that  what,  in  other  go- 
vernments, where  the  sovereign  is  absolute,  could  only  be  obtained 
by  his  abdication,  or  otherwise  would  expose  the  state  to  the  most 
disastrous  events,  and  perhaps  total  ruin,  is  easily  obtained  in  Eng- 
land, by  a  simple  change  of  ministers.  In  this  manner  the  wishes 
of  the  nation  are  gratified  without  impairing  the  dignity  of  the  throne, 
or  the  security  of  the  state.  But,  as  in  all  human  things  evil  is  al- 
ways mingled  with  good,  this  procedure  has  also  its  inconveniences, 
and  the  new  ministers  are  placed  in  a  situation  full  of  embarrassment; 
for  to  march  in  a  direction  altogether  opposite  to  that  of  their  pre- 
decessors, would  be  giving  a  complete  triumph  to  the  factious,  to 
insurgents,'  to  enemies,  domestic  or  foreign,  and  would  tend  to  ani- 
mate them  with  new  audacity.  On  the  other  hand,  to  follow  tamely 
the  same  track,  would  be  continuing  in  evil,  and  doing  precisely  that 
which  it  is  desired  to  avoid.  It  happens,  therefore,  too  often,  that 
the  new  ministers  are  obliged  to  pursue  a  certain  middle  course, 
which  rarely  leads  to  any  desirable  end.  A  remarkable  example  of 
which,  is  exhibited  in  the  history  of  the  events  we  retrace. 

The  marquis  of  Rockingham,  one  of  the  wealthiest  noblemen  of 
the  kingdom,  and  much  esteemed  by  all  for  the  vigor  of  his  genius, 
and  especially  for  the  sincerity  of  his  character,  was  appointed  first 
lord  of  the  treasury,  in  the  room  of  George  Greiwille,  the  other 
departments  of  the  ministry  passed  from  the  friends  of  the  latter  to 
the  friends  of  the  former.  The  greater  part  were,  or  at  least  pro- 
fessed to  be,  friendly  to  the  American  cause.  One  of  them,  general 
Conway,  had  been  appointed  secretary  of  sta.te  for  the  colonies  ; 
and  no  choice  could  have  been  more  agreeable  to  the  Americans. 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  77 

The  new  ministers  soon  turned  their  attention  to  the  state  of  the 
colonies,  which  they  resolved  to  meliorate,  by  procuring  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  laws  which  had  caused  such  bitter  complaints,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  stamp  act.  But  this  they  could  not  do  at  present, 
without  a  great  prejudice  to  the  dignity  of  government ;  it  was  also 
necessary  to  wait  for  the  regular  meeting  of  parliament,  which  is 
usually  convened  at  the  close  of  the  year ;  finally,  it  was  requisite  to 
take,  at  least  in  appearance,  sufficient  time  to  acquaint  themselves 
thoroughly  with  the  state* of  affairs  in  America,  and  to  weigh  them 
with  much  deliberation,  in  order  to  lay  them  before  parliament  with 
all  due  precision  and  illustrations.  They  endeavored,  in  the  mean 
time,  to  sooth  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  and  bring  them  back  to 
reason,  by  pruning  from  the  odious  acts  all  the  conditions  that  could 
be  removed  by  an  extreme  laxity  of  interpretation ;  by  speaking  in 
their  correspondence  with  the  governors  of  the  colonies,  with  great 
indulgence  of  the  American  disturbances ;  and  by  encouraging  the 
colonists  themselves  to  hope  that  their  grievances  would  be  redressed. 

The  board  of  treasury  decided  that  all  the  produce  of  the  Ameri- 
can stamp  duties  should  be  paid,  from  time  to  time,  to  the  deputy 
paymaster  in  America,  to  defray  the  subsistence  of  the  troops,  and 
any  military  expenses  incurred  in  the  colonies. 

The  members  of  the  board  of  trade,  having  taken  into  considera- 
tion the  energetic  resolutions  of  the  assembly  of  Virginia,  were  ur- 
gent in  their  representations  to  the  king,  that  he  should  notice  them, 
by  a  declaration  of  the  royal  disapprobation,  and  send  instructions 
to  the  agents  of  the  crown  in  Virginia,  to  enforce  the  strict  execution 
of  the  stamp  act,  and  all  other  laws  proceeding  from  the  legitimate 
authority  of  parliament.  But  all  this  was  but  a  vain  demonstration, 
for  they  well  knew  that  their  opinion  would  not  be  approved  by  the 
king's  privy  council.  In  effect,  the  council  decided  that  the  present 
matter  could  not  be  determined  by  the  king  in  his  privy  council,  but 
was  within  the  competency  of  parliament. 

The  resolutions  of  the  other  colonial  assemblies  having  been  de- 
nounced to  the  king,  the  privy  council  made  the  same  answer  in 
respect  to  them.  Thus  it  was  apparent,  that  a  disposition  existed  to 
discourage  all  deliberations  directed  against  America. 

The  secretary  of  state,  Conway,  found  himself  in  a  very  difficult 
situation.  He  could  not  but  condemn  the  excesses  to  which  the 
Americans  had  abandoned  themselves ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
detested  the  thought  of  procuring,  by  force,  the  execution  of  a  law 
which  had  been  the  cause  of  such  commotions,  and  was  considered 
by  the  new  ministers,  and  by  himself,  perhaps,  more  than  any  other, 
if  not  unjust,  certainly  at  least,  unseasonable  and  prejudicial.  He, 
therefore,  had  recourse  to  temporising  and  subterfuges ;  and  display- 
ed in  all  his  conduct  a  surprising  address. 


78  'THE  AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  n. 

In  the  letters  addressed  to  the  lieutenant-governor  of  Virginia,  and 
to  the  other  colonial  governors,  he  expressed  a  full  persuasion  of  the 
attachment  of  the  mass  of  the  Virginians  to  the  mother  country  ; 
that  the  violent  proceedings  of  some  among  them,  had  in  no  degree 
diminished  the  confidence  his  majesty  had  always  placed  in  his  good 
colony  of  Virginia  ;  that  neither  the  crown  nor  its  servants  had  any 
intention  to  violate  the  real  rights  and  liberties  of  any  part  of  his 
majesty's  dominions  ;  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  government  would 
never  endure  that  the  dignity  of  parliament  should  be  made  a  sa- 
crifice to  certain  local  and  anticipated  opinions.  He  therefore  ex- 
horted the  governors  to  maintain,  with  all  their  power,  but  by  all 
prudent  measures,  the  just  rights  of  the  British  government,  (without, 
however,  explaining  what  rights  were  intended.)  He  recommended 
to  them,  especially,  to  preserve  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the 
provinces  committed  to  their  care  ;  then,  adverting  to  the  violences 
and  outrages  which  had  taken  place  in  the  colonies,  he  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  attribute  them  to  the  lowest  of  the  population,  always  fond  of 
change  ;  he  was  confident,  the  better  and  wiser  part  of  the  citizens 
had  taken  no  part  in  them,  who  must  know  that  submission  and  de- 
cency are  more  efficacious  than  violence  and  outrage,  to  obtain 
redress,  indulgence  and  favor.  '  If  prudence  and  lenity  should  prove 
insufficient  to  calm  the  fermentation,  it  would  be  necessary  to  provide 
for  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  good  order,  by  such  a  timely  ex- 
ertion of  force  as  the  occasion  might  require  ;  for  which  purpose, 
they  would  make  the  proper  applications  to  general  Gage  or  lord 
Colvil,  commanders  of  his  majesty's  land  and  naval  forces  in 
America.' 

He  praised,  however,  the  patience  and  magnanimity  of  the  govern- 
or of  New  York,  in  having  abstained  from  firing  the  artillery  of  the 
fort  on  the  infatuated  populace,  which  so  provokingly  approached  ; 
and  testified  his  joy,  that  amidst  so  many  disorders  no  blood  had 
been  spilt.  He  remarked  that  the  distance  of  places  prevented  him 
from  giving  them  more  precise  instructions ;  and,  finally,  that  he 
placed  great  reliance  upon  their  wisdom,  discretion  and  prudence. 

These  despatches  of  the  secretary  of  state,  sufficiently  evince 
what  was  his  mode  of  thinking,  with  respect  to  American  affairs  ; 
for,  although  he  recommends  the  employment  of  force,  if  requisite, 
for  the  repression  of  tumults,  he  no  where  speaks  of  constraining  the 
Americans  to  submit  to  the  stamp  act. 

In  the  midst  of  so  many  storms,  the  year  1 765  approached  its  con- 
clusion, when  the  parliament  was  convoked,  on  the  17th  of  Decem- 
ber. Although  the  king,  in  his  opening  speech,  had  made  mention 
of  American  affairs,  this  subject  which  held  in  suspense  not  only 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  but  even  all  Europe,  was  adjourned 
till  the  meeting  of  parliament  after  the  Christmas  holidays.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  the  14th  of  January,  1766,  the  king  adverted  again  te 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  79 

the  events  which  had  occurred  in  America,  as  matters  of  extreme 
importance,  which  would  require  the  most  serious  attention  of  parlia- 
ment during  its  present  session.  Things  were  on  all  sides  brought 
to  maturity.  The  new  ministers  had  laid  before  parliament  all  the 
information  relating  to  this  subject ;  and,  having  previously  arranged 
the  system  of  measures  they  intended  to  pursue,  they  were  fully 
prepared  to  answer  the  objections  which  they  knew  it  must  en- 
counter from  the  opposite  party.  Likewise,  those  who  from  per- 
sonal interest  or  from  conviction,  voluntarily  or  at  the  suggestion  of 
others,  proposed  to  support  the  ministers  in  their  debates,  had  made 
all  the  dispositions  they  believed  conducive  to  the  object  in  view. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  late  ministers,  and  all  their  adherents,  had 
strenuously  exerted  themselves,  in  making  preparations  to  defend  a 
law  they  had  ushered  into  being,  and  the  darling  object  of  their  soli- 
citude ;  fully  appprised,  apart  from  partiality  for  their  own  opinion, 
what  dishonor,  or  at  least  what  diminution  of  credit,  they  must  sus- 
tain from  its  abrogation.  But,  whatever  might  have  been  the  mo- 
tives deducible  from  reasons  of  state,  for  the  maintainance  of  the  law, 
the  prejudice  which  must  result  from  it  to  the  commerce  of  Great 
Britain,  was  already  but  too  evident. 

Accordingly,  as  if  all  the  merchants  of  the  kingdom  had  leagued 
for  the  purpose,  they  presented  themselves  at  the  bar  of  parliament, 
with  petitions,  tending  to  cause  the  repeal  of  the  act.  They  repre- 
sented how  much  their  commerce  had  been  affected,  in  consequence 
of  the  new  regulations  and  the  new  laws  concerning  America. 

'  At  this  moment,'  they  said,  '  we  see  accumulated  or  perishing  in 
our  warehouses,  immense  quantities  of  British  manufactures,  which 
heretofore  have  found  a  ready  market  in  America  ;  a  very  great 
number  of  artisans,  manufacturers,  and  seamen,  are  without  employ- 
ment, and  destitute  of  support.  England  is  deprived  of  rice,  indigo, 
tobacco,  naval  stores,  oil,  whale  fins,  furs,  potash,  and  other  commo- 
dities of  American  growth,  that  were  brought  by  its  inhabitants  to  our 
ports,  in  exchange  for  British  manufactures.  The  merchants  of 
Great  Britain  are  frustrated  of  the  remittances,  in  bills  of  exchange 
and  bullion,  which  the  Americans  have  hitherto  procured  them  ;  and 
which  they  obtained  in  payment  for  articles  of  their  produce,  not  re- 
quired for  the  British  market,  and  therefore  exported  to  other  places  ; 
already,  many  articles  are  wanting,  heretofore  procured  by  the 
Americans  with  their  own  funds,  and  with  English  manufactures,  and 
which  they  brought  eventually  to  the  ports  of  England.  From  the 
nature  of  this  trade,  consisting  of  British  manufactures  exported, 
and  of  the  import  of  raw  materials  from  America,  it  must  be  deemed 
of  the  highest  importance  to  the  British  nation  ;  since,  among  other 
advantages,  it  tended  to  lessen  its  dependence  on  foreign  states  ;  but 
it  is  henceforth  annihilated,  without  the  immediate  interposition  of 
parliament**  The  merchants  of  Great  Britain  are  in  advance  to  the 


80  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II. 

colonists  for  the  sum  of  several  millions  sterling,  who  are  no  longer 
able  to  make  good  their  engagements,  as  they  have  heretofore  done, 
so  great  is  the  damage  they  have  sustained  from  the  regulations  of 
commerce  recently  introduced  ;  and  many  bankruptcies  have  actually 
occurred  of  late  in  the  colonies,  a  thing  almost  without  example  in 
times  past.'  The  petitioners  added,  that  their  situation  was  critical ; 
that  without  the  immediate  succours  of  parliament,  they  must  be 
totally  ruined  ;  that  a  multitude  of  manufacturers  would  likewise  be 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  seeking  subsistence  in  foreign  countries, 
to  the  great  prejudice  of  their  own.  They  implored  the  parliament 
to  preserve  the  strength  of  the  nation  entire,  the  prosperity  of  its 
commerce,  the  abundance  of  its  revenues,  the  power  of  its  navy,  the 
immensity  and  wealth  of  its  navigation,  (the  sources  of  the  true  glory 
of  England,  and  her  strongest  bulwark)  and  finally,  to  maintain  the 
colonies,  from  inclination,  duty,  and  interest,  firmly  attached  to  the 
mother  country. 

The  agent  of  Jamaica  also  presented  a  petition,  in  which  were 
detailed  the  pernicious  effects  produced,  in  that  Island  by  a  stamp  law, 
which  had  originated  in  the  assembly  of  its  own  representatives. 
Other  petitions  were  presented  by  the  agents  of  Virginia  and  Georgia. 
All  these  were  got  up,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  ministers.  The  re- 
presentations of  the  congress  of  New  York  were  not  admitted,  be- 
cause this  assembly  was  unconstitutionally  formed. 

Not  trusting  to  these  preparatives,  the  ministers,  passionately  de- 
sirous of  obtaining  the  revocation,  resolved  to  employ  the  name  and 
authority  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  a  man  who  enjoyed  at  that  time  the 
greatest  reputation.  He  was  therefore  interrogated,  during  the  de- 
bates, in  the  presence  of  the  house  of  commons.  The  celebrity  of 
the  person,  the  candor  of  his  character,  the  recollection  of  all  the 
services  he  had  rendered  his  country,  and  the  whole  human  race,  by 
his  physical  discoveries,  roused  the  attention  of  every  mind.  The 
galleries  were  crowded  with  spectators,  eager  to  hear  so  distinguished 
an  individual  speak  upon  a  subject  of  so  much  moment.  He  an- 
swered with  gravity,  and  with  extreme  presence  of  mind.  l  The 
Americans,5  he 'said,  '  already  pay  taxes  on  all  estates,  real  and  per- 
sonal ;  a  poll  tax ;  a  tax  on  all  offices,  professions,  trades  and  busi- 
nesses, according  to  their  profits  ;  an  excise  on  all  wine,  rum,  and 
other  spirits ;  and  a  duty  of  ten  pounds  per  head,  on  all  negroes  im- 
ported ;  with  some  other  duties.  The  assessments  upon  real  and 
personal  estates  amount  to  eighteen  pence  in  the  pound  ;  and  those 
upon  the  profits  of  employments  to  half  a  crown.  The  colonies 
could  not  in  any  way  pay  the  stamp  duty  ;  there  is  not  gold  and  silver 
enough,  in  all  the  colonies,  to  pay  the  stamp  duty  even  for  one  year. 
The  Germans  who  inhabit  Pennsylvania  are  more  dissatisfied  with 
this  duty  than  the  native  colonists  themselves.  The  Americans, 
since  the  new  laws,  have  abated  much  of  their  affection  for  Great 


BOOK    II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  81 

Britain,  and  of  their  respect  for  parliament.  There  exists  a  great 
difference  between  internal  and  external  duties ;  duties  laid  on  com- 
modities imported  have  no  other  effect  than  to  raise  the  price  of  these 
articles  in  the  American  market ;  they  make,  in  fact,  a  part  of  this 
price  ;  but  it  is  optional  with  the  people  either  to  buy  them  or  not, 
and  consequently  to  pay  the  duty  or  not.  But  an  internal  tax  is  forc- 
ed from  the  people  without  their  own  consent,  if  not  laid  by  their 
own  representatives.  The  stamp  act  says,  we  shall  have  no  com- 
merce, make  no  exchange  of  property  with  each  other,  neither  pur- 
chase nor  grant,  nor  recover  debts,  we  shall  neither  marry,  nor  make 
our  wills,  unless  we  pay  such  and  such  sums  ;  and  thus  it  is  intended 
to  extort  our  money  from  us,  or  ruin  us  by  the  consequences  of  re- 
fusing to  pay  it.  The  American  colonists  could,  in  a  short  time,  find 
in  their  own  manufactures  the  means  of  sufficing  to  themselves. 
The  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  would  restore  tranquillity,  and  things 
would  resume  their  pristine  course.' 

Thus  spoke  Franklin;  and  his  words  were  a  powerful  support  to 
the  ministers.  But  the  advocates  of  the  law  were  not  inactive  ;  and 
they  marshalled  all  their  strength  to  obstruct  their  repeal.  The  dis- 
quisitions and  debates  had  continued  with  equal  warmth  on  both  sides, 
and  the  moment  of  decision  approached  ;  when  George  Grenville, 
the  same  who,  being  prime  minister,  had  first  proposed  the  stamp  act 
in  parliament,  a  man  whose  influence  was  extensive,  and  his  adhe- 
rents very  numerous,  arose  in  his  place,  and  spoke  in  the  following 
terms  ;  '  If  I  could  persuade  myself  that  the  pride  of  opinion,  the 
spirit  of  party,  or  the  affection  which  man  usually  bears  to  things 
done  by  himself,  had  so  fascinated  my  intellectual  sight  and  biassed 
the  faculties  of  my  mind,  as  to  deprive  me  of  all  power  to  see  and 
distinguish  that  which  is  manifest,  I  certainly,  on  this  occasion,  should 
have  intrenched  myself  in  silence,  and  thus  displayed,  if  not  my 
zeal  for  the  public  service,  at  least  my  prudence  and  discretion. 
But,  as  the  affair  now  before  us  has  been  the  subject  of  my  most  at- 
tentive consideration,  and  of  rny  most  deliberate  reflection,  at  a  peri- 
od when  the  general  tranquillity  was  uninterrupted  by  scandalous 
excesses ;  and  as,  from  a  contingency  for  which  I  claim  no  merit,  it 
appears  that  to  my  honor  and  reputation  the  honor  and  dignity  of  this 
kingdom  are  attached,  my  prudence  might  be  reputed  coldness,  and 
my  discretion  a  base  desertion. 

*  But  where  is  the  public,  where  is  the  private  man,  whatever 
may  be  his  moderation,  who  is  not  roused  at  the  present  dangers 
which  so  imminently  threaten  the  safety  of  our  country  ? — who  does 
not  put  forth  all  his  strength  to  avert  them  ?  And  who  can  help  in- 
dulging the  most  sinister  anticipations,  in  contemplating  the  new 
counsels  and  fatal  inactivity  of  the  present  servants  of  the  crown  ? 
A  solemn  law  has  been  enacted  in  parliament,  already  a  year  since. 
It  was,  and  still  is,  the  duty  of  ministers  to  carry  it  into  effect.  The 

VOL.    I.  II 


82  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  II. 

constitution  declares,  that  to  suspend  a  law,  or  the  execution  of  a 
law,  by  royal  authority,  and  without  consent  of  parliament,  is  felony  ; 
in  defiance  of  which,  this  law  has  been  suspended, — has  been  openly 
resisted, — but.  did  I  say  resisted  ?  Your  delegates  are  insulted,  their 
houses  are  pillaged  ;  even  their  persons  are  not  secure  from  violence  ; 
and,  as  if  to  provoke  your  patience,  you  are  mocked  and  braved 
under  the  mouths  of  your  artillery.  Your  ears  are  assailed  from 
every  quarter,  with  protestations  that  obedience  cannot,  shall  not, 
ought  not,  to  be  rendered  to  your  decrees.  Perhaps  other  minis- 
ters, more  old  fashioned,  would  have  thought  it  their  duty,  in  such  a 
case,  to  lend  the  law  ihe  aid  of  force  ;  thus  maintaining  the  dignity 
of  the  crown  and  the  authority  of  your  deliberations.  But  those 
young  gentlemen  who  sit  on  the  opposite  benches,  and  no  one  knows 
how,  look  upon  these  principles  as  the  antiquated  maxims  of  our 
simple  ancestors,  and  disdain  10  honor  with  their  attention  mere  acts 
of  riot,  sedition,  and  open  resistance.  With  a  patience  truly  exem- 
plary, they  recommend  to  the  governors  lenity  and  moderation  ;  they 
grant  them  permission  to  call  in  the  aid  of  three  or  four  soldiers  from 
general  Ga^e,  and  as  many  cock-boats  from  lord  Colvil  ;  they  com- 
mend them  for  not  having  employed,  to  carry  the  law  into  effect,  the 
means  which  had  been  placed  in  their  hands. 

'  Be  prepared  to  see  that  the  seditious  are  in  the  right,  and  that 
we  only  are  in  fault ;  such,  assuredly,  is  the  opinion  of  the  ministers. 
And  who  could  doubt  it  f  They  have  declared  it  themselves,  they 
incessantly  repeat  it,  in  your  presence.  It  is  but  too  apparent  that, 
much  against  their  will,  they  have  at  length  laid  before  you  the  dis- 
orders and  audacious  enormities  of  the  Americans  ;  for  they  began 
in  July,  and  now  we  are  in  the  middle  of  January  ;  lately,  they  were 
only  occurrences — they  are  now  grown  to  disturbances,  tumults  and 
riots.  I  doubt  they  border  on  open  rebellion  ;  and  if  the  doctrine  I 
have  heard  this  day  be  confirmed,  I  fear  they  will  lose  that  name,  to 
take  that  of  revolution.  May  heaven  bless  the  admirable  resigna- 
tion of  our  ministers ;  but  I  much  fear  we  shall  gather  no  fruits  from 
it  of  an  agreeable  relish.  Occasion  is  fleeting,  the  danger  is  urgent ; 
and  this  undisciplinable  people,  the  amiable  object  of  their  fond  so- 
licitude, of  their  tender  care,  are  forming  leagues,  are  weaving  con- 
spiracies, are  preparing  to  resist  the  orders  of  the  king  and  of  the 
parliament.  Continue  then,  ye  men  of  long  suffering,  to  march  in 
the  way  you  have  chosen  ;  even  repeal  the  law  ;  and  see  how  many 
agents  you  will  find  zealous  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty,  in  execut- 
ing the  laws  of  the  kingdom,  in  augmenting  the  revenues  and  dimi- 
nishing the  burthens  of  your  people  ;  see,  also,  how  many  ministers 
you  will  find,  who,  for  the  public  service,  will  oppose  a  noble  and  inr 
vincible  firmness  against  the  cabals  of  malignity,  against  the  power- 
ful combination  of  all  private  interests,  against  the  clamors  of  the 
multitude,  and  the  perversity  of  faction.  In  a  word,  if  you  would 
shiver  all  the  springs  of  government,  repeal  the  law. 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  83 

'I  hear  it  asserted,  from  every  quarter,  by  these  defenders  of  the 
colonists,  that  they  cannot  be  taxed  by  authority  of  parliament,  be- 
cause they  are  not  there  represented.  But  if  so,  why,  and  by  what 
authority,  do  you  legislate  for  them  at  all?  If  they  are  represented, 
they  ought  to  obey  all  laws  of  parliament  whatsoever,  whether  of 
the  nature  of  taxes,  or  any  other  whatever.  If  they  are  not,  they 
ought  neither  to  submit  to  tax  laws  nor  to  any  other.  And  if  you 
believe  the  colonists  ought  not  to  be  taxed  by  authority  of  parlia- 
ment, from  defect  of  representation,  how  will  you  maintain  that  nine 
tenths  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  kingdom,  no  better  represented  than 
the  colonists,  ought  to  submit  to  your  taxation  ?  The  Americans 
have  taken  a  hostile  attitude  towards  the  mother  country  ;  and  you 
would  not  only  forgive  their  errors,  dissemble  their  outrages,  remit 
the  punishment  due,  but  surrender  at  discretion,  and  acknowledge 
their  victory  complete  !  Is  this  preventing  popular  commotions  ?  Is 
this  repressing  tumults  and  rebellion  ?  Is  it  not  rather  to  foment 
them,  to  encourage  them  to  supply  fresh  fuel  to  the  conflagration  ? 
Let  any  man,  not  blinded  by  the  spirit  of  party,  judge  and  pronounce. 
I  would  freely  listen  to  the  councils  of  clemency,  I  would  even  con- 
sent to  the  abrogation  of  the  law,  if  the  Americans  had  requested 
it  in  a  decent  mode  ;  but  their  modes  are  outrages,  derision,  and 
the  ways  of  force  ;  pillage,  plunder,  arms  and  open  resistance  to  the 
will  of  government.  It  is  a  thing  truly  inadmissible,  and  altogether 
new,  that,  at  any  moment,  whenever  the  fancy  may  take  them,  or  the 
the  name  of  a  law  shall  happen  to  displease  them,  these  men  should 
at  once  set  about  starving  our  manufacturers,  and  refuse  to  pay  what 
they  owe  to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain.  The  officers  of  the 
crown,  in  America,  have  repeatedly  solicited,  and  earnestly  entreat- 
ed, the  ministers,  to  furnish  them  with  proper  means  to  carry  the  law 
into  effect ;  but  the  latter  have  disregarded  their  instances  ;  and,  by 
this  negligence,  the  American  tumults  have  taken  the  alarming  cha- 
racter we  see.  And  shall  we  now  suffer  the  ministers  to  come  and 
allege  the  effects  of  their  own  neglect,  to  induce  us  to  sacrifice  the 
best  interests  of  this  kingdom,  the  mnjesty,  the  power,  and  even  the 
reputation  of  the  government,  to  an  evil,  overgrown  indeed,  but  not 
past  cure,  the  moment  a  suitable  resolution  is  demonstrated  to  bring 
this  infatuated  multitude  to  a  sense  of  duty  ?  But,  again,  if  the 
colonists  are  exempted,  by  their  constitutions,  from  parliamentary 
taxes,  as  levies  of  seamen  have  been  either  prohibited  or  restrirted 
in  America,  by  different  acts  of  parliament,  it  follows,  of  necessity, 
that  they  are  not  bound  either  to  furnish  men  for  the  defence  of  the 
common  country,  or  money  to  pay  them,;  and  that  England  alone 
must  support  the  burthen  of  the  maintainance  and  protection  of  these 
her  ungrateful  children.  If  such  a  partiality  should  be  established, 
it  must  be  at  the  hazard  of  depopulating  this  kingdom,  and  of  dis- 
solving that  original  compact  upon  which  all  human  societies  repose. 


84  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II. 

1  But  I  hear  these  subtle  doctors  attempting  to  inculcate  a  fantastical 
distinction  between  external  and  internal  taxes,  as  if  they  were  not 
the  same  as  to  the  effect,  that  of  taking  money  from  the  subjects  for 
the  public  service.  Wherefore,  then,  these  new  councils  ?  When  I 
proposed  to  tax  America,  I  asked  the  house  if  any  gentleman  would  ob- 
ject to  the  right  ?  I  repeatedly  asked  it ;  and  no  man  would  attempt  to 
deny  it.  And  tell  me' when  the  Americans  were  emancipated.  When 
they  want  the  protection  of  this  kingdom,  they  are  always  very  ready 
to  ask  it.  This  protection  has  always  been  afforded  them  in  the  most 
full  and  ample  manner ;  and  now  they  refuse  to  contribute  their  mite 
towards  the  public  expenses.  For,  let  not  gentlemen  deceive  them- 
selves, with  regard  to  the  rigor  of  the  tax  ;  it  would  not  suffice  even 
for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  troops  stationed  in  America ;  but  a 
peppercorn,  in  acknowledgment  of  the  right,  is  of  more  value  than 
millions  without.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  slightness  of  the  tax,  and 
the  urgency  of  our  situation,  the  Americans  grow  sullen,  and  instead 
of  concurring  in  expenses  arising  from  themselves,  they  renounce 
your  authority,  insult  your  officers,  and  break  out,  I  might  almost  say, 
into  open  rebellion. 

1  There  has  been  a  time  when  they  would  not  have  proceeded 
thus ;  but  they  are  now  supported  by  ministers  more  American  than 
English.  Already,  by  the  artifice  of  these  young  gentlemen,  inflam- 
matory petitions  are  handed  about,  against  us,  and  in  their  favor. 
Even  within  this  house,  even  in  this  sanctuary  of  the  laws,  sedition 
has  found  its  defenders.  Resistance  to  the  laws  is  applauded,  obsti- 
nacy encouraged,  disobedience  extolled,  rebellion  pronounced  a  vir- 
tue !  Oh  more  than  juvenile  imprudence  !  Oh  blind  ambition  of  the 
human  mind  !  But  you  give  a  fatal  example ;  you  will  soon  have 
ample  cause  to  repent  your  own  work. 

'  And  thou,  ungrateful  people  of  America,  is  this  the  return  for  the 
cares  and  fondness  of  thy  ancient  mother  ?  When  I  had  the  honor 
of  serving  the  crown,  while  you  yourselves  were  loaded  with  an  enor- 
mous debt,  you  have  given  bounties  on  their  lumber,  on  their  iron, 
their  hemp,  and  many  other  articles.  You  have  relaxed  in  their 
favor,  the  act  of  navigation,  that  palladium  of  the  British  commerce  ; 
and  yet  I  have  been  abused,  in  all  the  public  papers,  as  an  enemy  to 
the  trade  of  America.  I  have  been  charged  with  giving  orders  and 
instructions  to  prevent  the  Spanish  trade.  I  discouraged  no  trade 
but  what  was  illicit,  what  was  prohibited  by  act  of  parliament. 

*  But  it  is  meant  first  to  columniate  the  man,  and  then  destroy  his 
work.  Of  myself  I  will  speak  no  more ;  and  the  substance  of  my 
decided  opinion,  upon  the  subject  of  our  debates,  is  briefly  this  ;  let 
the  stamp  act  be  maintained  ;  and  let  the  governors  of  the  American 
provinces  be  provided  with  suitable  means  to  repress  disorders,  and 
carry  the  law  into  complete  effect.' 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  85 

William  Pitt,  venerable  for  his  age,  and  still  more  for  the  services 
he  had  rendered  his  country,  rose  to  answer  this  discourse  ;  '  I  know 
not'  whether  I  ought  most  to  rejoice,  that  the  infirmities  which  have 
been  wasting,  for  so  long  a  time,  a  body  already  bowed  by  the  weight 
of  years,  of  late  suspending  their  ordinary  violence,  should  have  al- 
lowed me,  this  day,  to  behold  these  walls,  and  to  discuss,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  this  august  assembly,  a  subject  of  such  high  importance, 
and  which  so  nearly  concerns  the  safety  of  our  country ;  or  to  grieve 
at  the  rigor  of  destiny,  in  contemplating  this  country,  which,  within  a 
few  years  had  arrived  at  such  a  pinnacle  of  splendor  and  majesty,  and 
become  formidable  to  the  universe  from  the  immensity  of  its  power, 
now  wasted  by  an  intestine  evil,  a  prey  to  civil  discords,  and  madly 
hastening  to  the  brink  of  the  abyss,  into  which  the  united  force  of  the 
most  powerful  nations  of  Europe,  struggled  in  vain  to  plunge  it. 
Would  to  heaven  that  my  health  had  permitted  my  attendance  here, 
when  it  was  first  proposed  to  tax  America  !  If  my  feeble  voice  should 
not  have  been  able  to  avert  the  torrent  of  calamities  which  has  fallen 
upon  us,  and  the  tempest  which  threatens  us,  at  least  my  testimony 
would  have  attested  that  I  had  no  part  in  them. 

4  It  is  now  an  act  that  has  passed  ;  I  would  speak  with  decency  of 
every  act  of  this  house,  but  I  must  beg  the  indulgence  of  the  house 
to  speak  of  it  with  freedom.  Assuredly,  a  more  important  subject 
never  engaged  your  attention,  that  subject  only  excepted,  when,  near 
a  century  ago,  it  was  the  question  whether  you  yourselves  were  to  be 
bound  or  free.  Those  who  have  spoken  before  me,  with  so  much 
vehemence,  would  maintain  the  act  because  our  honor  demands  it. 
If  gentlemen  consider  the  subject  in  that  light,  they  leave  all  mea- 
sures of  right  and  wrong  to  follow  a  delusion  that  may  lend  to  de- 
struction. But  can  the  point  of  honor  stand  opposed  against  justice, 
against  reason,  against  right?  Wherein  can  honor  better  consist  than 
in  doing  reasonable  things  ?  It  is  my  opinion  that  England  has  no  right 
to  tax  the  colonies.  At  the  same  time,  I  assert  the  authority  of  this 
kingdom  over  the  colonies  to  be  sovereign  and  supreme,  in  every 
circumstance  of  government  and  legislation  whatsoever.  The  colo- 
nists are  the  subjects  of  this  kingdom,  equally  entitled  with  your- 
selves to  all  the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  and  the  peculiar  privi- 
leges of  Englishmen.  Equally  bound  by  its  laws,  and  equally  partici- 
pating of  the  constitution  of  this  free  country.  The  Americans  are 
the  sons,  not  the  bastards,  of  England.  Taxation  is  no  part  of  the 
governing  or  legislative  power.  The  taxes  are  a  voluntary  gift  and 
grant  of  the  commons  alone.  In  legislation,  the  three  estates  of  the 
realm  are  alike  concerned  ;  but  the  concurrence  of  the  peers  and  the 
crown  to  a  tax,  is  only  necessary  to  close  with  the  form  of  a  law.  The 
gift  and  grant  is  of  the  commons  alone  ;  now  this  house  represents 
the  commons,  as  they  virtually  represent  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants ; 
when,  therefore  in  this  house,  we  give  and  grant,  we  give  and  grant 


86  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    II. 

what  is  our  own.  But  in  an  American  tax,  what  do  we  do?  We, 
your  majesty's  commons  of  Great  Britain,  give  and  grant  to  your 
majesty,  what  ?  Our  own  property  ?  No.  We  give  and  grant  to  your 
majesty,  the  property  of  your  commons  of  America.  It  is  an  absurd- 
ity in  terms.  It  was  just  now  affirmed,  that  no  difference  exists  be- 
tween internal  and  external  taxes,  and  that  taxation  is  an  essential 
part  of  legislation.  Are  not  the  crown  and  the  peers  equally  legis- 
lative powers  with  the  commons  ?  If  taxation  be  a  part  of  simple 
legislation,  the  crown,  the  peers,  have  rights  in  taxation  as  well  as 
yourselves ;  rights  which  they  will  claim,  which  they  will  exercise, 
whenever  the  principal  can  hi?  supported  by  power. 

1  There  is  an  idea  in  some,  that  the  Americans  are  virtually  re- 
presented in  this  house  ;  but  I  would  fain  know  by  what  province, 
county,  city,  or  borough,  they  are  represented  here?  No  doubt  by 
some  province,  county,  city,  or  borough,  never  seen  or  known  by 
them  or  their  ancestors,  and  which  they  never  will  see  or  know. 

*  The  commons  of  America,  represented  in  their  several  assem- 
blies, have  ever  been  in  possession  of  the  exercise  of  this,  their  con- 
stitutional right,  of  giving  and  granting  their  own  money.  They  would 
have  been  slaves  if  they  had  not  enjoyed  it. 

'  I  come  not  here  armed  at  all  points,  with  law  cases,  and  acts  of 
parliament,  with  the  statute  book  doubled  down  in  dog's  ears,  as  my 
valiant  adversary  has  done.  But  I  know,  at  least,  if  we  are  to  take 
example  from  ancient  facts,  that,  even  under  the  most  arbitrary 
reigns,  parliaments  were  ashamed  of  taxing  a  people  without  their  con- 
sent, and  allowed  them  representatives ;  and  in  our  own  times,  even 
those  who  send  no  members  to  parliament,  are  all  at  least  inhabitants 
of  Great  Britain.  Many  have  it  in  their  option  to  be  actually  repre- 
sented. They  have  connexions  with  those  that  elect,  and  they  have 
influence  over  them.  Would  to  heaven  that  all  were  better  repre- 
sented than  they  are  !  It  is  the  vice  of  our  constitution  ;  perhaps  the 
day  will  arrive,  and  I  rejoice  in  the  hope,  when  the  mode  of  repre- 
sentation, this  essential  part  of  our  civil  organisation,  and  principal 
safeguard  of  our  liberty,  will  be  carried  to  that  perfection,  which  every 
good  Englishman  must  desire. 

'It  has  been  asked,  when  were  the  Americans  emancipated?  But 
I  desire  to  know  when  they  were  made  slaves  ? 

'  It  is  said,  that  in  this  house  the  signal  of  resistance  has  been  given, 
that  the  standard  of  rebellion  has  been  erected  ;  and  thus  it  is  at- 
tempted to  stigmatise  the  fairest  prerogative  of  British  senators,  that 
of  speaking  what  they  think,  and  freely  discussing  the  interests  of 
their  country.  They  have  spoken  their  sentiments  with  freedom, 
against  this  unhappy  act  ;  they  have  foreseen,  they  have  predicted 
the  perils  that  impend  ;  and  this  frankness  is  imputed  as  a  crime. 
Sorry  I  am  to  observe,  that  we  can  no  longer  express  our  opinions  in 
this  house,  without  being  exposed  to  censure;  we  must  prepare  for 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

a  disastrous  futurity,  if  we  do  not  oppose,  courageously,  with  our 
tongues,  our  hearts,  our 'hands,  the  tyranny  with  which  we  are 
menaced.  I  hear  it  said,  that — America  is  obstinate,  America  is 
almost  in  open  rebellion.  I  rejoice  that  America  has  resisted. 
Three  millions  of  people,  so  dead  to  all  the  feelings  of  liberty,  as 
voluntarily  to  submit  to  be  slaves,  would  have  been  fit.  instruments  to 
make  slaves  of  ourselves.  The  honorable  member .  has  said  also, 
for  he  is  fluent  in  words  of  bitterness,  that  America  is  ungrateful  ; 
he  boasts  of  his  bounties  towards  her  ;  but  are  not  these  bounties 
intended,  finally,  for  the  benefit  of  this  kingdom?  And  how  is.it 
true  that  America  is  ungrateful  ?  Does  she  not  voluntarily  hold  a 
good  correspondence  with  us  ?  The  profits  to  Great  Britain,  from 
her  commerce  with  the  colonies,  are  two  millions  a  year.  This  is 
the  fund  that  carried  you  triumphantly  through  the  last  war.  The 
estates  that  were  rented  at  two  thousand  pounds  a  year,  seventy 
years  ago,  are  at  three  thousand  pounds  at  present.  You  owe  this 
to  America.  This  is  the  price  she  pays  for  your  protection.  I  omit 
the  increase  of  population  in  the  colonies  ;  the  migration  of  new  in- 
habitants from  every  part  of  Europe  ;  and  the  ulterior  progress  of 
American  commerce,  should  it  be  regulated  by  judicious  laws. 
And  shall  we  hear  a  miserable  financier  come  with. a  boast  that  he 
can  fetch  a  peppercorn  into  the  exchequer,  to  the  loss  of  millions  to 
the  nation  ?  The  gentleman  complains  that  he  has  been  misrepre- 
sented in  the  public  prints.  I  can  only  say,  it  is  a  misfortune  com- 
mon to  all  that  fill  high  stations,  and  take  a  leading  part  in  public 
affairs.  He  says,  also,  that  when  he  first  asserted  the  right  of  par- 
liament to  tax  America,  he  was  not  contradicted.  I  know  not  how 
it  is,  but  there  is  a  modesty  in  this  house,  which  does  not  choose  to 
contradict  a  minister.  If  gentlemen  do  not  get  the  belter  of  this 
modesty,  perhaps  the  collective  body  may  begin  to  abate  of  its  re- 
spect for  the  representative.  A  great  deal  has  been  said  without 
doors,  and  more  than  is  discreet,  of  the  power,  of  the  strength,  of 
America.  But,  in  a  good  cause,  on  a  sound  bottom,  the  force  of 
this  country  can  crush  America  to  atoms  ;  but  on  the  ground  of  this 
tax,  when  it  is  wished  to  prosecute  an  evident  injustice,  I  am  one 
who  will  lift  my  hands  and  my  voice  against  it. 

'  In  such  a  cause,  your  success  would  be  deplorable,  and  victory 
hazardous.  America,  if  she  fell,  would  fall  like  the  strong  man. 
She  would  embrace  the  pillars  of  the  state,  and  pull  down  the  con- 
stitution along 'with  her.  Is  this  your  boasted  peace  ? — not  to 
sheath  the  sword  in  its  scabbard,  but  to  sheath  it  in  the  bowels  of 
your  countrymen  ?  Will  you  quarrel  with  yourselves,  now  the 
whole  house  of  Bourbon  is  united  against  you  ? — while  France  dis- 
turbs your  fisheries  in  Newfoundland,  embarrasses  your  slave  trade 
with  Africa,  and  withholds  from  your  subjects  in  Canada  their  pro- 


88  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II. 

perty  stipulated  by  treaty  ? — while  the  ransom  for  the  Manillas  is 
denied  by  Spain,  and  its  gallant  conqueror  traduced  into  a  mean 
plunderer  f  The  Americans  have  not  acted  in  all  things  with  pru- 
dence and  temper.  They  have  been  wronged.  They  have  been 
driven  to  madness  by  injustice.  Will  you  punish  them  for  the  mad- 
ness you  have  occasioned  .?  Rather  let  prudence  and  benignity  come 
first  from  the  strongest  side.  Excuse  their  errors  ;  learn  to  honor 
their  virtues.  Upon  the  whole,  I  will  beg  leave  to  tell  the  house 
what  is  really  my  opinion.  I  consider  it  most  consistent  with  our 
dignity,  most  useful  to  our  liberty,  and  in  every  respect  the  safest  for 
this  kingdom,  that  the  stamp  act  be  repealed,  absolutely,  totally,  and 
immediately.  At  the  same  time,  let  the  sovereign  authority  of  this 
country  over  the  colonies  be  asserted  in  as  strong  terms  as  can  be 
devised,  and  be  made  to  extend  to  every  point  of  legislation  whatso- 
ever ;  that  we  may  bind  their  trade,  confine  their  manufactures,  and 
exercise  every  power  whatsoever,  except  that  of  taking  their  money 
out  of  their  pockets  without  their  consent.' 

These  words,  pronounced  in  a  firm  and  solemn  tone,  by  a  man 
of  so  great  authority,  acted  with  extreme  force  upon  the  minds  of 
the  hearers. 

They  still  retained,  however,  a  deep  resentment,  on  account  of  the 
excesses  committed  by  the  Americans  ;  and  perhaps  the  repeal  of 
the  act  would  not  have  taken  place,  if,  at  the  same  time,  the  minis- 
ters had  not  accompanied  it  with  the  declaration  of  which  we  shall 
speak  presently.  Some  also  are  of  the  opinion,  that  the  affair  was 
much  facilitated  by  the  promise  of  an  early  repeal  of  the  cider  tax, 
which  was,  in  effect,  afterwards  debated,  and  pronounced  in  the 
month  of  April.  The  members  from  the  counties  where  cider  is 
made,  all  voted  for  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act.  However  the  truth 
of  this  may  be,  the  question  being  put,  on  the  22d  of  February, 
whether  the  act  for  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  should  pass  ?  it  was 
carried  in  the  affirmative  ;  not,  however,  without  a  great  number  of 
contrary  votes  ;  two  hundred  and  sixty-five  voting  in  favor,  and  one 
hundred  and  sixty-seven  against.  It  was  approved  in  the  house  of 
peers  ;  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  votes  were  in  favor,  sixty-one 
were  contrary.  At  the  sarne  time  was  passed  the  declaratory  act, 
purporting  that  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain  has  authority  to  make 
laws  and  statutes  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  On 
the  19th  of  March,  the  king,  having  repaired  to  the  house  of  peers, 
gave  his  assent  to  the  act  of  repeal,  and  that  of  the  dependence  of 
the  colonies  towards  Great  Britain.  The  American  merchants  at 
that  time  in  London,  went,  in  a  body,  to  testify  their  joy  and  grati- 
tude upon  this  occasion.  The  ships  which  lay  at  anchor  in  the 
Thames,  displayed  their  colors  in  token  of  felicitation.  The  houses 
were  illuminated  in  all  parts  of  the  city ;  salutes  were  heard,  and 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  89 

bonfires  were  kindled,  in  all  quarters.  In  a  word,  none  of  the  pub- 
lic demonstrations,  usual  on  similar  occurrences,  were  omitted,  to 
celebrate  the  goodness  of  the  king;,  and  the  wisdom  of  parlia- 
ment. 

Couriers  were  immediately  despatched  to  Falmouth,  to  spread 
throughout  the  kingdom,  and  transmit  to  America  the  tidings  of  a  law, 
which,  to  appearance,  must,  on  the  one  hand,  by  appeasing  irritation, 
put  a  stop  to  all  further  tumults  ;  and,  on  the  other,  dissipate  the 
alarms  produced  by  the  losses  the  manufacturers  had  sustained. 


END    OF    BOOK    SECOND. 


VOL. 


00  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 


BOOK    THIRD. 

THE  Americans,  generally,  either  weary  of  the  present  disorders, 
annoyed  by  the  interruption  of  commerce,  or  terrified  at  the  aspect 
of  the  future,  which  seemed  to  threaten  the  last  extremities,  received 
with  great  exultation  the  news  of  the  revocation  of  the  stamp  act. 

With  infinite  delight,  they  found  themselves  released  from  the 
necessity  either  of  proceeding  to  the  last  resort,  and  to  civil  blood- 
shed, a  thing  horribie  in  itself,  and  accompanied  with  innumerable 
dangers,  or  of  submitting  their  necks  to  a  yoke  equally  detested,  and 
which  had  become  the  more  odious  from  the  efforts  they  had  already 
made  in  resistance.  It  is  easy  to  imagine,  therefore,  how  great  were, 
in  every  place,  the  demonstrations  of  public  joy.  Even  the  assembly 
of  Massachusetts,  either  from  a  sentiment  of  gratitude,  or  to  confirm 
itself  in  opposition,  for  among  its  members  were  many  of  the  most 
distinguished  citizens  of  the  province,  all  firmly  resolved  to  maintain 
the  dependence  of  America  towards  Great  Britain,  unanimously 
voted  thanks  to  be  addressed  to  the  duke  of  Grafton,  to  William  Pitt, 
and  to  all  those  members  of  the  house  of  peers,  or  of  commons,  who 
had  defended  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  procured  the  abrogation 
of  the  odious  law.  In  like  manner,  the  assembly  of  burgesses  of 
Virginia  resolved  that  a  statue  should  be  erected  to  the  king,  in 
acknowledgment  and  commemoration  of  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act; 
and  an  obelisk,  in  honor  of  those  illustrious  men  who  had  so  effica- 
ciously espo.used  their  cause.  William  Pitt,  especially,  had  become 
the  object  of  public  veneration  and  boundless  praises,  for  having  said 
the  Americans  had  done  well  in  resisting  ;  little  heeding  that  he  had 
recommended,  in  terms  so  strong  and  remakable,  the  confirmation 
of  the  authority  of  parliament  over  the  colonies,  in  all  points  of  legis- 
lation and  external  taxation.  But  they  saw  the  consequences  of  these 
measures  only  in  the  distance  ;  and  considered  the  assertion  of  cer- 
tain rights  of  parliament  merely  as  speculative  principles  thrown  out 
to  spare  its  dignity,  to  sooth  British  pride,  and  facilitate  the  digestion 
of  so  bitter  a  morsel.  Besides,  to  justify  past  events,  and  perhaps 
also  to  authorise  their  future  designs,  the  colonists  were  glad  to  have 
the  shield  of  so  great  a  name.  They  received  with  the  same  alacrity 
the  declaratory  act,  which  the  secretary  of  state  transmitted  to 
America  at  the  same  time  with  that  for  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act. 

Notwithstanding  this  expression  of  universal  exultation,  the  public 
mind  was  not  entirely  appeased.  Secret  grudges,  and  profound 
resentments,  still  rankled  under  these  brilliant  appearances.  The 
restraints  recently  laid  upon  commerce,  had  caused  a  disgust  no  Jess 
extreme  than  the  stamp  act  itself,  particularly  in  the  northern  pro- 
vinces ;  and  the  success  of  the  first  resistance  encouraged  ulterior 
hopes. 


BOOK    III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  91 

During  the  late  disturbances,  men  had  become  extremely  conver- 
sant with  political  disquisitions  ;  every  charter,  every  right,  had  been 
the  subject  of  the  strictest  investigation  ;  and  the  Americans  rarely, 
if  ever,  pronounced  against  themselves.  From  these  discussions 
and  debates,  new  opinions  had  resulted  upon  a  great  number  of 
points,  and  some  of  them  strangely  exaggerated,  respecting  the 
rights  of  the  Americans,  and  the  nature  of  their  relations  with  Great 
Britain.  The  irritation  and  inflexibility  of  their  minds  had  increased 
in  the  same  proportion,  In  this  state  of  excitement,  the  shadow  of 
an  encroachment  upon  their  political  or  civil  liberty  would  have 
caused  a  sudden  insurrection  ;  and  the  attentive  observer  might 
easily  have  perceived,  that  the  reconciliation  between  the  colonies 
and  the  mother  country  was  more  apparent  than  real  ;  and  that  the 
first  occasion  would  be  seized,  to  break  out  afresh  in  discord  and 
revolt. 

The  occasion  of  new  dissensions,  and  the  elements  of  a  new  com- 
bustion, originated  in  the  provinces  of  Massachusetts  and  of  New 
York.  The  assembly  of  the  former  bore  ill  will  to  the  governor, 
Sir  Francis  Bernard,  for  being,  as  they  believed,  a  foe  to  the  cause 
of  America  ;  and  having  chosen  for  their  speaker  James  Otis,  one 
of  the  warmest  advocates  of  liberty  existing  in  America  at  that 
period,  the  governor  refused  to  confirm  the  choice  ;  at  which  the 
representatives  were  highly  exasperated.  Otis,  meanwhile,  to  retali- 
ate, succeeded  in  causing  to  be  excluded  from  the  assembly  the  offi- 
cers of  the  crown,  and  the  members  of  the  superior  court  of  judica- 
ture, who  were  Hutchinson  and  Oliver.  The  governor,  much 
incensed,  pronounced,  on  his  part,  the  exclusion  of  six  of  the  proposed 
candidates  for  the  speaker's  chair.  Thus  the  spirit  of  division  was 
reciprocally  fomented.  But  the  patriots  went  further  still ;  a^nd 
procured  a  resolution  of  the  assembly,  that  their  debates  should  be 
public,  and  that  galleries  should  be  constructed,  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  such  as  might  wish  to  attend  them  ;  this  was  promptly  exe- 
cuted. The  intervention  of  the  public  at  their  deliberations  encou- 
raged the  partisans  of  liberty,  and  disheartened  the  friends  of  power ; 
the  former  were  sure  of  increasing  their  popularity,  by  warmly  advo- 
cating the  privileges  of  the  colonies  ;  the  latter,  of  incurring  greater 
aversion,  and  more  universal  hatred,  in  proportion  to  their  zeal  in 
supporting  the  cause  of  the  government.  Hence,  numbers  were 
deterred  from  taking  part  in  the  debates.  The  first  had,  besides,  a 
powerful  advantage  over  them  ;  for  it  sufficed  to  render  their  adver- 
saries odious  to  the  people,  to  reproach  them,  true  or  false,  with 
having  favored  the  stamp  act.  The  secretary  of  state,  along  with 
the  act  repealing  the  stamp  act,  had  also  sent  the  governors  of  the 
provinces,  a  resolution  of  the  house  of  commons,  purporting,  '  That 
all  persons,  who,  on  account  of  the  desire  which  they  had  manifested 
to  comply  with,  or  to  assist  in  carrying  into  execution,  any  acts  of 


92  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    111. 

parliament,  had  suffered  any  injury  or  damage,  ought  to  have  full 
compensation  made  to  them,  by  the  respective  colonies  in  which  such 
injuries  or  damages  were  sustained.'  The  secretary  had  also 
recommended  to  the  governors,  to  be  particularly  attentive  that  such 
persons  should  be  effectually  secured  from  any  further  insult  or  dis- 
gust ;  and  that  they  might  be  treated  with  that  respect  and  justice 
which  their  merits  towards  the  crown,  and  their  past  sufferings, 
undoubtedly  claimed. 

It  was  principally  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  that  these  dis- 
orders had  taken  place ;  and  the  governor,  Bernard,  lost  no  time  in 
communicating  to  the  assembly  the  resolution  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons ;  but  this  he  did  in  such  intemperate  language  as  gave  great 
offence  to  the  representatives,  and  greatly  imbittered,  on  both  sides, 
the  misunderstanding  already  existing  between  them.  Much  alterca- 
tion ensued  ;  in  which  the  assembly  armed  itself  sometimes  with  one 
excuse,  and  sometimes  with  another,  for  not  granting  the  indemnifi- 
cations required  ;  till  at  length,  resuming  the  further  consideration  of 
the  subject,  and  reflecting,  on  the  one  hand,  that  in  any  event  the 
parliament  would  have  the  power  to  raise  the  sum  necessary  for  the 
compensations,  by  imposing  some  new  duty  on  the  maritime  ports, 
and  on  the  other,  that  this  new  resistance  might  render  them  odious 
in  the  eyes  of  prudent  men,  as  the  refractory  spirit  of  Massachusetts 
had  already  been  greatly  censured,  they  resolved,  that  the  indemni- 
fications should  be  made,  at  the  expense  of  the  province ;  and  ac- 
cordingly passed  an  act  for  granting  compensation  to  the  sufferers,  and 
general  pardon,  ajnnesty  and  oblivion,  to  the  offenders  ;  to  which  the 
king  afterwards  refused  his  sanction  ;  denying  the  authority  of  the 
colonial  assemblies  to  grant  acts  of  general  pardon.  Meanwhile,  the 
indemnifications  were  made  ;  and  the  offenders  were  not  prosecuted. 
The  assembly  of  New  York  appeared  to  receive  the  act  of  compen- 
sation more  favorably ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  sufferers  were 
indemnified.  Golden,  the  lieutenant-governor,  was  alone  refused 
compensation ;  the  assembly  alleging,  that  if  the  people  had  risen 
against  him,  he  had  brought  it  upon  himself  by  his  misconduct. 

But,  in  the  same  province,  another  dispute  soon  arose,  which  mani- 
fested how  imperfectly  the  seeds  of  discord  were  extinguished. 
General  Gage  was  expected  at  New  York  with  a  considerable  body 
of  troops ;  in  consequence  of  which,  the  governor  addressed  a  mes- 
sage to  the  assembly,  requesting  it  to  put  in  execution  the  act  of 
parliament  called  the  mutiny  act,  which  requires,  that  in  the  colonies 
where  the  royal  troops  are  stationed,  they  shall  be  provided  with 
barracks  and  other  necessary  articles.  The  assembly  complied  only 
in  part  with  this  requisition,  and  with  evident  repugnance.  They 
passed  a  bill  for  providing  barracks,  fire-wood,  candles,  bedding,  and 
utensils  for  the  kitchen,  as  demanded  ;  but  they  refused  to  grant 
salt,  vinegar,  and  cider  or  beer ;  saying,  it  was  not  customary  to 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  93 

furnish  these  articles  to  soldiers  when  in  quarters,  but  only  when 
they  are  on  the  march. 

The  governor  thought  it  prudent  to  acquiesce  in  this  decision. 
A-ui  here  is  presented  a  striking;  example  of  the  mildness  of  the 
Bnlish  ministers  at  this  epoch  ;  for,  instead  of  resenting  and  chastis- 
ing, as  some  advised,  this  new  disobedience,  they  contented  them- 
selves with  procuring  a  law  to  be  pa&sed,  by  which  it  was  enacted 
that  the  legislative  power  of  the  general  assembly  of  New  York 
should  be  totally  suspended,  until  it  fully  complied  with  all  the  terms 
of  the  requisition.  The  assembly  afterwards  obeyed  ;  and  things 
were  restored  to  their  accustomed  order. 

The  same  disputes  were  renewed  in  Massachusetts.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  year,  some  companies  of  artillery  were  driven,  by  stress 
of  weather,  into  the  port  of  Boston.  The  governor  was  requested 
to  lodge  them,  and  procure  them  the  necessary  supplies  ;  the  coun- 
cil gave  their  consent ;  and  the  money  was  drawn  from  the  treasury, 
by  the  governor's  order.  Meanwhile,  the  assembly  met ;  and,  desi- 
rous of  engaging  in  controversy,  sent  a  message  to  the  governor,  to 
inquire  if  any  provision  had  been  made  for  his  majesty's  troops,  and 
whether  more  were  expected  to  arrive,  to  be  quartered  also  in  the 
town  ?  The  governor  replied  by  sending  them  the  minutes  of  the 
council,  with  an  account  of  the  expenses  incurred;  and  added,  that 
no  other  troops  were  expected.  They  had  now  ample  matter  for 
discussions.  They  exclaimed,  that  the  governor,  in  giving  orders 
for  these  supplies,  upon  the  mere  advice  of  his  council,  had  acted, 
in  an  essential  point,  contrary  to  the  statutes  of  the  province.  They 
added,  however,  some  protestations  of  their  readiness  to  obey  the 
orders  of  the  king,  when  requested  according  to  established  usages. 

This  obstinacy  of  two  principal  provinces  of  America,  this  dispo- 
sition to  seek  new  causes  of  contention,  sensibly  afflicted  those  per- 
sons in  England  who  had  shown  themselves  favorable  to  American 
privileges ;  and  furnished  a  pretext  for  the  bitter  sarcasms  of  their 
adversaries,  who  repeated,  every  where,  that  such  were  the  fruits  of 
ministerial  condescension, — such  was  the  loyalty,  such  the  gratitude 
of  the  colonists  towards  the  mother  country  ! 

'  Behold  their  attachment  for  public  tranquillity  !  Behold  the 
respect  and  deference  they  bear  towards  the  British  government  ! 
They  have  now  thrown  off  the  mask  ;  they  now  rush,  without  re- 
straint, towards  their  favorite  object  of  separation  and  independence. 
It  is  quite  time,  to  impose  a  curb  on  these  audacious  spirits;  they 
must  be  taught  the  danger  of  contending  with  their  powerful  progeni- 
tors, of  resisting  the  will  of  Great  Britain.  Since  they  are  thus 
insensible  to  the  indulgence  and  bounty  she  has  shown  them  in  the 
repeal  of  the  stamp  duty,  they  must  be  made  to  pay  another ;  both 
to  maintain  the  right,  and  compel  them  to  contribute  directly  to  the 
common  defence  of  the  kingdom.' 


94  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  III. 


These  suggestions  were  greatly  countenanced  by  the  landholders 
of  the  British  islands  ;  who  persuaded  themselves,  that  the  more 
could  be  raised  by  a  tax  laid  upon  the  colonies,  the  more  their  own 
burthens  would  be  lessened.  These  opinions  were  also  flattering  to 
British  pride,  which  had  been  hurt  to  the  quick  by  the  revocation  of 
the  stamp  act,  and  still  more  profoundly  stung  by  the  repugnance  of 
the  Americans  to  any  submission.  The  king  himself,  who  with 
extreme  reluctance,  had  consented  to  the  repeal  of  the  act,  manifested 
a  violent  indignation;  and  lord  Bute,  always  his  most  intimate  coun- 
sellor, and  generally  considered  as  the  author  of  rigorous  councils, 
appeared  anew  much  disposed  to  lay  a  heavy  hand  upon  the  Ameri- 
cans. Hence,  about  the  last  of  July,  an  unexpected  change  of 
ministry  was  effected.  The  duke  of  Grafton  was  appointed  first 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  in  the  place  of  the  marquis  of  Rockingham  ; 
the  earl  of  Shelburne,  secretary  of  state,  instead  of  the  duke  of 
Richmond  ;  Charles  Townsend,  a  man  of  versatile  character,  but  of 
brilliant  genius,  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  in  the  room  of  William 
Dowdeswell  ;  and  finally,  William  Pitt,  who  had  recently  been  cre- 
ated viscount  Pincent,  and  earl  of  Chatham,  was  promoted  (1767) 
to  the  charge  of  keeper  of  the  seals.  The  new  ministers,  with  the 
exception,  however,  of  the  earl  of  Chatham,  who  was  prevented  by 
his  infirmities  from  taking  part  in  the  councils,  resolved  to  impose 
certain  duties  on  tea,  glass,  and  paints,  upon  their  introduction  into 
the  colonies  of  America.  The  bill  was  drawn  up  to  be  submitted 
to  parliament.  No  sooner  was  it  convened,  than  Charles  Townsend 
began,  vauntingly,  to  vociferate  in  the  house  of  commons,  that  he 
knew  a  mode  of  drawing  a  revenue  from  the  colonies,  without  violat- 
ing their  rights  or  opinions.  Grenville  caught  at  the  words,  and 
urged  the  minister  to  declare  what  it  was,  and  to  promise,  that  he 
would  bring  it  before  parliament  without  delay.  A  short  time  after, 
in  effect,  the  chancellor  of  the  exchequer  moved  in  the  house  of 
commons,  to  impose  duties  on  tea,  glass  and  colors, -imported  from 
England  into  the  American  colonies ;  he  proposed  also,  to  suppress 
the  duties  on  teas  that  should  be  shipped  from  England,  intended  for 
America;  and  impose  a  duty  of  three  pence  per  pound,  upon  their 
introduction  into  the  American  ports.  These  two  bills  were  passed 
without  much  opposition,  and  approved  by  the  king. 

In  the  preamble  it  was  declared  that  the  produce  of  the  duties 
should  be  applied  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  government  and 
administration  of  the  colonies.  In  one  article  it  was  provided,  that  in 
each  province  of  North  America  should  be  formed  a  general  civil 
list,  without  any  fixed  limit;  that  is,  that  from  the  produce  of  the 
new  duties,  a  public  fund  should  be  composed,  of  which  the  govern- 
ment might  dispose  immediately,  even  to  the  last  shilling,  for  the 
salaries  and  pensions  to  be  paid  in  America.  The  ministers  were 
authorised  to  draw  this  money  from  the  treasury,  and  employ  it  at 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  95 

their  discretion  ;  the  surplus  was  to  remain  in  the  treasury,  subject 
to  the  disposal  of  parliament.  It  was  also  enacted,  that  the  govern- 
ment might,  from  the  same  funds,  grant  stipends  and  salaries  to  the 
governors  and  to  the  judges,  in  the  colonies,  and  determine  the 
amount  of  the  same.  These  last  measures  were  of  much  greater 
importance  than  the  taxes  themselves,  since  they  were  entirely  sub- 
versive of  the  British  constitution. 

In  effect,  since  the  time  of  Charles  II.,  the  ministers  had  many 
times  attempted,  but  always  without  success,  to  establish  a  civil  list, 
or  royal  chamber,  in  America,  independent  of  the  colonial  assem- 
blies ;  and  yet  Charles  Tovvnsend,  with  his  shrewd  and  subtle  genius, 
thus  obtained,  as  it  were,  while  sporting,  this  difficult  point ;  and 
obtained  it,  while  the  remembrance  of  American  opposition,  in  a  mat- 
ter of  much  less  importance,  was  still  recent ;  while  the  traces  of  so 
great  a  conflagration  were  still  smoking  !  These  new  measures  pro- 
duced another  change  of  great  importance  ;  the  governors  and  the 
judges  being  able  to  obtain,  through  the  ministers,  their  respective 
emoluments,  from  funds  raised  by  an  act  of  parliament,  without  the 
intervention,  and  perhaps  against  the  will  of  the  colonial  assemblies, 
became  entirely  independent  of  the  American  nation,  and  of  its 
assemblies;  and  must  found  all  their  future  hopes  on  the  favor  of  the 
general  government  alone,  that  is,  of  the  British  ministers.  The  act 
imposing  the  new  duties  was  to  take  effect  on  the  20th  of  November; 
but  as  if  it  was  apprehended  in  England  that  the  new  tax  would  be 
too  well  received  by  the  colonists ;  and  purposely  to  irritate  their 
minds,  by  placing  before  their  eyes  the  impressive  picture  of  the  tax 
gatherers  to  be  employed  in  the  collection  of  these  duties,  another 
act  was  passed,  creating  a  permanent  administration  of  the  cus'oms 
in  America.  And,  to  crown  such  a  measure,  the  city  of  Boston  was 
selected  for  the  seat  of  this  new  establishment ;  for  such  a  purpose, 
less  proper  than  any  other  ;  for  no  where  were  the  inhabitants  more 
restless  or  jealous  of  their  privileges  ;  which  they  interpreted  with  a 
subtilty  peculiar  to  themselves. 

They  were,  besides,  not  accustomed  to  see  among  them  an  order 
of  financiers,  lavishing  in  the  refinements  of  luxury,  the  large  emo- 
luments to  be  defrayed  with  the  money  of  the  colonies,  while  they 
were  themselves  constrained  to  observe  the  limits  of  an  extremely 
narrow  mediocrity.  From  these  causes  combined,  it  resulted  that 
many  commotions  were  excited  anew  among  the  Americans  The 
recent  disturbances  had  given  them  a  more  decided  inclination  to- 
wards resistance  ;  and  their  political  researches  had  increased  the 
pretensions  of  rights,  and  the  desire  of  a  liberty  more  ample.  As 
this  was  an  external  tax,  if  more  tranquil  times  had  been  chosen  for 
its  introduction,  and  without  the  combination  of  so  many  circumstances, 
which  wounded  them  in  their  dearest  interests,  the  people,  perhaps, 
would  have  submitted  to  it.  But  in  such  a  state  of  things,  what 


96  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

could  have  been  expected  from  a  tax,  the  produce  of  which  was 
destined  to  form  a  branch  of  the  public  revenue,  and  which  exceed- 
ed the  limits  of  a  commercial  regulation,  a  thing  which  had  already 
furnished  the  subject  of  so  much  controversy  ?  It  was  too  manifest 
that  the  British  government  had  resolved  to  renew  its  ancient  preten- 
sions, so  long  and  firmly  disputed,  of  establishing  a  public  revenue  in 
foe  colonies,  by  the  authority  of  parliament. 

Resistance,  therefore,  was  every  where  promptly  resolved  ;  and 
as  the  passions,  after  being  compressed  for  a  time,  when  rekindled 
in  the  human  breast,  no  longer  respect  their  ancient  limits,  but  com- 
monly overleap  them  with  impetuosity;  so  the  political  writers  of 
Boston  began  to  fill  the  columns  of  the  public  papers  with  new  and 
bold  opinions  respecting  the  authority  of  parliament.  Already  inti- 
mations were  thrown  out,  illusive  to  independence  ;  and  it  was  assert- 
ed, that  freemen  ought  not  to  be  taxed,  any  more  than  governed, 
without  their  consent,  given  by  an  actual  or  virtual  representation. 

The  legislative  power  of  the  parliament  over  the  colonies  was  not 
made  the  subject  of  doubt,  but  denied.  Adopting  the  opinion  of 
those  who  in  the  two  houses  had  opposed  the  repeal  of  the  stamp 
act,  the  patriots  affirmed  that  all  distinction  between  internal  and 
external  taxes  was  chimerical,  and  that  parliament  had  no  right  to 
impose  the  one  or  the  other  ;  that  it  had  no  power  to  make  laws  to 
bind  the  colonies  ;  and,  finally,  they  went  so  far  as  to  maintain,  that 
not  being  represented  in  parliament,  they  were  exempted  from  every 
sort  of  dependence  towards  it. 

The  rights  which  the  colonists  pretended  to  enjoy,  were  explained 
with  great  perspicuity,  and  a  certain  elegance  of  style,  in  a  pamphlet 
entitled,  Letters  from  a  Pennsylvania  Farmer,  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  English  colonies.  They  were  received  with  great  and  universal 
favor  ;  the  author  was  John  Dickenson. 

The  excitement  soon  became  general.  New  associations  were 
formed  against  the  introduction  of  British  manufactures,  and  in  favor 
of  those  made  at  home.  A  paper  to  this  effect  was  circulated  in 
Boston,  for  such  to  subscribe  as  were  disposed  to  become  parties  to 
the  confederacy  ;  they  bound  themselves  by  it  not  to  purchase  cer- 
tain articles  of  commerce,  after  the  last  day  of  December. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  James  Otis,  from  a  motive  unknown, 
whether  from  levity  of  character,  or  because  the  most  ardent  are 
frequently  the  least  constant  in  their  opinions,  or  because  he  really 
was  apprehensive  that  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  would  be  left  alone 
in  the  present  controversy,  passing  from  one  extreme  to  the  other, 
pronounced  a  long  discourse  in  favor  of  government.  Notwithstand- 
ing which,  the  league  was  approved  at  Providence,  at  Newport,  and 
in  all  Connecticut.  The  affair  of  these  combinations,  however, 
advanced  very  slowly  this  time,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  tijbe  most 
zealous  patriots. 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  97 

1768.  The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  opened  their  session  at  the 
commencement  of  the  year  1768,  and  immediately  took  into  consi- 
deration the  subject  of  the  new  taxes ;  a  very  elaborate  letter  was 
addressed  to  Dennis  de  Berdt,  their  agent  at  London,  instructing 
him  to  make  remonstrances.  They  protested  their  affection  towards 
Great  Britain,  and  condemned  all  idea  of  independence,  they  gloried 
in  the  English  name,  and  their  participation  in  the  British  constitu- 
tion. '  The  design,'  they  observed,  '  to  draw  a  public  revenue  from 
the  colonies,  without  their  consent,  is  manifest ;  a  thing  absolutely 
contrary  to  the  established  laws,  and  to  our  rights.  Though  men 
are  known  sometimes  to  disregard  life,  and  even  to  contemn  liberty, 
they  are  always  at  least  inviolably  attached  to  their  properly  ;  even 
those  who  ridicule  the  ideas  of  right  and  justice,  who  despise  faith, 
truth  and  honor,  and  every  law,  divine  and  human,  will  put  a  high 
value  upon  money  ;  the  savages  themselves,  who  inhabit  the  forests, 
know  and  admit  the  right  of  property  ;  they  are  as  strongly  attached 
to  the  bow,  the  arrow,  and  the  tomahawk,  to  their  hunting  and  fish- 
ing ground,  as  other  nations  can  be  to  gold  or  silver,  and  the  most 
precious  objects.  The  Utopian  schemes  of  levelling,  and  a  com- 
munity of  goods,  are  as  visionary  and  impracticable,  as  those  which 
vest  all  property  in  the  crown,  are  arbitrary  and  despotic.  Now, 
what  property  can  the  colonists  be  conceived  to  have,  if  their  money 
may  be  granted  away  by  others,  without  their  consent  ?'  They 
added  a  long  enumeration  of  their  rights,  and  of  the  commercial 
advantages  accruing  to  Great  Britain,  from  her  colonies  ;  they  affirm- 
ed, that  stipends  and  salaries,  granted  by  the  crown  to  governors 
and  judges,  were  things  of  a  nature  to  alarm  the  freemen  of  Ame- 
rica ;  that  a  more  solid  foundation  for  tyranny  could  not  be  laid,  since 
the  judges  in  America  hold  their  places,  not  as  in  England,  during 
good  behavior,  but  during  pleasure  ;  that  the  colonists  were  ready 
to  supply  the  subsidies  necessary  for  the  public  service,  without  the 
intervention  of  parliamentary  authority  ;  that  a  standing  army  was 
unnecessary  in  America  ;  that  the  inhabitants  had  an  aversion  to 
these  armies,  as  dangerous  to  their  civil  liberties  ;  that  England  her- 
self, considering  the  examples  of  ancient  times,  ought  to  fear  lest 
these  large  bodies  of  mercenary  troops,  stationed  in  a  country  so 
remote,  might  occasion  another  Caesar  to  arise,  and  usurp,  at  length, 
the  authority  of  his  sovereign.  They  also  complained  of  the  new 
board  of  customs,  as  tending  to  create  a  swarm  of  pensioners  ;  a 
race  ever  obnoxious  to  the  people,  and  prejudicial  to  the  rectitude 
and  purity  of  manners.  'Can  any  thing  be  more  extraordinary  than 
the  suspension  of  the  assembly  of  New  York  ?  Liberty  has  no 
longer  an  existence,  and  these  assemblies  are  useless  if,  willing  or  not 
willing,  they  must  conform  to  the  mandates  of  parliament.  And 
supposing  also,  what  we  deny,  that  the  new  laws  are  founded  in 
right,  it  is  not  the  less  certain  that  a  real  prejudice  to  the  two  nations 

VOL.    I.  13 


98  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

will  be  their  result,  and  that  the  confidence  and  affection  which  have 
hitherto  united  them,  will  experience,  from  their  continuance,  a  signal 
diminution.  These  are  points  which  merit  the  serious  consideration 
of  a  good  government.  The  colonists  are  riot  insensible  that  it  has 
become  fashionable  in  England,  to  speak  with  contempt  of  the  colo- 
nial assemblies  ;  an  abuse  from  which  the  English  have  more  to 
apprehend  than  the  Americans  themselves  ;  for  only  a  few  reigns 
back,  the  habit  also  prevailed  of  contemning  the  parliament ;  and  it 
was  even  an  aphorism  with  king  James  I.  that  the  lords  and  com- 
mons were  two  very  bad  copartners  with  a  monarch,  in  allusion  to 
the  ancient  proverb,  that  supreme  power  declines  all  participation  ; 
and  these  attacks,  though  at  present  aimed  at  the  colonial  assemblies, 
will  one  day  be  directed  against  the  parliament  itself.' 

They  concluded  by  recommending  to  their  agent  to  exert  his 
utmost  endeavors  to  defeat  the  projects  of  those  who  persisted  with 
obstinacy  in  their  attempts  to  sow  dissensions,  and  foment  jealousy 
and  discord  between  the  two  parts  of  the  realm  ;  dispositions,  which, 
if  not  promptly  repressed,  it  was  to  be  feared,  would  lead  to  irrepa- 
rable mischief. 

The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  wrote  in  similar  terms  to  the  earl 
of  Shelburne,  and  to  general  Conway,  secretaries  of  state  ;  to  the 
marquis  of  Rockingham,  to  lord  Camden,  to  the  earl  of  Chatham, 
and  to  the  commissioners  of  the  treasury.  These  letters,  as  usual, 
recapitulated  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  their  grievances  ;  those 
to  whom  they  were  addressed,  were  styled  the  patrons  of  the  colo- 
nies, the  friends  of  the  British  constitution,  the  defenders  of  the 
human  race.  The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  also  addressed  a  peti- 
tion to  the  king,  with  many  protestations  of  loyalty,  and  strenuous 
remonstrances  against  the  grievances  already  mentioned.  But  not 
content  with  these  steps,  and  wishing  to  unite  all  the  provinces  in  one 
opinion,  they  took  a  very  spirited  resolution,  that  of  writing  to  all  the 
other  assemblies,  that  it  was  now  full  time  for  all  to  take  the  same 
direction,  and  to  march  in  concert  towards  the  same  object.  This 
measure  gave  the  ministers  no  little  displeasure,  and  they  censured  it, 
in  their  letters  to  the  governors,  with  extreme  asperity. 

The  governor  of  Massachusetts,  not  without  apprehensions  from 
the  refractory  spirit  of  this  assembly,  dissolved  it.  Nor  should  it  be 
omitted,  that  for  a  long  time,  there  had  existed  an  open  breach 
between  these  two  authorities,  which  proceeded  from  no  defect  of 
genius  or  experience  in  affairs,  on  the  part  of  the  governor,  who  pos- 
sessed, on  the  contrary,  an  ample  measure  of  both  ;  but  he  was 
reputed  a  secret  enemy  to  American  privileges,  and  it  was  believed 
that  in  his  letters  to  the  earl  of  Hillsborough,  he  had  prompted  the 
government  to  acts  of  rigor,  and  exaggerated  the  colonial  disturb- 
ances. On  the  other  hand,  the  representatives  were  of  a  lofty  spirit, 
and  devotedly  attached  to  their  prerogatives.  In  this  state  of  reci- 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  99 

procal  umbrage  and  jealousy,  the  smallest  collision  led  to  a  dissen- 
sion, and  few  were  the  affairs  that  could  be  concluded  amicably. 
In  effect,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  the  animosity  which  subsisted 
between  the  assembly  of  so  capital  a  province,  and  governor  Ber- 
nard, was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  first  commotions,  and 
eventually,  of  the  American  revolution. 

The  government  of  Great  Britain,  continually  stimulated  by  the 
exhortations  of  the  governor, — dissatisfied  with  the  Bostonians,  and 
the  inhabitants  generally  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  was  ap- 
prehensive of  new  tumults  ;  and  resolved  to  provide  effectually  for 
the  execution  of  the  laws.  Orders  were  despatched  to  general 
Gage,  to  send  a  regiment,  and  even  a  more  considerable  force,  if  he 
should  deem  it  expedient,  to  form  the  garrison  of  Boston.  It  was 
also  determined,  that  a  frigate,  two  brigs,  and  two  sloops  of  war, 
should  be  stationed  in  the  waters  of  Boston,  to  aid  the  officers  of  the 
customs  in  the  execution  of  their  functions. 

At  this  same  epoch,  a  violent  tumult  had  occurred  in  this  city. 
The  Bostonians,  wishing  to  protect  a  vessel  suspected  of  illicit  traf- 
fic, had  riotously  assailed  and  repulsed  the  officers  of  the  revenue. 

Informed  of  this  event,  general  Gage  detached  two  regiments  in- 
stead of  one,  to  take  up  their  quarters  in  Boston.  At  this  news,  the 
inhabitants  assembled,  and  sent  a  deputation  to  the  governor,  praying 
him  to  inform  them,  if  the  reports  in  circulation,  relative  to  a  garri- 
son extraordinary,  were  true  ;  and  to  convoke  another  assembly. 
He  answered,  that  he  had  indeed  received  some  private  intimation  6f 
the  expected  arrival  of  troops,  but  no  official  notice  ;  that  as  to  the 
convocation  of  an  assembly,  he  could  take  no  resolution  without  the 
orders  of  his  majesty. 

He  flattered  himself,  that  the  people  would  become  more  submis- 
sive, when,  left  to  themselves,  they  should  no  longer  have  a  rallying 
point  for  sedition  in  the  colonial  assembly.  He  endeavored,  there- 
fore, to  gain  time  ;  inventing,  every  day,  new  motives  for  delaying 
the  session  of  the  assembly.  But  this  conduct  produced  an  effect 
directly  contrary  to  his  anticipations.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston, 
having  received  the  answer  of  the  governor,  immediately  took  an 
unanimous  resolution,  sufficiently  demonstrative  of  the  real  nature  of 
the  spirit  by  which  they  were  animated  ;  it  was  resolved,  that,  as  there 
was  some  probability  of  an  approaching  war  with  France,  all  the  in- 
habitants should  provide  themselves  with  a  complete  military  equip- 
ment, according  to  law ;  and  that,  as  the  governor  had  not  thought 
proper  to  convene  the  general  assembly,  a  convention  should  be  con- 
voked of  the  whole  province.  These  resolutions  were  transmitted, 
by  circulars,  to  every  part  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  such  was  the  con- 
sent of  opinions,  that  out  of  ninety-seven  townships,  ninety-six  sent 
their  deputies  to  the  convention  of  Boston. 


100  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

They  met  on  the  22d  of  September.  Wishing  to  proceed  with 
moderation,  they  sent  a  mtssage  to  the  governor,  assuring  him  that 
they  were,  and  considered  themselves,  as  private  and  loyal  individu- 
als 5  but  no  less  averse  to  standing  armies,  than  to  tumults  and  se- 
dition. They  complained,  but  in  measured  terms,  of  the  new  laws, 
and  the  imputations  of  disloyalty  with  which  they  had  been  traduced 
in  England.  Finally,  they  entreated  the  governor  to  convoke  the 
general  assembly,  as  the  only  constitutional  remedy  that  could  be  re- 
sorted to  in  the  present  calamities.  The  governor  answered  haughtily, 
as  the  troops  already  approached.  The  convention,  after  having 
communicated  what  had  occurred  to  De  Berdt,  the  agent  at  London, 
dissolved  itself. 

The  day  preceding  their  separation,  the  soldiers  destined  for  the 
garrison,  arrived,  on  board  a  great  number  of  vessels,  in  the  bay  of 
Nantasket,  not  far  from  Boston.  The  governor  requested  the  coun- 
cil to  furnish  quarters  in  the  city.  The  council  refused  ;  alleging 
that  castle  William,  situated  on  a  small  island  in  the  harbor,  was 
sufficiently  roomy  to  receive  the  troops.  But  the  commanders  of 
the  corps  had  orders  to  take  their  quarters  in  the  town.  Meanwhile, 
it  was  given  out,  that  the  Bostonians  would  not  suffer  the  soldiers  to 
land.  This  menace,  and  especially  the  resolution  of  a  general 
armament,  inspired  the  commanders  of  the  royal  troops  with  much 
distrust.  Consequently,  general  Gage,  whose  intention,  it  appears, 
had  been  at  first  to  land  one  regiment  only,  gave  orders  to  colonel 
Dalrymple  to  disembark  the  two,  and  to  keep  a  strict  guard  in  the 
city.  Accordingly,  on  the  first  of  October,  every  preparation  hav- 
ing been  made,  the  squadron,  consisting  of  fourteen  ships  of  war, 
began  to  move,  and  took  such  a  position  as  to  command  the  whole 
city ;  the  ships  presented  their  broadsides,  and  the  artillery  was  in 
readiness  to  fire  upon  the  town,  in  case  of  any  resistance.  The 
troops  began  to  disembark  at  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  without 
receiving  any  molestation ;  they  immediately  entered  the  town,  with 
their  arms  loaded,  a  suitable  train  of  artillery,  and  all  the  military 
parade  usually  displayed  in  such  circumstances.  The  selectmen  of 
Boston  being  requested,  in  the  evening,  to  provide  quarters  for  the 
soldiers,  peremptorily  refused.  The  governor  ordered  the  soldiers 
to  enter  and  occupy  the  State  House.  Thus  stationed,  the  main 
guard  was  posted  in  front  of  this  edifice,  with  two  field  pieces  point- 
ed towards  it.  The  Bostonians  were  naturally  much  shocked  at 
these  arrangements.  They  could  not  see,  without  extreme  indigna- 
tion, the  palace  of  the  public  counsels,  the  ordinary  seat  of  their  ge- 
neral assemblies,  and  the  courts  of  judicature,  occupied  by  so  many 
troops,  and  on  all  sides  surrounded  by  such  a  display  of  arms.  The 
streets  were  full  of  tents,  and  of  soldiers,  continually  coming  and 
going  to  relieve  the  posts  ;  who  challenged  at  every  moment  the  citi- 
zens as  they  passed.  The  divine  services  were  interrupted  by  the 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  101 

continual  beating  of  drums  and  the  sound  of  fifes  ;  and  all  things 
presented  the  image  of  a  camp.  The  inhabitants  experienced  the 
most  insupportable  constraint  from  a  state  of  things  not  only  extra- 
ordinary, but  even  without  example,  in  the  province  of  Massachu- 
setts. Cries  of  displeasure  resounded  from  every  quarter  against 
these  new  orders  of  the  governor.  The  soldiers  beheld  the  citizens 
with  an  evil  eye,  believing  them  to  be  rebels ;  the  citizens  detested 
the  soldiers,  whom  they  looked  upon  as  the  instruments  of  an  odious 
project  to  abolish  their  rights,  and  sent  to  impose  on  them  the  yoke 
of  an  unheard  of  tyranny.  The  most  irritating  language  frequently 
passed  between  them,  and  thus  exasperated  their  reciprocal  ani- 
mosity. 

It  is  true,  however,  that  this  display  of  military  force  so  repressed 
the  multitude,  that  for  a  considerable  space  of  time  tranquillity  was 
preserved. 

1769.  But  in  England,  the  parliament  having  been  convoked 
about  the  close  of  the  year  1768,  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans, 
in  refusing  obedience  to  its  new  laws,  determined  the  government  to 
adopt  rigorous  measures  against  the  colonies,  and  especially  against 
the  province  of  Massachusetts,  where  sedition  had  acquired  the 
profoundest  roots.  The  parliament  condemned,  in  the  severest 
terms,  all  the  resolutions  taken  by  this  province.  They  approved 
that  the  king  should  employ  force  of  arms  for  the  repression  of  the 
disobedient ;  and  declared,  that  he  had  the  right  to  cause  the  chief 
authors  of  the  disorders  to  be  arrested,  and  brought  to  England  for 
trial,  according  to  the  statute  of  the  35th  year  of  the  reign  of  Henry 
Vlil. 

But  these  new  measures  of  the  English  encountered  a  very  ill 
reception  in  America.  The  assembly  of  Virginia  immediately  took, 
in  the  strongest  terms  that  could  be  devised,  the  resolutions  they 
believed  the  most  proper  to  secure  their  rights.  They  also  drew  up 
a  supplication  to  be  presented  to  the  king,  with  a  view  of  exciting 
his  compassion  towards  an  unfortunate  people.  He  was  conjured  as 
the  father  of  his  subjects,  and  as  a  clement  king,  to  interpose  his 
royal  intercession,  and  avert  the  evils  which  menaced  and  already 
oppressed  them  ;  his  pity  was  implored,  that  he  would  not  suffer  the 
colonists,  who  had  no  powerful  protection,  to  be  forced  from  their 
firesides,  wrested  from  the  embraces  of  their  families,  and  thrust 
into  dungeons,  among  robbers  and  felons,  at  the  distance  of  three 
thousand  miles  from  their  country,  to  linger  until  judges  whom  they 
knew  not  should  have  pronounced  their  fate.  A  condition  so  deplo- 
rable would  leave  them  no  other  wish,  no  other  prayer,  but  that 
relenting  death  might  soon  deliver  them  from  so  many  miseries. 
These  proceedings  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  governor,  who 
dissolved  them,  with  a  severe  reprimand.  But  they  assembled  in 
another  place,  as  private  individuals  ;  and  having  chosen  for  their 


102  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    III. 

moderator  Peyton  Randolph,  a  man  of  great  influence  in  the  pro- 
vince, they  resorted,  more  strenuously  than  ever,  to  the  ordinary 
remedy  of  associations  against  the  introduction  of  British  manufac- 
tures. The  articles  of  the  league  having  been  circulated  for  the 
purpose,  were  soon  invested  with  all  the  signatures,  not  only  of  the 
assembly,  but  of  the  entire  province.  The  other  colonies  followed 
the  example,  and  adhered  to  the  confederacy  upon  oath.  The 
inhabitants  of  Charleston,  the  capital  of  South  Carolina,  even  dis- 
continued all  commerce  with  those  of  Rhode  Island  and  of  Georgia, 
as  well  because  they  had  refused  to  join  this  combination,  or  the 
preceding,  as  because  they  had  exercised  an  extensive  contraband 
traffic.  But  at  length  these  provinces  also  concurred  with  the 
others  ;  Georgia  in  September,  Providence  and  Rhode  Island  a 
month  later. 

In  order  to  prevent  the  contraventions  which  avarice,  or  a  secret 
opposition,  might  have  produced,  committees  of  inspectors  were 
created,  to  examine  the  cargoes  of  all  vessels  arriving  from  England, 
and  to  stigmatise  with  the  censure  specified  in  their  regulations, 
those  who  should  violate  their  compact,  by  publishing  their  names  in 
the  public  papers,  and  declaring  them  enemies  to  the  country  ;  and, 
as  the  people  were  always  ready  to  take  those  in  hand  who  should  be 
thus  denounced,  the  decrees  of  these  committees  were  received  with 
general  obedience,  as  if  they  had  proceeded  from  the  authority  of 
government.  All  were  emulous  to  make  use  of  the  manufactures  of 
the  country  ;  even  the  women,  hitherto  so  decided  in  their  taste  for 
English  merchandise,  not  only  renounced  it,  but  took  a  laudable  pride 
in  adorning  themselves  with  objects  of  domestic  manufacture. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood,  however,  that  in  the  midst  of  this  ge- 
neral zeal  and  enthusiasm,  there  were  no  examples  of  persons,  who, 
governed  by  interest  and  a  thirst  of  gain,  these  powerful  motives  of 
the  human  breast,  sought  to  make  their  profit  of  circumstances  ;  ex- 
tolling, in  public,  the  magnanimity  of  the  American  people,  but  derid- 
ing it  in  their  hearts,  they  addicted  themselves  to  a  secret  commerce 
in  the  merchandise  proscribed.  Even  among  those  who  preached 
liberty,  and  affected  to  be  called  by  its  name,  even  among  those  who 
with  the  most  forwardness  had  embraced  the  league,  there  was  more 
than  one  individual  who  clandestinely  bought  and  sold.  The  patriots 
had  declared  with  so  much  violence  against  tea,  that,  in  several  pro- 
vinces, nearly  all  the  inhabitants  abstained  from  the  use  of  it ;  but 
this  first  ardor  having  abated  with  time,  many,  either  in  secret,  or 
even  openly,  regaled  themselves  with  this  beverage,  giving  it  some 
other  name.  The  British  officers  themselves,  affecting  a  military 
contempt  for  the  civil  laws,  but  not  less  than  others  mindful  of  pri- 
vate interest,  ordered  merchandise  from  England  in  their  own  names, 
as  if  destined  for  the  use  of  their  troops,  which  they  secretly  intro- 
duced into  the  country. 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  103 

Notwithstanding  these  infringements  of  the  general  compact,  men 
of  integrity,  as  always  happens,  faithful  to  their  public  professions, 
persisted  in  the  retrenchments  exacted  by  their  pledge,  from  which 
there  eventually  resulted  an  incalculable  prejudice  to  the  English 
commerce. 

The  assembly  of  Massachusetts,  having  met,  about  the  last  of 
May,  immediately  resumed  the  ancient  controversy,  and  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  the  governor,  purporting  that  whereas  the  capital  of  the  pro- 
vince was  invested  with  an  armed  force  by  land  and  sea,  and  the 
gates  of  the  State  House  occupied  with  cannon  by  a  military  guard, 
the  assembly  could  not  deliberate  with  that  freedom  and  dignity  which 
became  them  ;  that  they  hoped,  therefore,  this  hostile  apparatus 
would  be  removed  from  the  city  and  port.  The  governor  answered, 
briefly,  that  he  had  no  authority  over  his  majesty's  ships  that  were 
moored  in  the  port,  or  over  the  troops  which  occupied  the  city. 
The  assembly  replied,  that  this  display  of  armed  force  was  contrary 
to  law  ;  and,  no  power  being  superior  to  that  of  arms,  they  asked, 
what  privilege,  or  what  security,  was  left  to  the  house  ?  that,  where 
arms  prevail,  the  civil  laws  are  silent ;  that,  therefore,  the  assembly 
had  resolved  to  abstain  from  all  deliberation  whatever,  until  it  should 
be  re-established  in  all  its  authority.  The  governor  adjourned  it  to 
Cambridge,  a  town  at  a  short  distance  from  Boston  ;  and  addressed 
it  a  requisition  for  a  supply  of  money  for  the  troops.  Without 
noticing  this  demand,  the  assembly  answered  with  new  resolutions, 
which  discovered  the  extreme  exasperation  of  their  minds.  They 
represented  that  the  discontent  which  had  been  excited  in  the  pro- 
vince by  the  tax  laws,  the  expectation  of  more  troops,  the  apprehen- 
sion that  they  were  to  be  quartered  in  private  houses,  and  the  people 
reduced  to  desperation,  were  things  which  demonstrated  the  necessi- 
ty of  new  conventions  ;  that  the  presence  of  a  standing  army  in  the 
province  in  time  of  peace  was  a  violation  of  their  natural  rights,  and 
imminently  perilous  to  public  liberty  ;  that  governor  Bernard,  in  his 
letters  to  the  earl  of  Hillsborough,  had  recommended  new  modes  of 
tyranny  ;  that  general  Gage,  in  writing  that  there  was  no  longer  a 
government  at  Boston,  had  written  the  truth  ;  but  that  this  ought  not 
to  be  attributed  to  an  innocent  and  loyal  people,  but,  in  justice,  to 
those  who  had  violated  the  laws,  and  subverted  the  foundations  of 
the  constitution.  At  length,  the  governor  having  returned  to  the 
charge  for  subsidies  to  subsist  the  troops,  the  assembly  declared,  that, 
for  their  own  honor,  and  the  interest  of  the  province,  they  could  not 
consent  to  grant  them.  South  Carolina,  Maryland,  Delaware,  and 
New  York,  following  the  example  of  the  provinces  of  Massachusetts 
and  Virginia,  took  the  same  resolutions,  and  refused  obedience  to 
the  mutiny  act. 

Meanwhile,  the  English  government,  willing  to  give  some  indica- 
tion of  a  better  spirit  towards  its  colonies,  announced  to  them  its 


104  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

determination  to  propose,  at  the  next  session  of  parliament,  the  repeal 
of  the  duties  upon  glass,  paper,  and  colors  ;  thus  maintaining  only 
the  duty  on  tea.  This  new  mildness  did  not  satisfy  the  Americans  ; 
the  exception  of  tea,  and  the  declaration  that  the  law  should  be  ab- 
rogated as  contrary  to  the  regulations  of  commerce,  persuaded  them 
that  it  was  intended  to  maintain  the  right ;  and  this  in  reality  was  the 
truth.  They  were  apprehensive  that  the  affair  might  be  revived 
when  the  present  heats  were  dissipated  ;  and  that  the  government, 
then  proceeding  with  more  address  and  vigor,  might  renew  its  at- 
tempts to  establish  the  authority  of  taxation  forever.  The  assembly 
of  Virginia  protested  in  stronger  terms  than  at  first.  Combinations 
were  again  formed,  as  well  in  this  province  as  in  Massachusetts  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  others ;  but  they  were  this  time  upon  the 
point  of  being  dissolved,  by  the  defection  of  New  York  ;  this  province 
authorised  the  importation  of  every  species  of  English  merchandise, 
excepting  such  as  were  charged  with  some  duty. 

Governor  Bernard  was  at  length  succeeded.  He  departed,  with- 
out leaving  any  regret ;  which  should  be  attributed  to  circumstances. 
He  was  a  man  of  excellent  judgment,  sincerely  attached  to  the  in- 
terests of  the  province,  and  of  an  irreproachable  character  ;  but  he 
was  also  a  defender  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  and  wanted  the 
pliancy  necessary  in  these  difficult  times ;  ardent,  and  totally  devoid 
of  dissimulation,  he  could  never  abstain  from  declaring  his  senti- 
ments ;  qualities,  none  of  which,  however  laudable,  can  fail  to  prove 
unprofitable,  or  rather  pernicious,  as  well  to  him  that  possesses  them,, 
as  to  others,  in  the  political  revolutions  of  states  ;  for  the  multitude  is 
either  indulged  without  profit,  or  opposed  with  detriment/ 

Meanwhile,  at  Boston,  things  assumed  the  most  serious  aspect. 
The  inhabitants  supported  with  extreme  repugnance  the  presence 
of  the  soldiers  ;  and  these  detested  the  Bostonians.  Hence,  mutual 
insults  and  provocations  occurred. 

1770.  Finally,  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  March,  as  a  soldier 
was  passing  by  the  premises  of  John  Gray,  a  ropemaker,  he  was 
assailed  with  abusive  words,  and  afterwards  beaten  severely.  He 
soon  returned,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  comrades.  An  affray 
ensued  between  the  soldiers  and  the  ropemakers,  in  which  the  latter 
had  the  worst. 

The  people  became  greatly  exasperated  ;  and,  on  the  5th  of  the 
same  month,  between  seven  and  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  a 
violent  tumult  broke  out.  The  multitude,  armed  with  clubs,  ran 
towards  King  street,  crying,  '  Let  us  drive  out  these  ribalds ;  they 
have  no  business  here.'  The  soldiers  who  were  lodged  in  the 
barracks  of  Murray,  were  eager  to  fail  upon  the  populace  ;  and 
their  officers  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in  restraining  them.  Mean- 
while, it  was  cried  that  the  town  had  been  set  on  fire  ;  the  bells 
pealed  alarm,  and  the  crowd  increased  from  all  parts.  The  rioters 


BOOK    III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  107 

deceived  the  ministers,  as  he  used  to  say,  by  telling  them  the  truth. 
So  corrupt,  he  added,  were  the  men  in  power,  that  they  reputed  his 
sincerity  artifice,  and  the  truth  deception.  Hence  they  blindly 
abandoned  themselves  to  illusions,  that  made  them  see  things  differ- 
ent from  what  they  were  in  reality,  and  with  a  bandage  over  their 
eyes,  they  trod  incessantly  upon  the  brink  of  a  precipice. 

The  5th  of  March,  lord  North,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the 
king,  prime  minister,  proposed,  in  a  speech  to  the  house  of  commons, 
the  repeal  of  taxes,  excepting  that  upon  tea.  Notwithstanding  the 
opposition  of  many  members,  who  insisted  that  the  Americans  would 
not  be  satisfied  with  this  partial  repeal,  the  proposition  was  finally 
approved  by  a  great  majority.  The  predictions  of  the  minority 
were  but  too  well  verified  in  America  ;  the  continuance  of  the  duty 
on  tea  had  the  effect  to  keep  alive  the  same  discontents.  The  com- 
binations were  dissolved,  however,  so  far  as  related  to  the  importa- 
tion of  merchandise  not  taxed  ;  the  article  of  tea  alone  continued  to 
be  prohibited.  '  The  fermentation  maintained  itself  principally  in  the 
province  of  Massachusetts,  the  local  authorities  of  which  were  inces- 
santly engaged  in  altercations  with  the  officers  of  the  crown. 

On  the  whole,  how  many  motives  combined  to  create  in  America 
an  insurmountable  resistance  to  the  designs  of  the  government !  On 
the  one  hand,  the  obstinacy  inherent  to  man,  rendered  still  more 
inflexible  by  obstacles,  and  the  blood  which  had  flowed,  as  also  by 
the  love  of  liberty  ;  on  the  other,  the  species  of  triumph  already 
obtained  by  perseverance,  and  the  opinion  resulting  from  it,  that  not 
from  any  spirit  of  indulgence,  but  a  consciousness  of  inferior  force, 
the  government  had  consented  to  revocations.  The  Americans 
were,  besides,  persuaded  that  the  rumors  which  daily  increased,  of 
a  war  with  France,  would  lay  the  British  ministers  under  the  neces- 
sity of  conceding  all  their  demands;  and  finally,  they' well  knew 
they  had  powerful  protectors,  both  within  and  without  the  walls  of 
parliament.  Such  were  the  public  occurrences  in  the  colonies, 
during  the  year  1770. 

1771.  In  the  course  of  the  following  year  there  happened  few 
that  are  worthy  of  memory  ;  only  the  ordinary  altercations  continued 
between  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts  and  Hutchinson,  who  had 
been  appointed  governor.  All  the  provinces  persisted  in  open  resist- 
ance to  laws  of  taxation  and  of  commerce  ;  smuggling  was  no  longer 
secretly  but  openly  transacted.  The  officers  of  the  customs  had 
fallen  into  utter  contempt.  In  Boston,  a  tidesman  of  the  customs, 
having  attempted  to  detain  a  vessel  for  breach  of  the  acts  of  trade, 
was  seized  by  the  people,  stripped,  and  carted  through  the  principal 
streets  of  the  city,  besmeared  with  tar,  and  then  covered  with 
feathers.  There  was  some  tumult,  also,  at  Providence  ;  the  inha- 
bitants having  plundered  and  burnt  the  king's  ship  Wasp. 


108  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

1772.  The  government  then  reflected,  that  in  such  a  distempered 
state  of  minds,  it  could  not  hope  to  repress  the  boldness  of  the 
Americans,  and  secure  the  observation  of  the  laws,  without  resorting 
to  some  more  effectual  means.  It  resolved,  among  others,  to  render 
the  officers  of  the  crown  totally  independent  of  the  colonial  assem- 
blies ;  to  effect  this,  it  decided  that  the  salaries  and  stipends  of  the 
governors,  judges,  and  other  principal  officers  of  the  colonies,  should, 
in  future,  be  fixed  by  the  crown,  and  paid  without  the  intervention 
of  the  colonial  assemblies.  Immediately  new  commotions  broke  out 
in  America,  and  particularly  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  where 
it  was  declared  that  those  who  should  consent  to  be  paid  by  the 
crown,  independently  of  the  general  assembly,  should  be  deemed 
enemies  to  the  constitution,  and  supporters  of  arbitrary  government. 
Thus,  all  measures  taken  in  England,  to  vanquish  resistance,  and 
reestablish  submission  in  America,  not  being  sustained  by  an  armed 
force  sufficient  to  coerce,  tended  to  a  result  absolutely  contrary. 

And  if  the  government  meditated  the  display  of  greater  vigor,  the 
Americans  were  occupied  with  the  same  thoughts.  They  were  not 
ignorant,  that  in  popular  agitations,  nothing  tends  more  directly  to 
the  desired  object,  than  having  chiefs  to  direct  the  movements, 
ascertain  the  opinions  of  all  the  members  of  the  confederacy,  and 
act  with  concert  in  their  respective  operations.  Accordingly,  the 
inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  following  the  suggestion  of  Samuel 
Adams  and  James  Warren,  of  Plymouth,  formed  a  council  of  the 
partisans  of  a  new  order  of  things,  and  established  a  species  of  poli- 
tical hierarchy,  by  creating  committees  of  correspondence  in  all  the 
cities  and  towns  of  the  province  ;  all  referring  to  the  central  commit- 
tee of  Boston.  The  chiefs  were  six  in  number,  each  of  whom 
commanded  a  division  ;  the  chiefs  of  a  division,  in  like  manner, 
commanded  a  subdivision,  and  a  movement  being  given  by  the  first, 
was  communicated  progressively,  and  without  delay,  to  the  whole 
province.  These  committees,  or  clubs,  were  composed  of  individu- 
als of  different  characters  ;  some  entered  them  mechanically,  and 
because  they  saw  others  do  it ;  some  from  attachment  to  the  public 
cause  ;  others  to  acquire  authority,  to  gratify  their  ambition,  or  their 
avarice  ;  others,  finally,  because  they  believed  the  general  good  is 
the  supreme  law,  and  that  all  the  maxims  of  private  morals  should 
bend  to  this  sovereign  rule.  All  were  resolved,  or  said  they  were 
resolved,  to  secure  the  liberty  of  their  country,  or  part  with  life  in 
the  glorious  attempt. 

The  governor  affirmed,  that  the  greater  part  of  them  were  Athe- 
ists, and  contemners  of  all  religion ;  which  made  him  wonder,  he 
said,  to  see  deacons,  and  other  members  of  the  church,  who  pro- 
fessed a  scrupulous  devotion,  in  league  with  characters  of  such  a 
description. 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  109 

This  new  political  order,  instituted  by  the  few,  was  soon  adopted 
by  the  whole  province ;  and  every  city,  village,  or  town,  had  its 
committee,  which  corresponded  with  the  others.  Their  delibera- 
tions and  decrees  were  considered  as  the  will  and  voice  of  the 
people. 

The  minds  of  the  inhabitants  were  thus  regularly  inflamed  and 
prepared  for  a  general  explosion.  The  other  provinces  imitated  this 
example. 

The  first  occasion  to  act  was  offered  to  the  committee  of  Boston, 
by  the  determination  of  the  government,  to  charge  itself  with  the 
salaries  of  the  judges.  Very  spirited  resolutions  were  framed,  and 
distributed  profusely  throughout  the  provinces.  The  committee  ac- 
companied them  with  a  vehement  letter,  in  which  they  exhorted  the 
inhabitants  to  rouse  from  their  long  slumber,  to  stand  erect,  and 
shake  off  indolence  ;  '  now,  whilst,'  as  it  was  said  in  the  turgid 
style  of  that  epoch,  '  the  iron  hand  of  oppression  is  daily  tearing  the 
choicest  fruits  from  the  fair  tree  of  liberty.'  The  effervescence 
became  as  extreme  as  universal. 

1773.  Meanwhile,  an  event  occurred,  which  supplied  fresh  fuel 
to  this  fire,  which  already  menaced  a  general  conflagration.  Doctor 
Franklin,  agent  at  London  of  several  colonies,  and  particularly  of 
Massachusetts,  had  found  means,  it  is  not  known  how,  to  obtain,  from 
the  office  of  state,  the  letters  of  governor  Hutchinson,  of  lieutenant- 
governor  Oliver,  and  of  some  others  adhering  to  the  parly  of  govern- 
ment in  America.  In  these  despatches,  they  acquainted  the  minis- 
ters with  all  that  passed  in  the  colonies ;  and  delivered  their  opinions 
with  great  freedom.  They  represented,  that  the  members  of  the 
American  opposition  were  generally  persons  of  little  weight,  auda- 
cious and  turbulent,  but  few  in  number;  that  they  were  even  without 
influence  with  the  multitude ;  that  the  mildness  and  forbearance  of 
the  government  had  been  the  sole  cause  of  their  boldness ;  that  if  it 
should  take  vigorous  measures,  all  would  return  to  their  duty  ;  they 
recommended,  especially,  that  the  public  officers  should  receive  their 
stipends  from  the  crown.  Franklin  transmitted  these  letters  to  Mas- 
sachusetts ;  they  were  printed  and  distributed  copiously  in  all  parts 
of  the  province.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  ebullition  they  produced. 

While  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  were  thus  exquisitely  sensi- 
ble to  whatever  they  deemed  hostile  to  their  rights,  resenting  with 
equal  indignation  the  most  trivial  as  the  most  serious  attack,  a  reso- 
lution was  taken  in  England,  which,  if  it  had  been  executed,  would 
have  given  the  victory  to  the  government,  and  reduced  the  Ameri- 
cans to  the  condition  for  which  they  demonstrated  such  an  extreme 
repugnance.  Their  obstinacy,  in  refusing  to  pay  the  duty  on  tea, 
rendered  the  smuggling  of  it  very  frequent ;  and  their  resolutions 
against  using  it,  although  observed  by  many  with  little  fidelity,  had 
greatly  diminished  the  importation  into  the  colonies  of  this  commo- 


HO  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III, 

dity.  Meanwhile,  an  immense  quantity  of  it  was  accumulated  in  the 
warehouses  of  the  East  India  company  in  England.  This  company 
petitioned  the  king  to  suppress  the  duty  of  three  pence  per  pound 
upon  its  introduction  into  America,  and  to  continue  the  six  pence 
upon  its  exportation  from  the  ports  of  England  ;  a  measure  which 
would  have  given  the  government  an  advantage  of  three  pence  the 
pound,  and  relieved  the  Americans  from  a  law  they  abhorred.  The 
government,  more  solicitous  about  the  right  than  the  revenue,  would 
not  consent.  The  company,  however,  received  permission  to  trans- 
port tea,  free  of  all  duty,  from  Great  Britain  to  America ;  and  to 
introduce  it  there,  on  paying  a  duty  of  three  pence. 

Here  it  was  no  longer  the  small  vessels  of  private  merchants,  who 
went  to  vend  tea,  for  their  own  account,  in  the  ports  of  the  colonies ; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  ships  of  an  enormous  burthen,  that  transported 
immense  quantities  of  this  commodity,  which,  by  the  aid  of  the  pub- 
lic authority,  might  easily  be  landed,  and  amassed  in  suitable  maga- 
zines. Accordingly,  the  company  sent  to  its  agents  at  Boston,  New 
York,  and  Philadelphia,  six  hundred  chests  of  tea,  and  a  proportion- 
ate number  to  Charleston,  and  other  maritime  cities  of  the  American 
continent. 

The  colonists  were  now  arrived  at  the  decisive  moment,  when  they 
must  cast  the  die,  and  determine  their  cause  in  regard  to  parliament- 
ary taxes;  for  if  the  tea  was  permitted  to  be  landed,  it  would  be 
sold,  and  the  duty  consequently  paid.  It  was  therefore  resolved  to 
exert  every  effort  to  prevent  the  landing.  Even  in  England,  indi- 
viduals were  not  wanting  who  fanned  this  fire ;  some  from  a  desire 
to  baffle  the  government,  others  from  motives  of  private  interest,  and 
jealousy  at  the  opportunity  offered  the  East  India  company  to  make 
immense  profits  to  their  prejudice.  They  wrote,  therefore,  to  Ame- 
rica, encouraging  a  strenuous  resistance.  They  represented  to  the 
colonists,  that  this  would  prove  their  last  trial ;  and  if  they  should 
triumph  now,  their  liberty  was  secured  forever ;  if  they  should  yield, 
they  must  bow  their  necks  to  the  yoke  of  slavery  !  The  materials 
were  too  well  prepared  and  disposed,  not  to  kindle.  At  Philadelphia, 
those  to  whom  the  teas  of  the  company  were  intended  to  be  consign- 
ed, were  induced  by  persuasion,  or  constrained  by  menaces,  to  pro- 
mise not  in  any  mode  to  accept  the  proffered  consignment.  At  New 
York,  captain  Sears  and  Macdougall,  daring  and  enterprising  men, 
effected  a  concert  of  will  between  the  smugglers,  the  merchants  and 
the  Sons  of  Liberty.  Pamphlets,  suited  to  the  conjuncture,  were 
daily  distributed  ;  and  nothing  was  left  unattempted,  by  the  popular 
leaders,  to  obtain  their  purpose.  The  factors  of  the  company  were 
obliged  to  resign  their  agency,  and  return  to  England.  In.  Boston, 
the  general  voice  declared  the  time  was  come  to  face  the  storm. 
£  Why  do  we  wait  f  they  exclaimed  ;  {  soon  or  late,  we  must  engage 
m  conflict  with  England.  Hundreds  of  years  may  roll  away,  before 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  Ill 

the  ministers  can  have  perpetrated  as  many  violations  of  our  rights  as 
they  have  committed  within  a  few  years.  The  opposition  is  formed  ; 
it  is  general  ;  it  remains  for  us  to  seize  the  occasion.  The  more  we 
delay,  the  more  strength  is  acquired  by  the  ministers.  Do  you  not 
see  how  many  arrogant  youths  they  send  us,  to  exercise  the  offices 
of  the  revenue,  to  receive  enormous  salaries,  and  to  infect  us  with 
their  luxury  and  corruption  ?  They  will  take  American  wives,  and 
will  become  powerful  instruments  of  ministerial  tyranny.  This  is  the 
moment  to  strike  a  decisive  blow,  while  our  cause  is  strong  in  hope  ; 
now  is  the  lime  to  prove  our  courage,  or  be  disgraced  with  our  bre- 
thren of  the  other  colonies,  who  have  their  eyes  fixed  upon  us,  and 
will  be  prompt  in  their  succours,  if  we  show  ourselves  faithful  and 
firm.' 

The  factors  were  urged  to  renounce  their  agency  ;  but  they  refus- 
ed, and  took  refuge  in  the  fortress.  Immediately  after,  captain  Hall 
arrived  in  port,  with  a  cargo  of  more  than  an  hundred  chests  of 
tea.  The  people  instantly  assembled,  in  great  fury,  and  sent  notice 
to  Rotch,  the  consignee  of  this  cargo,  that  if  he  valued  his  safety  and 
interest,  he  must  abstain  from  receiving  the  tea,  and  caution  captain 
Hall  against  attempting  to  land  it.  They  also  placed  a  guard  on 
Griffin's  wharf,  near  which  the  ship  was  moored.  It  was  agreed,  that 
a  strict  watch  should  be  kept ;  that,  in  case  of  any  insult  during  the 
night,  the  bell  should  be  rung  immediately  ;  that  some  persons  should 
be  always  in  readiness  to  bear  the  intelligence  of  what  might  occur 
to  the  neighboring  towns,  and  to  call  in  the  assistance  of  the  country 
people. 

The  committees  of  correspondence  performed  their  duty  with  ac- 
tivity. Captains  Bruce  and  Coffin  having  arrived,  with  other  cargoes 
of  tea,  they  were  ordered  to  cast  anchor  near  captain  Hall.  The 
people  from  the  country  arrived  in  great  numbers  ;  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town  assembled.  Rotch  was  requested  to  demand  a  certificate 
of  clearance,  that  captain  Hall  might  put  back  to  sea  with  his  ship. 

Things  appeared  hastening  to  a  disastrous  issue.  In  this  conjunc- 
ture, Josiah  Quincy,  a  man  of  great  influence  in  the  colony,  of  a 
vigoro.us  and  cultivated  genius,  and  strenuously  opposed  to  ministerial 
enterprises,  wishing  to  apprise  his  fellow  citizens  of  the  importance 
of  the  crisis,  and  direct  their  attention  to  results,  demanded  silence, 
and  said,  '  This  ardor,  and  this  impetuosity,  which  are  manifested 
within  these  walls,  are  not  those  that  are  requisite  to  conduct  us  to 
the  object  we  have  in  view;  these  may  cool,  may  abate,  may  vanish, 
like  a  flitting  shade.  Quite  other  spirits,  quite  other  efforts,  are  es- 
sential to  our  salvation.  Greatly  will  he  deceive  himself,  who  shall 
think,  that  with  cries,  with  exclamations,  with  popular  resolutions,  we 
can  hope  to  triumph,  in  this  conflict,  and  vanquish  our  inveterate  foes. 
Their  malignity  is  4m  placable,- — their  thirst  of  vengeance  insatiable. 
They  have  their  allies,  their  accomplices,  even  in  the  midst  of  us, — 


112  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

even  in  the  bosom  of  this  innocent  country ;  and  who  is  ignorant  of 
the  power  of  those  who  have  conspired  our  ruin  f — who  knows  not 
their  artifices  ?  Imagine  not,  therefore,  that  you  can  bring  this  con- 
troversy to  a  happy  conclusion,  without  the  most  strenuous,  the  most 
arduous,  the  most  terrible  conflict.  Consider  attentively  the  difficul- 
ty of  the  enterprise,  and  the  uncertainty  of  the  issue.  Reflect  and 
ponder,  even  ponder  well,  before  you  embrace  the  measures  which 
are  to  involve  this  country  in  the  most  perilous  enterprise  the  world 
has  witnessed.' 

The  question  was  put,  whether  the  landing  of  the  tea  should  be 
opposed  ?  and  carried  in  the  affirmative  unanimously,  Rotch  was 
then  requested  to  demand  of  the  governor  a  permit  to  pass  the  castle. 
The  latter  answered,  haughtily,  that  for  the  honor  of  the  laws,  and 
from  duty  towards  the  king,  he  could  not  grant  the  permit  until  the 
vessel  was  regularly  cleared.  A  violent  commotion  immediately  en- 
sued. A  person  disguised  after  the  manner  of  the  Indians,  who  was 
in  the  gallery,  shouted,  at  this  juncture,  the  cry  of  war;  the  meeting 
was  dissolved  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye.  The  multitude  rushed  in 
mass  to  Griffin's  wharf.  About  twenty  persons,  also  disguised  as  In- 
dians, then  made  their  appearance ;  all  either  masters  of  ships,  car- 
penters or  caulkers.  They  went  on  board  the  ships  laden  with  tea. 
In  less  than  two  hours,  three  hundred  and  forty  chests  were  staved, 
and  emptied  in  the  sea.  They  were  not  interrupted  ;  the  surround- 
ing multitude  on  shore  served  them  as  a  safe  guard.  The  affair  was 
conducted  without  tumult ;  no  damage  was  done  to  the  ships,  or  to 
any  other  effects  whatever.  When  the  operation  was  terminated, 
every  one  repaired  to  his  own  habitation,  either  in  the  city  or  in  the 
country. 

In  New  York  and  in  Philadelphia,  as  no  person  could  be  found 
that  would  venture  to  receive  the  tea,  the  ships  of  the  company, 
which  had  arrived  in  these  ports,  returned,  with  their  cargoes,  to 
England.  In  the  former  city,  however,  captain  Chamber  having  on 
board  his  ship  some  chests  of  tea  for  account  of  a  private  merchant, 
they  were  thrown  into  the  sea.  At  Charleston,  the  tea  was  permitted 
to  be  landed ;  but,  having  been  deposited  in  certain  humid  cellars, 
it  perished. 

1774.  The  news  of  these  events  having  come  to  the  ears  of  the 
ministers,  they  determined  to  take  more  vigorous  measures.  The 
province  of  Massachusetts,  and  especially  the  city  of  Boston,  had 
always  stood  foremost  in  resistance,  had  been  the  scene  of  the  great- 
est disorders,  and  appeared  the  head-quarters  of  sedition.  The 
ministers  therefore  resolved  to  distinguish  them  by  the  first  marks 
of  their  displeasure.  They  hoped  that  the  principal  agitators  being 
thus  repressed,  the  rest  would  voluntarily  return  to  submission.  Con- 
sidering, also,  that  the  city  of  Boston  was  very  flourishing;  that  it  was 
accounted  not  only  one  of  the  most  commercial  cities  of  the  conti- 


BOOK    III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

nent,  but  even  considered  as  the  emporium  of  all  the  provinces  of 
New  England  ;  it  is  not  surprising  that  they  should  have  taken  the 
resolution  to  deprive  it  entirely  of  its  commerce,  by  tneans  of  a  ri- 
gorous interdict,  and  turn  it  all  towards  some  other  maritime  city  of 
this  coast.  It  was  thought,  likewise,  that  the  civil  magistrates,  who, 
according  to  the  statutes  of  the  province,  were  chosen  by  the  people, 
ought,  for  the  future,  to  be  appointed  by  the  government ;  that, 
placed  thus  entirely  under  its  influence,  'they  might  no  longer  be  in- 
clined to  favor  the  popular  tumults,  but  become,  from  duty  as  well  as 
inclination,  interested  to  suppress  them,  by  requiring  the  necessary 
assistance  from  the  military  authorities ;  for  it  was  seen  that  the 
late  tumults  owed  their  origin  and  alarming  increase  to  the  inactivity 
of  the  military,  which,  according  to  the  established  laws,  could  not 
interfere  without  the  requisition  of  the  civil  magistrates,  from  which 
they  had  purposely  abstained.  It  was  also  in  deliberation  to  pass  a 
law  for  enabling  the  soldiers  to  execute  with  perfect  security  the 
orders  they  might  receive  for  the  suppression  of  tumults,  without  any 
fear  of  consequences.  The  ministers  expected  thus  to  create  divi- 
sions, to  render  the  civil  magistrates  absolutely  dependent  on  the 
government,  and  to  reestablish  the  soldiery  in  that  independence 
which  is  essential  to  the  complete  exertion  and  efficacy  of  their  force. 
But  whoever  has  a  competent  share  of  natural  capacity,  and  a  slight 
acquaintance  with  political  affairs,  will  readily  see  how  wide  were 
these  resolutions  of  the  British  ministers  from  corresponding  with  the 
urgency  of  circumstances.  Is  it  not  surprising,  that  a  government 
like  that  of  England,  which  at  all  times  had  exhibited  the  evidences 
of  an  extreme  ability,  and  of  singular  energy,  having  before  its  eyes 
the  example  of  the  revolutions  of  Switzerland  and  of  Holland,  well 
knowing  the  inflexible  pertinacity  inherent  to  the  American  people, 
and  the  astonishing  unity  of  sentiments  they  had  recently  manifested 
in  all  their  movements,  is  it  not  even  astonishing,  that  this  govern- 
ment could  have  brought  itself  to  believe,  that  the  blocking  up  a  port 
and  change  of  some  old  statutes,  things  that  tended  more  to  irritate 
than  coerce,  would  suffice  to  curb  such  headlong  fury,  vanquish  such- 
unyielding  obstinacy,  dissolve  a  league  so  formidable,  and  reesta- 
blish obedience  where  rebellion  had  already  commenced  its  impetu- 
ous career  ?  The  display  of  a  formidable  force,  and  not  the  reforms 
of  charters,  presented  the  only  mode  of  promptly  terminating  the 
contest,  maintaining  the  ancient  order  of  things,  and  restoring  tran- 
quillity in  America. 

The  ministers  ought  to  have  been  the  more  prompt  in  their  mili- 
tary preparations,  as  they  should  not  have  been  ignorant  that  France 
secretly  encouraged  these  commotions,  and  was  no  stranger  to  their 
ultimate  object.  Arms  were  not  wanting  ;  they  abounded.  Due 
forecast,  or  the  requisite  vigor,  were  indeed  wanting  in  the  British 
councils.  Twenty  or  thirty  thousand  men,  sent  to  America  immedi- 

VOL.    I.  15. 


114  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    HI, 

ately  after  the  commencement  of  the  disorders,  would  indubitably 
have  surmounted  all  resistance,  and  reestablished  obedience  ;  which 
it  was  idle  to  expect  from  a  few  modifications  of  the  laws.  England, 
in  this  instance,  appeared  to  have  forgotten  the  familiar  aphorism,  that 
wars,  to  be  short,  must  be  vigorous  and  terrible. 

Nor  could  it  be  alleged,  that  the  principles  of  the  British  constitu- 
tion would  not  have  permitted  the  sending  of  a  regular  army  into  a 
British  province,  and  in  time  of  peace  ;  for,  if  the  parliament  sub- 
verted the  fundamental  statutes  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and 
destroyed  the  most  essential  bases  of  the  constitution  itself,  by  the 
laws  it  was  about  to  enact,  it  could  also  have  authorised  the  presence 
of  an  efficient  standing  army.  But  lord  Bute,  the  favorite  counsellor 
of  the  king,  and  author  of  most  of  the  secret  resolutions,  was  a  man 
whose  passions  were  more  remarkable  than  his  sagacity  ;  and  lord 
North,  the  prime  minister,  was  rather  an  accurate  and  laborious  finan- 
cier, than  a  statesman.  He  had  formed  about  him  a  council  of  the 
most  celebrated  lawyers  of  the  kingdom,  to  have  their  advice  upon 
the  present  state  of  affairs  ;  and  too  many  examples  attest,  what  is  to 
be  expected  from  these  doctors,  when,  with  their  schemes,  and  sophis- 
tical refinements,  they  undertake  to  interfere  in  the  government  of 
states,  and  to  direct  the  revolutions  of  nations.  Good  armies,  large 
and  vigorous  measures,  are  the  only  means  of  success  in  such  cir- 
cumstances. In  critical  moments,  the  direction  of  affairs  should  be 
confided  to  men  of  firmness  and  decision,  not  to  those  whose  cautious 
timidity  can  venture  only  half  measures  ;  and  who  are  incapable  of 
embracing  a  magnanimous  policy. 

Lord  North,  on  the  14th  of  March,  proposed  in  the  house  of  com- 
mons a  bill,  of  the  following  purport;  that,  dating  from  the  1st  of 
June,  1774,  it  should  he  prohibited  to  land  or  discharge,  lade  or  em- 
bark, any  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  whatsoever,  at  the  town  or 
within  the  harbor  of  Boston  ;  and  that  the  officers  of  the  customs 
should  be  transferred  immediately  to  the  port  of  Salem.  The  minis- 
ter remarked,  that  this  law  was  no  less  necessary  than  just ;  as  from 
this  city  had  issued  all  the  mischief  which  disturbed  the  colonies,  and 
all  the  venom  that  infected  America. 

'Thrice  already  have  the  officers  of  the  customs  been  prevented 
from  discharging  their  duty.  At  the  epoch  of  the  disorders,  the  inha- 
bitants, instead  of  interfering  to  appease  them,  maintained  regular 
guards,  day  and  night,  to  prevent  the  landing  of  tea  and  other  Bri- 
tish merchandise.  Nay,  more ;  still  fearing  it  might  be  landed,  with 
an  excess  of  popular  insolence,  absolutely  unheard  of,  they  have 
thrown  into  the  sea  the  tea  of  the  East  India  company.  The  mea- 
sure proposed  is  more  severe  in  appearance  than  in  reality  ;  for  the 
Bostonians  may  cause  it  to  cease,  by  yielding  due  respect  to  the  laws. 
A  few  frigates  stationed  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  carry  it  into  effect,  without  calling  in  the  aid  of  the  military. 


UOOK    III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  115 

It  is  now  quite  time  to  assume  a  firm  attitude,  and  to  take  such  vigor- 
ous steps  as  shall  intimately  persuade  the  Americans  that  England 
has  not  only  the  power,  but  also  the  will,  to  maintain  them  in  obedi- 
ence. In  a  word,  that  she  is  unalterably  determined  to  protect  her 
laws,  her  commerce,  her  magistrates  and  her  own  dignity.' 

The  project  of  the  minister  was  opposed  by  the  agent  of  Massa- 
chusetts, named  Bollan,  and  by  several  orators  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons, among  whom  Burke  and  Dovvdeswell  appeared  the  most 
animated  ; 

'  It  is  wished,  then,  to  condemn  the  accused  without  a  hearing, — 
to  punish  indiscriminately  the  innocent  with  the  guilty  !  You  will  thus 
irrevocably  alienate  the  hearts  of  the  colonists  from  the  mother  coun- 
try. Before  the  adoption  of  so  violent  a  measure,  the  principal 
merchants  of  the  kingdom  should  at  least  be  consulted.  The  bill  is 
unjust;  since  it  bears  only  upon  the  city  of  Boston,  whilst  it  is  noto- 
rious that  all  America  is  in  flames  ;  that  the  cities  of  Philadelphia, 
of  New  York,  and  all  the  maritime  towns  of  the  continent,  have  ex- 
hibited the  same  disorders.  You  are  contending  for  a  matter  which 
the  Bostonians  will  not  give  up  quietly.  They  cannot,  by  such  means, 
be  made  to  bow  to  the  authority  of  ministers ;  on  the  contrary,  you 
will  find  their  obstinacy  confirmed,  and  their  fury  exasperated.  The 
acts  of  resistance  in  their  city  have  not  been  confined  to  the  popu- 
lace alone  ;  but  men  of  the  first  rank  and  opulent  fortune,  in  tjie 
place,  have  openly  countenanced  them.  One  city  in  proscription, 
and  the  rest  in  rebellion,  can  never  be  a  remedial  measure  for  gene- 
ral disturbances.  Have  you  considered  whether  you  have  troops  and 
ships  sufficient  to  reduce  the  people  of  the  whole  American  continent 
to  your  devotion  ?  It  was  the  duty  of  your  governor,  and  not  of  men 
without  arms,  to  suppress  the  tumults.  If  this  officer  has  not  de- 
manded the  proper  assistance  from  the  military  commanders,  why  pun- 
ish'the  innocent  for  the  fault  and  the  negligence  of  the  officers  of  the 
crown  ?  Who  is  ignorant  that  certain  foreign  powers  wait  only  for  an 
occasion  to  move  against  England  ?  And  will  England  now  offer  them 
this  object  of  their  desires  ?  The  resistance  is  general  in  all  parts  of 
America ;  you  must  therefore  let  it  govern  itself  by  its  own  internal 
policy,  or  make  it  subservient  to  all  your  laws,  by  an  exertion  of  all 
the  forces  of  the  kingdom.  These  partial  counsels  are  well  suited  to 
irritate,  not  to  subjugate.' 

Notwithstanding  all  these  arguments,  the  ministers  obtained  an 
immense  majority  of  the  suffrages  ;  and  the  bill  passed,  almost  with- 
out opposition. 

A  few  days  after,  lord  North  proposed  another  law,  which  went  to 
subvert  entirely  the  fundamental  statutes  of  Massachusetts,  by  invest- 
ing the  crown  with  the  power  to  appoint  the  counsellors,  judges  and 
magistrates  of  all  denominations  ;  with  the  clause  that  each  should  hold 
his  office  during  the  pleasure  of  the  king.  Thus  the  people  of  Mas- 


116  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

sachusetts  no  longer  had  authority  lo  interfere,  either  directly  or  by 
their  representatives,  in  the  administration  of  the  province,  which  be- 
came, therefore,  completely  dependent  on  the  government;  as  the 
latter  controlled,  at  will,  the  measures  of  all  the  civil  authorities. 

The  ministers  alleged,  that  in  doing  this,  no  more  was  attempted 
than  to  place  that  province  on  the  same  footing  as  several  others ; 
that  the  government  did  not,  at  present,  possess  a  sufficient  share  of 
power, — too  much  being  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  people  ; 

4  If  such  a  state  of  things  be  suffered  lo  continue,  it  will  no  longer 
be  possible  to  repress  the  seditious,  and  prevent  the  repetition  of  dis- 
orders. The  magistrates,  so  long  as  they  are  chosen  by  the  people, 
will  never  attempt  to  resist  them  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  will  endeavor 
to  flatter  their  caprices,  than  which  nothing  can  be  imagined  more 
fatal,  or  more  contrary  to  the  public  repose.  In  this  province,  all  is 
confusion  and  uproar.  In  desperate  cases,  the  most  active  remedies 
are  necessary.  Such  is  the  crisis  of  the  moment,  that  we  must  either 
renounce  all  supremacy  over  America,  or  curb  with  more  effectual 
means  these  unruly  spirits ;  and,  in  such  an  extremity,  what  is  the 
use  of  cavils  and  subtile  distinctions  ?' 

But  the  members  of  the  opposition,  and  the  agents  of  Massachu- 
setts, represented,  on  their  part,  that  the  measure  proposed  was 
flagrantly  tyrannical ;  that  this  alone,  setting  aside  the  affair  of  taxa- 
tion, was  more  than  sufficient  to  excite  the  greatest  commotions  in 
America. 

'  What  can  the  Americans  believe,  but  that  England  wishes  to  de- 
spoil them  of  all  liberty,  of  all  franchises ;  and,  by  the  destruction  of 
their  charters,  to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  the  most  abject  slavery  r 
It  is  a  thing  of  no  little  peril,  however,  to  undertake  the  reformation 
of  charters.  The  princes  of  the  house  of  Stuart  found  it  so ;  who 
lost  the  crown  in  attempting  to  gratify  so  fatal  an  ambition.  Great 
Britain  has  always  held  similar  proceedings  in  just  abhorrence ;  and 
how  can  she  now  herself  pretend  to  imitate  them  ?  Hitherto  the  Ame- 
ricans have  only  complained  of  the  loss  of  one  of  their  immunities; 
'but,  at  present  it  is  proposed  to  usurp  them  all.  The  other  colonies 
will  believe,  that  what  is  commenced  in  Massachusetts,  will  soon  be 
introduced  in  each  of  them  ;  and  thus,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  they  will 
all  combine  to  oppose  such  attempts  in  the  outset.  As  the  Americans 
are  no  less  ardently  attached  to  liberty  than  the  English  them- 
selves, can  it  even  be  hoped  they  will  submit  to  such  exorbitant 
usurpations, — to  such  portentous  resolutions  ?' 

These,  with  other  considerations  were  advanced,  by  those  who 
advocated  the  American  cause  ;  but  all  was  in  vain.  The  bill  was 
passed,  by  an  immense  majority. 

Lord  North  then  proposed  a  third,  by  which  it  was  provided,  that 
in  case  any  individual  should  be  questioned,  in  the  province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, for  homicide,  or  other  capital  offence,  and  it  should  ap- 


iiOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  117 

pear  to  the  governor,  that  the  act  was  done  in  the  execution  of  the 
Jaw,  or  in  assisting  any  magistrate  to  suppress  tumults,  and  that  a  just 
and  impartial  trial  was  not  to  be  expected  in  the  province,  the  same 
governor  should  have  authority  to  send  the  accused  to  take  his  trial 
in  another  colony,  or,  if  expedient,  even  in  Great  Britain.  This  act 
was  to  be  in  force,  for  the  term  of  four  years. 

The  minister  insisted  in  his  discourse,  that,  without  the  measure 
proposed,  those  whose  office  it  was  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  would  be  very  remiss  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  having  no 
hope  to  find,  in  case  of  need,  an  impartial  tribunal  to  judge  them. 
'It  is  impossible,  without  inconsistency,  to  commit  the  trial  of  such 
persons  to  those  against  whom,  in  obedience  to  the  laws,  they  may 
have  acted.  The  bill  now  submitted  will  crown  the  resolutions  taken 
•with  respect  to  the  colonies  ;  your  work,  without  this,  would  remain 
unfinished  and  defective.  We  must  consider,  that  every  thing  we 
have,  that  is  valuable  to  us,  is  at  stake ;  and  the  question  at  issue  is 
very  shortly  this,  Whether  the  Americans  shall  continue  the  subjects 
of  Great  Britain  or  not  ?  1  feel  assured  of  a  good  result,  when  all 
these  new  arrangements  shall  be  carried  properly  into  execution.' 

But  colonel  Barre,  and  Edmund  Burke,  opposed  the  minister  with 
great  warmth ;  and  spoke,  in  substance,  as  follows  ;  '  This  is  indeed 
the  most  extraordinary  resolution  that  was  ever  heard  in  the  parlia- 
ment of  England.  It  offers  new  encouragement  to  military  insolence, 
already  so  insupportable ;  which  is  the  more  odious,  in  the  present 
case,  as  the  soldiers  are  expected  to  act  against  their  own  fellow  citi- 
zens !  By  this  law,  the  Americans  are  deprived  of  a  right  which 
belongs  to  every  human  creature, — that  of  demanding  justice  before 
a  tribunal  composed  of  impartial  judges.  Even  captain  Preston, 
who,  in  their  own  city  of  Boston  had  shed  the  blood  of  citizens, 
found  among  them  a  fair  trial,  and  equitable  judges.  It  is  an  idea 
so  extravagant,  this  of  taking  the  trial  over  the  Atlantic  seas,  three 
thousand  miles,  to  Great  Britain,  where  the  prisoner  may  call  upon 
and  subpoena  as  many  witnesses  as  he  pleases,  that  it  is  hard  to  con- 
ceive how  it  could  have  entered  the  brain  of  any  man  in  his  senses. 
Instead  of  stimulating  the  audacity  of  regular  troops,  on  the  contrary, 
the  provincial  militia  should  be  encouraged,  that  they  may  serve  as 
a  shield  and  a  bulwark  against  them  in  favor  of  civil  liberty.  To 
approve  this  law  .is  equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war  against  the 
colonies.  Let  us  but  look  a  little  into  our  behavior.  When  we  are 
insulted  by  Spain,  we  negotiate  ;  when  we  dispute  with  our  brethren 
of  America,  we  prepare  our  ships  and  our  troops  to  attack  them. 
In  the  one  house  of  parliament,  '  we  have  passed  the  Rubicon  ;'  in 
the  other,  « delenda  est  Carthago*  But  I  see  nothing  in  the  present 
measures,  but  inhumanity,  injustice,  and  wickedness;  and  I  fear  that 
the  hand  of  heaven  will  fall  down  on  this  unhappy  country,  with  the 
same  degree  of  vengeance  we  desire  to  wreak  on  our  brethren  of 


118  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

America.  And  what  is  the  unpardonable  offence  the  Americans 
have  been  guilty  of?  Of  no  other  but  that  of  refusing:  their  consent 
to  an  act  that  was  contrary  to  the  written  laws,  and  to  the  unalterable 
principles  of  the  British  constitution.  And  if  England  herself,  in 
certain  ancient  times,  had  not  resisted  such  arbitrary  laws,  should 
we  have  enjoyed  our  present  free  government,  or  should  we  have 
existed  as  a  house  of  commons  here  this  day  ?' 

Lord  Germaine,  having  risen,  spoke  thus  on  the  side  of  ministers ; 
{ If  I  believed  that  the  measure  in  question  could  be  deemed  unjust 
and  tyrannical,  I  certainly  should  not  undertake  to  support  it  against 
such  vehement  attacks.  But  as  I  think  it,  on  the  contrary,  not  only 
just,  but  seasonable  and  necessary,  I  shall  freely  defend  it,  even  at 
the  risk,  in  so  doing,  of  wounding  the  delicate  ears  of  the  orators 
seated  opposite.  The  trial  of  the  military  on  this  side  of  the  water 
has  been  much  objected  to.  What  is  it,  sir,  but  a  protection  of  in- 
nocence ?  Can  any  thing  be  more  desirable  to  generous  minds, 
than  that?  America,  at  this  instant  is  nothing  but  anarchy  and  con- 
fusion. Have  they  any  one  measure,  but  what  depends  upon  the 
will  of  a  lawless  multitude  ?  Where  are  the  courts  of  justice  ?  Shut 
up.  Where  are  your  council  ?  Where  is  your  governor  ?  All  of 
them  intimidated  by  the  infuriate  rabble.  Can  you  expect,  in  the 
midst  of  such  tumults,  in  the  midst  of  such  ferocious  anarchy,  that 
these  men  could  have  a  fair  trial  ?  No  ;  assuredly  not.  It  has  been 
observed,  that  we  negotiated,  however,  with  Spain.  But  the  Span- 
iards disavowed  the  fact,  and  acknowledged  our  right  with  respect 
to  the  Falkland  Islands  ;  whereas,  the  contumacious  Americans  con- 
tinue to  resist  and  deride  us  !  It  is  objected,  that  these  proceedings 
are  to  deprive  persons  of  their  natural  right.  Let  me  ask,  of  what 
natural  right  ?  Whether  that  of  smuggling,  or  of  throwing  tea  over- 
board ? — or  of  another  natural  right,  which  is  not  paying  their  debts  ? 
But  surely  this  bill  does  not  destroy  any  of  their  civil  rights.  You 
have  given  the  innocent  man  a  fair  trial.  It  is  not  a  military  govern- 
ment that  is  established  ;  but  the  alteration  of  a  civil  one,  by  which 
it  is  made  conformable  to  existing  circumstances.  If  peace,  if  obe- 
dience to  the  laws  and  legitimate  authorities,  are  still  to  be  reesta- 
blished in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  this  is  the  only  measure 
that  can  conduct  us  to  a  result  so  desirable. 

The  question  being  put,  it  was  resolved  in  the  affirmative  ;  an 
hundred  arid  twenty-seven  voted  in  favor  of  the  bill,  and  only  twenty- 
four  against. 

Notwithstanding  the  resolutions  recently  taken,  which  were  to  pro- 
duce such  salutary  effects  in  the  colonies,  the  government  reflected 
that  the  Americans  might  possibly  proceed  to  the  last  extremities, 
and  thus  render  it  necessary  to  use  open  force  to  reduce  them ;  the 
ministers  therefore  thought  it  might  be  well  to  secure  a  place  near 
the  colonies,  where  they  could  make  the  necessary  preparations,  and 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  Ill) 

disembark,  upon  occasion,  their  troops  and  munitions  of  war,  without 
obstacles,  without  discontent  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants,  and, 
especially,  without  these  eternal  complaints  of  the  violation  of  rights 
and  of  statutes.  For  such  a  purpose,  no  province  appeared  more 
suitable  than  Canada,  which,  from  its  situation,  was  well  adapted  to 
overawe  the  colonies  where  the  late  tumults  had  arisen.  But,  to 
facilitate  this  design,  it  was  requisite  to  satisfy  the  Canadians,  who, 
till  very  lately,  having  been  French,  were  not  yet  accustomed  to  the 
laws  of  their  new  masters,  and  were  even  much  inclined  to  detest 
them.  The  Canadian  nobility,  heretofore  possessed  of  great  autho- 
rity in  their  province,  complained  that  they  had  no  longer  so  consi- 
derable a  part  in  public  affairs,  as  they  had  enjoyed  under  the 
French  domination.  The  people,  professing  generally  the  Catholic 
religion,  were  dissatisfied  because  they  were  not  permitted  to  par- 
take of  all  the  privileges  and  civil  advantages  enjoyed  by  Protestant 
subjects. 

These  motives  determined  the  government  to  extend  the  authority 
of  the  nobility,  and  establish  a  perfect  equality  of  rights  between 
the  Catholics  and  Protestants.  Accordingly,  upon  the  motion  of 
lord  North,  the  parliament  passed  an  act,  establishing,  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Canada,  a  legislative  council,  invested  with  all  powers, 
except  that  of  imposing  taxes.  It  was  provided,  that  its  members 
should  be  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  continue  in  authority  during 
its  pleasure  ;  that  the  Canadian  subjects  professing  the  Catholic 
faith,  might  be  called  to  sit  in  this  council ;  that  the  Catholic  clergy, 
wieh  the  exception  of  the  regular  orders,  should  be  secured  in  the 
enjoyment  of  their  possessions,  and  of  their  tithes  towards  all  those 
who  professed  the  same  religion  ;  that  the  French  laws,  without  jury, 
should  be  reestablished,  preserving,  however,  the  English  laws,  with 
trial  by  jury,  in  criminal  cases.  It  was  also  added,  in  order  to 
furnish  the  ministers  with  a  larger  scope  for  their  designs,  that  the 
limits  of  Canada  should  be  extended  so  as  to  embrace  the  territory 
situated  between  the  lakes,  the  river  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi.  Thus, 
it  was  hoped,  that,  being  flanked  by  a  province  reduced  to  a  state  of 
absolute  dependence  on  the  government,  and  with  this  bridle,  as  it 
were,  in  the  mouth,  the  Americans  would  no  longer  dare  to  renew 
their  accustomed  sallies. 

In  the  last  place,  a  bill  was  proposed  and  passed,  which  authorised, 
in  case  of  exigency,  the  quartering  of  soldiers  in  the  houses  of 
citizens. 

These  new  laws  were  received  in  England  with  universal  applause; 
as  a  general  and  violent  indignation  had  been  excited  there,  by  the 
insolence  and  enormities  of  the  Americans.  The  bill  of  Quebec, 
however,  as  that  of  Canada  was  called,  found  a  much  less  cordial 
reception.  It  even  occasioned  much  murmuring  among  the  English 
people.  <  The  other  laws,'  it  was  said,  '  are  just  and  proper,  because 


120  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

they  tend  to  establish  English  authority  over  the  seditious  ;  but  this 
is  an  attempt  against  the  national  liberty  and  religion.' 

Governor  Hutchinson,  become  odious  to  the  Americans,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  general  Gage,  a  man  much  known,  and  highly  respected, 
in  America.  He  was  invested  with  the  most  ample  authority,  to 
pardon  and  remit,  at  discretion,  all  treason  or  felony,  and  even  all 
murders  or  crimes,  of  whatever  denomination,  as  also  all  forfeitures 
and  penalties  whatsoever,  which  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts 
might  have  incurred. 

An  universal  curiosity  prevailed,  to  know  the  result  of  the  new 
measures  taken  by  the  English  ministers,  and  what  would  be  the  issue 
of  a  contest,  in  which  all  the  authority  of  a  most  ancient  and  powerful 
kingdom,  formidable  even  from  the  terror  of  its  name,  and  the  recent 
glory  of  its  arms,  combatted  against  the  obstinacy  of  a  people  natu- 
rally headstrong,  and  attached  to  their  privileges  almost  to  infatuation. 
Nor  did  the  course  of  events  remain  long  in  doubt.  For,  upon  the 
arrival  in  Boston  of  the  news  of  the  port  bill,  a  meeting  of  the  inha- 
bitants was  immediately  called  ;  in  which,  the  act  was  declared  to  be 
unjust  and  cruel;  they  made  their  appeal  to  God  and  to  the  world. 
A  vast  chumber  of  copies  of  the  act  were  printed  and  dispersed 
throughout  the  colonies;  and,  to  make  the  deeper  impression  on  the 
multitude,  the  copies  were  printed  on  mourning  paper,  bordered  with 
black  lines ;  and  they  were  cried  through  the  country,  as  the  '  6ar- 
barous,  ci'uel,  sanguinary  and  inhuman  murder.1  In  many  places, 
it  was  burnt  with  great  solemnity  by  the  assembled  multitude. 

In  the  midst  of  this  effervescence,  general  Gage  arrived  at  Boston; 
where,  notwithstanding  the  general  agitation,  he  was  received  with 
distinction, 

The  committee  of  correspondence  perceived  all  the  importance 
of  uniting  in  a  common  sentiment  the  committees  of  the  other  colo- 
nies ;  but  they  also  felt  the  constraint  of  their  present  position?i  since 
the  particular  interests  of  Boston  were  now  especially  concerned. 
They  wrote,  therefore,  with  a  modest  reserve,  and  their  letters  mere- 
ly expressed  a  hope,  that  the  city  of  Boston  would  be  considered  as 
suffering  for  the  common  cause. 

The  flames  of  this  combustion  were  soon  communicated  to  all 
parts  of  the  continent ;  there  was  not  a  place  that  did  not  convene  its 
assembly,  that  did  not  despatch  its  letters,  animated  with  the  same 
spirit ;  the  praises,  the  congratulations,  the  encouragements,  addressed 
to  the  Bostonians,  were  without  end.  The  province  of  Virginia  was 
also  on  this  occasion  prompt  to  give  the  signal  and  the  example  ; 
its  assembly  was  in  session  when  the  news  arrived  of  the  Boston 
port  bill.  It  was  immediately  resolved,  that  the  first  of  June,  the 
time  prefixed  for  the  law  to  take  effect,  should  be  observed  by  all 
as  a  day  of  fasting,  prayer  and  humiliation ;  that  on  this  day,  the 
divine  mercy  should  be  supplicated,  that  it  would  deign  to  avert  the 


BOOK    III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  121 

calamities  which  threatened  the  Americans  with  the  loss  of  their 
rights,  and  a  civil  war ;  that  it  would  inspire  all  hearts  and  all  minds 
with  the  same  affections  and  with  the  same  thoughts,  that  they  might 
effectually  concur  in  the  defence  of  their  liberty.  The  other  cities 
followed  this  example.  The  popular  orators  in  the  public  halls,  and 
the  ministers  of  religion  in  the  churches,  pronounced  discourses 
adapted  to  inflame  the  people  against  the  authors  of  the  usurpations, 
and  all  the  evils  of  which  the  Bostonians  were  the  victims.  The  go- 
vernor thought  it  prudent  to  dissolve  the  assembly  of  Virginia.  But 
prior  to  their  separation,  they  contracted  a  league,  by  which  they  de- 
clared, that  the  attempt  by  coercion,  to  induce  one  of  the  colonies  to 
consent  to  an  arbitrary  tax,  was  to  be  considered  as  an  outrage  com- 
mon to  all ;  that  in  such  a  case,  it  was  just  and  necessary  that  all 
should  unite,  with  one  consent,  to  oppose  such  pernicious,  such  detest- 
able counsels.  Not  content  with  this,  they  adopted  a  resolution,  which 
was  the  most  important  of  all ;  it  purported  that  all  the  colonies  should 
be  invited  to  choose  deputies,  to  convene  every  year,  in  a  general 
congress,  to  deliberate  in  common  upon  the  general  interests  of 
America. 

In  Boston,  the  general  assembly  of  the  province  having  met,  the 
new  governor  informed  the  house,  that  on  the  first  of  June,  in  con- 
formity to  the  port  bill,  their  sittings  must  be  transferred  to  Salem. 
But  perceiving,  that,  to  avoid  this  translation,  they  hastened  to  termi- 
nate the  affairs  in  deliberation,  he  adjourned  them  himself  to  Salem, 
for  the  7th  of  June.  When  reassembled  in  this  place,  the  house 
immediately  took  into  consideration  the  events  of  the  day.  The 
leaders,  among  whom  Samuel  Adams  was  the  most  active,  had  pre- 
pared the  resolutions.  The  assembly  decreed  that  a  general  congress 
should  be  convoked  ;  they  elected  the  deputies  that  were  to  repre- 
sent the  province  in  the  same,  and  made  provision  for  their  expenses. 

Maryland  held  its  assembly  at  Annapolis  ;  South  Carolina,  at 
Charleston ;  Pennsylvania,  at  Philadelphia  ;  Connecticut,  at  New 
London;  Rhode  Island,  at  Newport;  and,  in  a  word,  all  the  pro- 
vinces, from  New  Hampshire  to  South  Carolina,  pursued  one  course; 
all  adhered  to  the  measure  of  holding  a  general  congress,  and  elected 
their  deputies  accordingly.  No  province  sent  less  than  two,  or  more 
than  seven  representatives.  The  city  of  Philadelphia  being  rich, 
flourishing  and  populous,  and  forming  a  central  point  between  the 
provinces  of  the  north  and  those  of  the  south,  was  chosen  for  the 
seat  of  the  general  congress. 

The  associations  against  British  commerce  were  also  resumed  with 
great  spirit ;  the  provincial  assemblies,  the  town  meetings,  and  the 
committees  of  correspondence,  all  cooperated,  with  admirable  effect, 
in  promoting  the  same  object.  Had  it  been  possible  to  increase  the 
animosity  and  indignation  already  kindled  by  the  Boston  port  bill, 
they  must  have  redoubled  at  the  news  of  the  two  other  acts,  con- 
VOL.  i.  16 


122  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

cernine;  the  civil  administration  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  of  Quebec. 
The  Boston  committtee  of  correspondence  originated  a  motion, upon 
this  occasion  of  great  moment ;  it  was  to  form  a  general  combina- 
tion, which  should  be  called  '  The  League  and  Covenant*  in  imita- 
tion of  the  leagues  and  covenants  made  in  the  times  of  civil  wars  in 
England.  The  covenanters  were  required  to  obligate  themselves, 
in  the  presence  of  God,  and  promise  in  the  most  solemn  and  religious 
manner,  to  cease  all  commerce  with  England,  dating  from  the  last 
of  the  ensuing  month  of  August,  until  the  late  detestable  acts  should 
be  repealed,  and  the  colony  reinstated  in  all  its  rights,  franchises,  li- 
berty and  privileges;  not  to  purchase  or  use,  after  this  term,  any  British 
goods,  wares  or  merchandise  whatsoever ;  and  to  abstain  from  all 
commerce  or  traffic  whatever  with  those  who  should  use  or  introduce 
them,  or  refuse  to  enter  into  the  solemn  league.  Finally,  a  menace 
was  added,  which,  in  a  period  of  such  universal  excitement,  was 
sufficient  to  intimidate,  that  the  names  of  those  should  be  published 
who  should  refuse  to  give  this  authentic  proof  of  their  attachment  to 
the  rights  and  liberty  of  their  country.  If  the  resolution  was  bold, 
its  execution  was  not  tardy.  The  articles  of  the  league  were  trans- 
mitted, by  circulars,  to  the  other  provinces,  with  invitation  to  the 
inhabitants  to  annex  their  names.  Either  voluntarily  or  out  of  fear, 
an  infinite  number  subscribed  in  all  the  provinces,  and  particularly 
in  those  of  New  England.  The  citizens  of  Philadelphia  alone  dis- 
covered a  repugnance  to  the  measure  ;  not  that  they  felt  less  abhor- 
rence for  the  proceedings  of  England,  or  were  less  attached  to  their 
privileges ;  but  a  total  suspension  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain, 
appeared  to  them  a  thing  of  so  great  importance,  and  so  prejudicial 
to  many  industrious  inhabitants  of  their  city,  that  they  could  not  but 
hesitate  as  to  its  adoption.  They  desired,  therefore,  to  leave  it  for 
the  determination  of  ihe  general  congress ;  promising  to  execute 
scrupulously,  whatever  might  be  the  resolutions  of  that  assembly. 

General  Gage,  astonished  and  inflamed  at  the  very  name  of  league, 
a  name  so  full  of  dread  for  the  ears  of  an  officer  of  the  crown  of 
England,  issued  a  proclamation,  declaring  it  to  be  an  illegal  and 
criminal  combination,  and  contrary  to  the  allegiance  due  to  the  king. 
But  these  were  mere  words.  The  people  of  Massachusetts  pub- 
lished, on  their  part,  that  the  declaration  of  the  governor  was  of  it- 
self tyrannical ;  they  contended,  that  no  authority  could  prevent  the 
subjects  from  consulting  together,  and  forming  conventions  for  the 
maintainance  of  their  rights,  in  cases  of  oppression. 

Thus  the  laws  upon  which  the  British  ministers  had  rested  their 
hopes  of  dividing  the  counsels,  appeasing  the  tumults,  securing 
obedience,  and  reestablishing  tranquillity  in  America,  were  those 
which  originated  more  union,  greater  commotions,  more  open  revolt, 
and  a  more  determined  spirit  of  resistance.  Nor  should  it  be  ima- 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  123 

gined,  that  so  much  agitation  was  excited  only  by  men  of  obscure 
condition,  or  a  few  party  leaders ;  on  the  contrary,  men  of  all  ranks 
engaged  in  the  work  ;  and  among  the  foremost,  numbers  remarkable 
for  their  opulence,  their  authority  or  their  talents.  The  landholders, 
especially,  were  exasperated  more  than  all  others,  and  manifested 
a  more  vehement  desire  to  triumph  over  the  ministers ;  whom  they 
called  wicked,  and  whom  they  detested  so  mortally. 

Meanwhile,  on  the  first  of  June,  at  mid-day,  all  business  ceased 
in  the  custom  house  of  Boston,  and  the  port  was  shut  against  every 
vessel  that  offered  to  enter  ;  and,  on  the  14th,  permission  to  depart 
was  refused  to  all  that  had  entered  before.  This  day  was  observed 
as  a  day  of  calamity  at  Williamsburg,  the  capital  of  Virginia  ;  and 
as  a  day  of  general  mourning  in  all  the  other  cities  of  the  continent. 
At  Philadelphia,  all  business  ceased,  and  all  tradesmen,  excepting 
the  Quakers,  closed  their  shops  ;  the  bells  sounded  the  funeral  knell. 
But  the  Bostonians  excited  pity ;  their  city,  lately  so  rich,  so  pros- 
perous, so  distinguished  for  the  number  and  courteous  character  of 
its  inhabitants,  now  presented,  in  every  part,  only  the  images  of  deso- 
lation and  despair.  The  rich,  in  having  lost  the  rents  of  their  build- 
ings, were  becoming  poor  ;  the  poor,  deprived  of  employment,  had 
fallen  into  indigence.  Each  sustained  his  share  of  the  general  cala- 
mity. A  malignant  soldiery,  parading  through  the  city,  seemed  also 
inclined  to  insult  their  miseries. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  all  the 
others,  came,  indeed,  to  their  succour  ;  subscriptions  went  round,  in 
Philadelphia,  to  procure  some  relief  for  those  Bostonians,  who,  by  the 
effect  of  the  new  law,  were  deprived  of  subsistence.  But  how  inade- 
quate were  these  succours,  to  satisfy  the  exigencies  of  such  distress  ! 
Many  of  these  unfortunate  sufferers  were  reduced  to  the  last  extreme 
of  penury.  If  the  miseries,  however,  they  experienced,  were  ex- 
treme, so  also  were  the  resignation  and  the  fortitude  with  which  they 
supported  them.  It  may  well  be  supposed,  they  perused  with  sin- 
gular attention  the  pages  of  ancient  and  modern  story,  which  have 
recorded  the  sufferings  of  the  apostles  of  liberty,  either  to  publish 
them,  as  they  did,  in  a  style  often  of  virulence,  and  more  often  of 
emphasis,  in  the  public  journals,  or  to  repeat  them  in  popular  assem- 
blies, and  paragon  with  such  illustrious  examples,  the  tribulations  of 
the  Bostonians,  whose  constancy  they  magnified  with  boundless  enco- 
mium. They  were  styled  the  living  martyrs  of  liberty, — the  gene- 
rous defenders  of  the  rights  of  man  ;  they  were  pronounced  the 
worthy  descendants  of  their  virtuous  and  heroic  ancestors. 

The  government  had  persuaded  itself,  that,  the  port  of  Boston 
being  shut  up,  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  towns  would  en- 
deavor to  avail  themselves  of  it  by  drawing  to  their  own  ports  the 
commerce  hitherto  transacted  in  that  city.  But  things  took  a  direc- 
tion very  wide  of  its  expectations.  The  inhabitants  of  Marblehead. 


124  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  III. 


a  small  seaport,  at  a  few  miles  distance  from  Boston,  and  even  those 
of  Salem,  offered  the  Bostonians  their  ports,  wharves,  and  ware- 
houses, free  of  all  expense  or  remuneration. 

During  these  occurrences,  most  of  the  civil  magistrates  had  sus- 
pended the  exercise  of  their  functions  ;  for  those  who  had  been 
appointed  under  the  new  laws,  had  either  declined  acceptance,  or 
were  prevented  by  the  people  from  acting  in  their  several  offices. 
The  council  only  which  assisted  the  governor,  was  permitted  to 
despatch  some  affairs,  as,  out  of  thirty-six  new  counsellors,  who  had 
been  appointed,  only  two  had  declined  ;  but  the  others,  having  been 
denounced  to  the  public  as  enemies  to  the  country,  and  the  multitude 
collecting  in  fury  about  their  houses,  the  greater  part  resigned.  The 
courts  of  justice  were  suspended,  because  their  members  refused  to 
take  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  laws,  or  to  conform,  in  any  shape,  to 
its  provisions.  The  attornies  who  had  issued  writs  of  citation,  were 
compelled  to  ask  pardon  in  the  public  journals,  and  promise  not  to 
expedite  others,  until  the  laws  should  he  revoked,  and  the  charters 
reestablished.  The  people  rushed  in  a  throng  to  occupy  the  seat 
of  justice,  that  no  room  might  be  left  for  the  judges ;  when  invited 
to  withdraw,  they  answered,  that  they  recognised  no  other  tribunals, 
and  no.  other  magistrates,  but  such  as  were  established  according  to 
ancient  laws  and  usages. 

The  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants,  persuaded  that  things  must^ 
finally,  terminate  in  open  war,  diligently  provided  themselves  with 
arms,  and  exercised  daily,  in  handling  them.  They  succeeded  in 
this  with  extreme  facility,  being  naturally  active,  accustomed  to  fa- 
tigue, and  experienced  huntsmen.  They  excelled  particularly  in  the 
use  of  the  rifle,  which  they  levelled  with  unerring  aim.  In  all  places, 
nothing  was  heard  but  the  din  of  arms,  or  the  sound  of  fifes  and  of 
drums;  nothing  was  seen  but  multitudes  intent  upon  learning  the  milita- 
ry exercise  and  evolutions  ;  young  and  old,  fathers  and  sons,  and  even 
the  gentle  sex,  all  bent  their  steps  towards  these  martial  scenes; 
some  to  acquire  instruction,  others  to  animate  and  encourage.  The 
casting  of  balls,  and  making  of  cartridges,  were  become  ordinary 
occupations.  All  things  offered  the  image  of  an  approaching  war. 

The  arrival  of  general  Gage,  at  Boston,  had  been  followed  by  that 
of  two  regiments  of  infantry,  with  several  pieces  of  cannon.  These 
troops  had  been  quartered  in  the  city  ;  they  were  reenforced  by 
several  regiments,  coming  from  Ireland,  from  New  York,  from 
Halifax,  and  from  Quebec  ;  all  directed  upon  this  point,  to  smother 
the  kindling  conflagration.  The  inhabitants  beheld  this  with  incredi- 
ble jealousy,  which  was  still  increased  by  an  order  of  the  general, 
to  place  a  guard  upon  the  isthmus,  which  connects  the  peninsula, 
where  Boston  is  situated,  with  the  main  land.  The  pretext  assigned 
was,  to  prevent  the  desertion  of  the  soldiers,  but  the  real  motive  of 
this  step  was  to  intimidate  the  inhabitants,  that  they  might  not,  s® 


BOOK    III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  125 

freely  as  they  had  done  heretofore,  transport  arms  from  the  city  into 
the  country.  Every  day  gave  birth  to  new  causes  of  contention 
between  the  soldiers  and  the  citizens.  Popular  rumors  were  circu- 
lated rapidly,  and  heard  with  avidity  ;  at  every  moment  the  people 
collected  as  if  ripe  for  revolt. 

The  governor,  attentive  to  this  agitation,  and  fearing  some  unhappy 
accident,  resolved  to  fortify  the  isthmus,  and  proceeded  in  the  works 
with  great  activity.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston,  as  well  as  those  of 
the  country,  were  extremely  exasperated  by  it ;  they  exclaimed, 
that  this  was  an  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  general,  and  a 
manifest  proof  that  it  was  resolved  to  make  every  thing  bend  to 
military  authority.  Many  conjectures  were  in  circulation  among  the 
people,  and  violent  menaces  were  thrown  out.  General  Gage, 
apprehensive  of  an  explosion,  detached  two  companies  of  soldiers  to 
seize  the  powder  that  was  deposited  in  the  magazine  at  Charlestown, 
near  Boston.  He  considered  this  the  more  prudent,  as  the  time 
was  now  approaching  for  the  annual  review  of  the  militia  ;  when,  if 
any  hostile  designs  were  in  agitation,  they  might  probably  be  put  in 
execution. 

The  rage  of  the  people  had  now  reached  its  acme.  They  assem- 
bled from  all  quarters,  and  hastened,  with  arms,  to  Cambridge. 
The  more  prudent  had  great  difficulty  to  prevent  them  from  march- 
ing furiously  to  Boston  to  demand  the  restitution  of  the  powder,  or 
in  case  of  refusal,  to  fall  immediately  upon  the  garrison. 

But  soon  after,  and  probably  by  a  secret  device  of  the  patriot 
chiefs,  to  let  the  British  soldiers  perceive,  that,  if  they  should  ven- 
ture to  offer  the  shadow  of  violence,  a  signal  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
province  would  suffice  to  make  them  repent  of  it,  a  report  was  cir- 
culated among  this  exasperated  multitude,  that  the  fleet  and  garrison 
had  commenced  hostilities,  that  their  artillery  was  firing  upon  the 
town,  and  that  the  Bostonians  were  hard  pressed  to  defend  them- 
selves. The  rumor  was  spread  with  incredible  rapidity  through  the 
whole  province  ;  in  a  few  hours,  above  thirty  thousand  men  were 
under  arms  ;  they  proceeded  towards  Boston  with  the  utmost  speed, 
and  made  no  halt  till  they  had  full  certainty  that  the  alarm  was 
premature. 

This  movement  gave  origin  to  many  others ;  -and  it  became  an 
almost  daily  custom  to  attack  the  houses  of  such  as  either  had 
accepted  the  new  offices,  or  in  any  way  had  shown  themselves  favor- 
able to  English  pretensions,  or  opposed  to  American  privileges.  No 
longer,  therefore,  able  to  find  safety  except  within  the  city  itself,  the 
commissioners  of  the  customs,  and  those  under  their  authority,  as 
well  as  all  other  public  officers,  who  had  removed  to  Salem  for  the 
exercise  of  their  functions,  went  back  to  Boston.  Thus,  in  the 
space  of  a  few  months,  the  regulations  were  annihilated,  which  the 
ministers  had  designed  to  introduce  by  means  of  the  port  bill. 


126  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

The  province  of  Massachusetts  was  not  the  only  theatre  of  popular 
commotions  ;  all  had  a  part  in  this  general  convulsion.  The  inha- 
bitants, at  many  points,  fearing  the  governor  might  get  the  start  of 
them  in  respect  to  seizing  the  powder,  as  he  had  done  at  Charles- 
town,  flew  to  possess  themselves  of  what  lay  in  the  forts  and  powder 
magazines  of  the  king.  Thus  it  happened  at  Portsmouth,  in  New 
Hampshire,  where  the  provincials  stormed  the  fort,  and  carried  off 
the  powder  and  artillery.  The  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island  did  the 
same ;  the  people  of  Newport  rose,  and  took  possession  of  forty 
pieces  of  cannon,  which  defended  the  harbor. 

The  removal  of  the  powder  at  Charlestown,  and  the  fortifications 
carrying  on  at  Boston,  together  with  the  popular  agitations,  occa- 
sioned a  meeting  of  delegates  from  the  different  towns  and  boroughs 
of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  of  which  Boston  is  the  capital.  They 
took  very  spirited  resolutions ;  purporting,  that  no  obedience  was 
due  to  the  late  acts  of  parliament,  but,  on  the  contrary,  hatred  and 
execration,  since  they  were  attempts  to  enslave  America ;  that  the 
appointment  of  public  officers  by  virtue  of  these  acts,  was  contrary 
to  constitutional  statutes  and  principles  ;  that  the  country  would 
indemnify  the  subordinate  officers,  who  should  refuse  to  execute  the 
orders  of  their  superiors,  appointed  under  the  new  laws ;  that  the 
collectors  of  the  public  money  should  retain  it  in  their  hands,  and 
make  no  payment,  until  the  ancient  laws  of  the  colony  should  be 
reestablished,  or  until  it  should  be  ordered  otherwise  by  the 
provincial  congress ;  that  those  who  had  accepted  the  new  offices 
must  resign  them  before  the  20th  of  September ;  and  if  not,  they 
should  be  declared  enemies  to  the  country  ;  that  officers  of  the 
militia  should  be  chosen  in  every  town,  selecting  for  this  purpose, 
individuals  skilful  in  arms,  and  inflexibly  attached  to  the  rights  of  the 
people  ;  that,  as  it  had  been  reported  it  was  in  contemplation  to 
apprehend  certain  persons  of  the  county,  if  this  menace  should  be 
executed,  the  royal  officers  should  be  immediately  seized,  and 
detained  as  hostages  ;  that  the  people  should  be  exhorted  to  main- 
tain tranquillity,  and  merit,  by  their  moderation,  by  their  steady, 
uniform  and  persevering  resistance,  in  a  contest  so  important,  in  a 
cause  so  solemn,  the  approbation  of  the  wise,  and  the  admiration  of 
the  brave,  of  every  country,  and  of  every  age. 

Another  assembly,  but  of  the  entire  province  of  Massachusetts, 
was  held  at  Salem.  The  governor  not  choosing  to  sanction  it  by 
his  presence,  they  formed  themselves  into  a  provincial  congress,  and 
elected  Hancock  president.  After  having  addressed  their  complaints 
to  the  governor,  of  the  fortifications  of  the  isthmus,  they  took  extra- 
ordinary measures  for  the  defence  of  the  province.  They  prepared 
munitions  of  war,  they  filled  magazines  with  provisions,  they  enrolled 
twelve  thousand  of  the  militia,  whom  they  called  minute  men ;  that 
is,  soldiers  that  must  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  at  a 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  127 

minute's  notice.  The  decrees  and  recommendations  of  the  provin- 
cial congress  were  executed  with  the  same  exactness  as  if  they  had 
emanated  from  a  legitimate  authority. 

Thus,  the  plans  of  the  British  ministers  produced,  in  America, 
effects  contrary  to  their  intentions.  Already,  every  appearance 
announced  the  approach  of  civil  war. 

In  the  midst  of  this  agitation,  and  of  apprehensions  inspired  by 
the  future,  the  general  congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia  ;  it  was 
composed  of  delegates  from  all  the  American  colonies. 


END    OF    BOOK    THIRD. 


128  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IV, 


BOOK   FOURTH. 

1774.  THE  deputies  of  the  different  colonies  arrived  in  Phila- 
delphia on  the  4th  of  September,  except  those  of  North  Carolina, 
who  delayed  their  appearance  until  the  14th  of  the  same  month.  All 
were  men  of  note,  arid  distinguished  by  the  public  favor.  Far  from 
being  persons  destitute  of  the  goods  of  fortune,  they  were  all  landed 
proprietors,  and  some  possessed  even  great  opulence.  Several  had 
been  instructed  by  their  constituents,  to  exert  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  secure  the  liberty  of  America,  by  the  most  suitable  means,  and  to 
restore  the  ancient  course  of  things  with  England  ;  others,  to  vote 
for  resolutions  relative  to  the  exercise  of  commerce,  calculated  to 
induce  the  English  government  to  embrace  milder  counsels  towards 
the  colonies  ;  others,  finally,  were  invested  with  unlimited  authority 
to  do  whatsoever,  in  the  present  circumstances,  they  should  judge 
most  conducive  to  the  public  good. 

Having  met  on  the  5th,  they  resolved  that  their  deliberations  should 
be  kept  secret,  until  the  majority  should  direct  them  to  be  published  ; 
and  that,  in  determining  questions,  each  colony  should  have  but  one 
vote,  whatever  might  be  the  number  of  its  deputies.  They  elected 
for  president,  Peyton  Randolph,  of  Virginia  ;  and  for  secretary, 
Charles  Thomson.  They  were  in  number  fifty-five.* 

For  a  long  time,  no  spectacle  had  been  offered  to  the  attention  of 
mankind,  of  so  powerful  an  interest  as  this  of  the  present  American 
congress.  It  was  indeed  a  novel  thing,  and  as  it  were  miraculous, 
that  a  nation,  hitherto  almost  unknown  to  the  people  of  Europe,  or 
only  known  by  the  commerce  it  occasionally  exercised  in  their  ports, 
should,  all  at  once,  step  forth  from  this  state  of  oblivion,  and,  rousing 
as  from  a  long  slumber,  should  seize  the  reigns  to  govern  itself; 
that  the  various  parts  of  this  nation,  hitherto  disjoined,  and  almost  in 
opposition  to  each  other,  should  now  be  united  in  one  body,  and 
moved  by  a  single  will ;  that  their  long  and  habitual  obedience  should 
be  suddenly  changed  for  the  intrepid  counsels  of  resistance,  and  of 
open  defiance,  to  the  formidable  nation  whence  they  derived  their 
origin  and  laws. 

There  had  been  observed,  at  intervals,  it  is  true,  in  the  vast  domi- 
nions of  Spain  in  America,  some  popular  agitations  ;  but  they  were 
easily  repressed  by  the  government.  In  the  colonies  of  Portugal,  the 
public  repose  had  never  been  interrupted.  France,  in  like  manner, 
had  always  found  her  American  subjects  inclined  to  a  willing  submis- 
sion. It  was  reserved  for  the  English  colonies,  to  afford  the  first 
example  of  resistance,  asd  of  a  struggle  to  separate  themselves  from 

*  See  Note  I. 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  120 

the  parent  state.  Such,  however,  was  the  necessary  consequence  of 
the  constitution  of  England,  and  of  her  colonies ;  of  the  opinions 
which  prevailed  in  the  latter;  of  the  memory  of  ancient  revolutions; 
and  of  the  discontents  which,  from  time  to  time,  had  manifested  thera^" 
selves  in  America,  but  which  now,  for  the  first  time,  menaced  an 
inevitable,  and  not  distant  explosion  ;  for  the  congress  of  Albany  had 
presented  nothing  illegal  in  its  character,  since  it  had  been  convoked 
by  the  legitimate  authorities.  It  had  manifested  no  tendency  towards 
a  new  order  of  things  ;  though  perhaps  the  secret  counsels  of  those 
who  composed  it  eventually  aspired  at  independence  ;  but,  in  effect, 
nothing  was  regulated  by  that  assembly,  except  the  interests  of  the 
English  colonies  with  regard  to  the  Indian  nations  of  the  vicinity. 
When  the  congress  of  New  York  was  convened,  the  excitement  of 
men's  minds  was  not  yet  so  extreme,  the  popular  disorders  had  not 
taken  so  alarming  a  character,  nor  had  the  government  then  displayed 
so  much  rigor,  nor  prostrated  so  many  colonial  statutes.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  members  of  this  congress,  though  possessed  of  much* 
had  not  so  entire  an  influence  with  the  American  people  as  those  of 
the  congress  of  Philadelphia  ;  nor  did  they  excite  such  public  expect- 
ation of  future  events  as  the  latter  assembly.  The  colonists  looked 
upon  it  as  a  convention  of  men  who,  in  some  mode  or  other,  were  to 
deliver  their  country  from  the  perils  that  menaced  it.  The  greater 
part  believed  that  their  ability,  their  prudence  and  their  immense 
influence  with  the  people,  would  enable  them  to  obtain  from  the  go- 
vernment the  removal  of  the  evils  that  oppressed  them,  and  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  ancient  order  of  things.  Some  others  cherished 
the  belief,  that  they  would  find  means  to  conduct  the  American  na- 
tion to  that  independence  which  was  the  first  and  most  ardent  of  their 
aspirations,  or  rather  the  sole  object  of  that  intense  passion  which 
stung  and  tormented  them,  night  and  day.  The  confidence  they  had 
placed  in  the  congress,  was  equal  to  the  aversion  they  had  conceived 
to  the  new  laws.  The  generality  of  people,  usually  ignorant  what 
obstacles  must  be  encountered  in  great  enterprises,  deem  their  griev- 
ances already  removed,  when  they  have  confided  to  a  few  the  inte- 
rests of  all ;  the  colonists,  accordingly,  attributing  to  their  new  dele- 
gates greater  power  than  they  in  reality  possessed,  were  generally 
elated  with  the  most  flattering  hopes.  They  knew  that  a  union  of 
minds  is  the  most  efficacious  instrument  of  success  ;  and  their  con- 
cord was  prodigious  ;  all  were  ready  to  sacrifice  their  lives  and  their 
fortunes  to  the  triumph  of  their  cause.  Not  that  there  existed  none 
of  another  inind,  who  would  gladly  have  held  a  quite  different  course; 
but  they  were  few,  in  this  first  impulse,  and  they  were  reduced  to 
silence  by  the  consent  and  enthusiasm  of  all  the  others.  No  other 
government,  however  consolidated  by  the  lapse  of  ages  or  the  force 
of  arms,  ever  experienced  so  much  promptness  and  punctuality  of 
obedience  as  the  American  congress.  The  colonists  were  disposed 
VOL.  j.  17 


130  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV- 

to  receive  its  deliberations,  not  only  as  the  useful  and  salutary  laws 
of  a  good  government,  but  as  the  revered  precepts  and  oracles  of  men 
consecrated  and  generously  devoted  to  the  salvation  of  their  country. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  in  America  at  the  epoch  of  the 
convocation  of  congress.  But  in  Europe,  the  novelty  of  circum- 
stances had  excited  strong  emotions  in  the  minds  of  all  ;  in  some, 
creating  fear, — in  others  hope, — in  all,  astonishment.  In  England, 
the  ministerial  party  declaimed  with  vehemence  against  the  audacity 
of  the  Americans,  who  were  called  rebels ;  and  the  most  rigorous 
counsels  were  already  proposed.  They  could  not  comprehend  how 
a  people  like  that  of  America,  divided,  as  they  had  always  been,  by 
a  sectarian  spirit,  into  various  schisms  and  parties,  should  now  be 
capable  of  a  concord  so  entire,  as  to  present  but  one  only  sentiment, 
and  but  one  same  will ; — how,  laying  aside  the  mutual  rancor  result- 
ing from  the  diversity  of  their  opinions  and  interests,  they  should  all, 
at  the  present  moment,  have  concurred  in  a  resolution  to  defend  and 
maintain  what  they  considered  their  rights,  against  England. 

'  Is  it  conceivable,  that  a  nation  which  subsists  by  its  commerce, 
that  has  no  naval  armament,  and.  whose  principal  cities  are  exposed 
to  the  vengeance  of  a  maritime  enemy,  that  is  unprovided  with  regu- 
lar and  veteran  troops,  should  have  the  hardihood  to  dispute  the  will 
of  the  British  nation,  powerful  in  arms,  radiant  with  the  glory  of  its 
recent  achievements,  inexhaustible  in  public  and  private  resources, 
strong  in  a  government  cemented  by  the  hand  of  time,  formidable  for 
the  prodigious  number  of  its  ships,  and  abounding  in  experienced 
commanders,  both  of  la,nd  and  sea  ?' 

But  it  was  answered  on  the  other  side  ; 

'Wherefore  this  astonishment  at  the  resolution  of  the  Americans? 
Even  though  it  were  true,  that,  as  to  the  means  of  sustaining  war, 
they  were  thus  inferior  to  Great  Britain,  who  is  ignorant  that  men 
inflamed  by  the  zeal  of  political  opinions  do  not  descend  to  nice  cal- 
culations, or  spend  time  in  weighing  the  probabilities  of  the  future  ? 
And  has  not  England  herself  many  difficulties  to  surmount?  Is  she 
not  divided,  even  upon  this  question  of  America,  by  the  spirit  of 
party  ?  Opinions  are  so  much  at  variance  on  this  subject,  that  a  great 
number,  it  is  clear,  would  march  against  the  colonists  with  extreme 
repugnance.  A  vast  ocean  separates  from  us  the  countries  in  which 
the  war  must  be  carried  on  ;  this  circumstance  alone  will,  of  necessi- 
ty, cause  an  incalculable  expense,  an  enormous  waste  of  military 
stores,  an  affrightful  sacrifice  of  men,  the  most  fatal  delays,  and  a 
frequent  defect  of  correspondence  between  measures  and  exigencies. 
The  finances  of  England  are  exhausted  by  the  exorbitant  debt  con- 
tracted in  times  past,  and  especially  during  the  late  war  ;  the  revenue 
falls  far  short  of  meeting  the  ordinary  expenditure ;  and  so  ponder- 
ous an  increase  of  burthen  as  the  disbursements  of  this  new  war 
must  involve,  would  absolutely  crush  the  resources  of  the  state.  Be- 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  131 

sides,  what  country  is  better  adapted  than  America  for  a  long  defence  ? 
It  is  covered  with  trackless  forests,  fortified  by  lakes,  rivers,  and 
mountains;  it  has  few  passable  roads  ;  and  abounds  in  strong  defiles, 
and  fords,  which  are  only  known  to  the  inhabitants.' 

Nor  should  it  be  omitted,  that  the  recollection  of  past  events  must 
have  acted  with  great  force  upon  the  minds  of  those  who  directed  the 
counsels  of  England.  They  were  abandoned  to  doubt  and  uncer- 
tainty ;  for  this  was  the  same  cause  which  in  the  preceding  century 
had  been  contested  in  England,  and  which,  after  so  many  efforts,  and 
so  much  blood,  had  produced  a  total  revolution,  and  placed  the  Bri- 
tish sceptre  in  the  hands  of  a  new  line  of  princes.  But  even  this 
reflection  was  calculated  to  excite,  in  the  members  of  the  govern- 
ment, a  certain  indignation,  but  too  proper  to  pervert  their  reason, 
and  alienate  them  from  the  counsels  of  moderation  and  prudence. 
Assuredly,  since  the  epoch  of  this  revolution,  the  British  cabinet 
never  had  a  more  difficult  enterprise  to  conduct ;  it  had  never  wit- 
nessed a  crisis  of  such  fatal  augury,  or  that  menaced,  with  a  wound 
so  deadly,  the  very  heart  of  the  state.  Nor  was  it  possible  to  dissem- 
ble, that  the  Americans  would  not  be  destitute  of  foreign  succours  ; 
for,  although  the  European  powers,  who  possessed  colonies  in  Ame- 
rica, could  not,  but  with  certain  solicitude,  contemplate  these  commo- 
tions in  the  British  provinces,  viewing  them  as  a  dangerous  example 
for  their  own  subjects,  who,  if  success  should  attend  the  designs  of 
the  Americans,  might,  they  apprehended,  indulge  pernicious  thoughts, 
and  contrary  to  their  allegiance  ;  yet  they  wore  greatly  reassured,  by 
reflecting  that  their  colonists  were  far  from  cherishing  the  same  poli- 
tical opinions  that  prevailed  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  English 
colonies.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  their  vehement  desire  to  see  the 
power  of  England  reduced,  prevented  them  from  perceiving  the 
danger,  or  caused  them  to  despise  it ;  for  this  danger  was  remote  and 
uncertain;  whereas  the  advantage  of  the  humiliation  of  England, 
which  was  expected  to  result  from  the  American  war,  was  near  at 
hand,  and,  if  not  certain,  at  least  extremely  probable. 

But,  among  the  various  nations  of  Europe,  all  more  or  less  favor- 
able to  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  and  equally  detesting  the  tyranny 
of  England,  none  signalised  themselves  more  than  the  French.  The 
desire  of  vengeance,  the  hope  of  retrieving  its  losses,  the  remem- 
brance of  ancient  splendor,  the  anguish  of  recent  wounds,  all  stimu- 
lated the  French  government  to  side  with  the  Americans.  It  waited 
only  for  the  maturity  of  events,  and  a  propitious  occasion,  to  declare 
itself.  These  dispositions  of  the  ministry  were  not  unknown  to  the 
nation  ;  and,  as  no  people  are  more  susceptible  of  impressions  from 
those  in  power  than  the  French,  the  cause  of  the  Americans  found 
among  them  the  most  ardent  and  the  most  'ingenious  advocates. 
Many  other  causes,  no  less  evident,  concurred  to  the  same  effect. 
The  people  of  France,  though  accustomed  to  live  under  a  very 


132  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

absolute  system  of  government,  have  uniformly  testified  a  particular 
esteem  for  such  men,  and  for  such  nations,  as  have  valiantly  defended 
their  liberty  against  the  usurpations  of  tyranny  ;  for,  when  they  are 
not  led  astray,  and  as  it  were  transported  out  of  themselves,  by  their 
exorbitant  imagination,  their  character  is  naturally  benevolent  and 
gentle  ;  they  are  always  disposed  to  succour  the  oppressed,  especially 
when  they  support  their  ill  fortune  with  constancy,  and  contend,  with 
courage,  to  surmount  it ;  in  a  word,  when  their  enterprise  presents 
an  aspect  of  glory  and  of  greatness.  Such  was,  or  appeared  to  be, 
the  cause  of  the  Americans  ;  and  such  were  the  general  sentiments 
of  the  French  towards  them. 

It  should  also  be  added,  that,  at  this  epoch,  the  writers  who  had 
treated  political  subjects,  in  all  countries,  and  especially  in  France, 
had  manifested  themselves  the  advocates  of  a  more  liberal  mode  of 
government ;  and  thus  the  opinions  which  prevailed,  at  that  time, 
were  extremely  propitious  to  civil  liberty.  These  writings  were  in 
more  eager  request,  and  these  opinions  were  still  more  rapidly  dis- 
seminated, at  the  news  of  the  commotions  which  agitated  America; 
than  which  nothing  could  more  evidently  prove  what  was  the  spirit  of 
that  epoch.  In  all  social  circles,  as  well  as  in  numerous  publications 
which  daily  appeared  in  France,  the  Americans  were  the  object  of 
boundless  praises  ;  their  cause  was  defended  by  the  most  specious 
arguments,  and  justified  by  a  multitude  of  illustrious  examples.  And 
if,  at  the  epoch  when  France,  after  the  cession  made  by  the  republic 
of  Genoa,  had  undertaken  the  conquest  of  Corsica,  many  were 
found,  among  the  French,  who  professed  themselves  the  apologists 
of  those  islanders,  and  ventured  openly  to  condemn  the  determination 
of  their  own  government  to  subdue  them,  it  may  well  be  thought,  the 
partisans  of  the  Americans  were  far  more  numerous,  and  demon- 
strated an  enthusiasm  still  more  ardent.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
express  what  joy  and  what  hopes  were  excited  by  the  intelligence  of 
the  convocation  of  the  American  congress.  The  names  of  the 
deputies  were  extolled  to  the  skies ;  '  Let  them  hasten,'  it  was  said, 
every  where,  '  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  English  despotism,  to  sever 
these  bonds  of  servitude  ;  let  them  establish  civil  liberty  in  their 
country  ;  and  let  them  serve  as  a  perpetual  example,  that  princes 
cannot,  without  peril,  violate  the  fundamental  laws  of  their  states,  nor 
attack  with  impunity  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  their  subjects.' 
Thus  the  French  excited  continually  by  new  motives  and  plausible 
arguments,  the  already  exasperated  minds  of  the  Americans ;  and 
irritated  those  wounds  which  had  already  the  appearance  of  cancer- 
ation,  in  order  to  render  them  absolutely  incurable. 

Thus  the  congress  saw  united  in  its  favor,  not  only  the  opinions  of 
the  American  people,  but  also  those  of  all  the  European  nations,  and 
even  of  their  governments ;  as  likewise  of  no  small  part  of  the  inha- 
bitants of  Great  Britain  itself.  So  great  was,  at  this  epoch,  either 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  133 

the  spirit  of  innovation,  or  the  love  of  liberty,  or  the  desire  to  shake 
off  the  restraints  of  all  authority  whatsoever  !  Meanwhile,  all  minds 
were  suspended  with  expectation,  for  the  issue  of  so  important  a 
contest;  and  all  eyes  were  attentive  to  see  what  measures  the 
American  convention  would  first  adopt  to  sustain  it. 

It  was  natural,  that  the  first  thoughts  of  congress  should  have 
turned  towards  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  city  of  Boston. 
The  resolutions  of  the  assembly  of  Suffolk,  having  been  the  most 
vigorous,  and  the  most  important,  it  was  determined  to  confirm  them. 
They  accordingly  resolved,  that  they  deeply  felt  the  suffering  of  their 
countrymen,  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  under  the  operation 
of  the  late  unjust  and  cruel  acts  of  the  British  parliament;  that  they 
much  approved  the  wisdom  and  fortitude  which  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts had  displayed,  in  opposing  such  wicked  measures  ;  they 
exhorted  them  to  perseverance,  and  recommended  the  complete 
execution  of  the  resolutions  taken  by  the  assembly  of  Suffolk ;  they 
expressed  their  confident  hopes  that  the  united  efforts  of  North 
America,  would  so  persuade  the  British  nation  of  the  imprudence, 
injustice,  and  danger  of  the  policy  of  the  present  ministers,  as  quickly 
to  introduce  better  men,  and  wiser  measures;  and,  finally,  they 
recommended,  that  the  contributions  which  had  been  commenced, 
in  all  the  colonies,  should  continue  to  be  collected,  for  the  relief  and 
support  of  the  Bostonians.  And  as  those  who  are  inclined  to  war, 
generally  affect  the  most  earnest  desire  of  peace,  congress  addressed 
a  letter  to  general  Gage,  praying  him  to  put  a  stop  to  the  hostile 
preparations,  which  might  provoke  a  pacific  people  to  have  recourse 
to  arms,  and  thus  prevent  the  endeavors  of  the  congress,  to  restore 
a  good  understanding  with  the  parent  state,  and  involve  the  nation  in 
all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war.  He  was  especially  requested  to  dis- 
continue the  fortifications  of  Boston,  to  repress  military  license,  and 
to  restore  a  free  communication  between  the  city  and  country. 

Although  the  congress  was  not,  constitutionally,  a  legitimate  assem- 
bly, general  Gage,  desirous  of  testifying  his  disposition  to  preserve 
peace,  answered,  that  no  troops  had  ever  given  less  cause  for  com- 
plaint, than  those  that  were  then  stationed  in  Boston,  notwithstanding 
the  insults  and  provocations  daily  given  to  both  officers  and  soldiers  ; 
that  the  communication  between  the  city  and  country  had  been  always 
free,  and  should  remain  so.  unless  the  inhabitants  should  constrain 
him  to  take  other  measures.  The  congress  also  decreed  that  if  it 
should  be  attempted  to  carry  into  execution,  by  force,  the  late  acts 
of  parliament,  in  such  case,  all  America  ought  to  support  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Massachusetts  in  their  opposition  ;  that  in  case  it  should  be 
judged  necessary  to  remove  the  citizens  of  Boston  into  the  country, 
the  injury  they  might  thereby  sustain,  should  be  repaired  at  the  pub- 
lic expense  ;  and  that  every  person  whomsoever,  who  should  .accept 
of  any  commission,  or  authority,  emanating  from  the  new  laws,  should 
be  held  in  universal  detestation  and  abhorrence. 


134  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

The  congress  also  deemed  it  useful  and  necessary  to  resort  to  the 
accustomed  confederacies  against  English  commerce  ;  the  merchants 
of  the  colonies  were  therefore  requested  to  suspend  all  importation  of 
merchandise  from  Great  Britain,  until  the  congress  should  have  pub- 
lished its  intentions,  touching  the  course  to  be  pursued  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  liberties  of  America.  The  agreement  was  promptly 
and  universally  contracted,  according  to  its  desires  ;  and  it  was  further 
stipulated,  that  all  exportation  of  merchandise  to  Great  Britain,  Ire- 
land and  the  West  Indies,  should  cease  after  the  10th  of  September, 
1775,  unless  the  wrongs  of  which  the  Americans  complained,  were 
redressed  prior  to  that  period.  The  league  was  observed,  this  time, 
with  an  astonishing  consent. 

There  still  remained  an  affair  of  the  last  importance ;  that  of 
determining  what  were  the  pretensions  of  America,  and  the  terms 
upon  which  she  would  consent  to  resume  her  ancient  relations  of 
amity  with  Great  Britain.  To  this  effect  the  congress  published  an 
elaborate  declaration,  entitled,  a  Declaration  of  Rights.  This  paper 
commenced  with  very  bitter  complaints,  that  the  parliament  had,  of 
late  years,  undertaken  to  tax  the  colonies ;  to  establish  an  extraordi- 
nary board  of  customs ;  to  extend  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of 
admiralty;  to  grant  salaries  to  the  judges,  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  colonial  assemblies ;  to  maintain  a  standing  army  in  times  of 
peace;  to  ordain  that  persons  charged  with  offences,  affecting  the 
state,  should  be  transported  to  England  for  trial ;  to  annul  the  regu- 
lations of  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  respecting  the  prosecu- 
tion of  those  who  should  be  questioned  for  acts  committed  in  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  and  in  opposition  to  tumults ;  and,  finally,  to 
abolish  the  English  laws  in  Canada,  and  to  grant  in  that  province 
extraordinary  favor  to  the  Catholic  religion.  Which  acts  of  the 
parliament  were  pronounced  impolitic,  unjust,  cruel,  contrary  to  the 
constitution,  most  dangerous  and  destructive  of  American  rights. 
They  continued  with  saying,  that  whereas  the  legal  assemblies  of 
America,  which  had  peaceably  convened  to  deliberate  on  grievances, 
and  remonstrate  against  unjust  arid  oppressive  laws,  had  been  fre- 
quently dissolved,  and  their  petitions  and  supplications  treated  with 
contempt  by  the  ministers  of  the  king  ;  the  Americans  had,  therefore, 
determined  to  convoke  this  congress,  in  order  to  vindicate  and  secure 
their  rights  and  liberties. 

Then  followed  the  enumeration  of  these  rights,  such  as  life,  liberty 
and  property;  which,  they  affirmed,  no  power  could  dispose  of  with- 
out their  consent.  To  these  were  added  the  rights  peculiar  to  English 
subjects,  as  for  example,  to  participate  in  the  legislative  council  ;  and 
as  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  were  not,  and  from  local  and  other 
circumstances,  could  not  be  represented  in  the  British  parliament, 
they  were  entitled,  it  was  asserted,  to  enjoy  this  right  of  legislation 
in  their  respective  assemblies,  consenting  cheerfully,  however,  to  the 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  135 

operation  of  such  acts  of  parliament  as  were,  bona  fide,  restrained 
to  the  regulation  of  commerce,  excluding  every  idea  of  taxation, 
internal  or  external.  They  claimed,  in  like  manner,  the  right  of 
being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage,  and  that  of  peaceably 
assembling  and  addressing  their  petitions  to  the  king.  It  was  also 
declared,  that  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  the  colonies,  in  times 
of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  the  respective  colonial  assemblies, 
was  altogether  contrary  to  law.  The  congress  here  recapitulated 
the  acts  of  parliament  which  had  violated  the  foregoing  rights, 
affirming  that  the  Americans  could  not  submit  to  such  grievous  acts 
and  measures,  nor  in  any  mode  return  to  the  former  state  of  things, 
without  their  revocation. 

It  was  hoped,  that  their  fellowcitizens  of  Great  Britain,  would,  on 
a  revision  of  these  laws,  see  the  necessity  of  repealing  them,  and 
thus  restore  the  Americans  to  that  state  of  happiness  and  prosperity, 
which  they  had  enjoyed  in  times  past ;  that,  in  the  meantime,  and 
for  the  present,  they  were  resolved  to  enter  into  a  nonimportation, 
nonconsumption,  and  nonexportation  agreement,  in  respect  to  all  arti- 
cles of  commerce  with  Great  Britain.  They  determined  also,  to 
prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  memorial 
to  the  inhabitants  of  British  America,  as  also  another  to  the  king,  in 
conformity  to  resolutions  already  taken. 

By  the  first,  their  design  was  to  conciliate  the  English  people,  and 
to  appease  the  resentment  which  they  apprehended  would  be  excited 
by  the  effect  of  the  American  combinations  against  their  commerce. 
This  they  executed  with  singular  address  ;  on  the  one  hand,  flattering 
the  self  love  of  the  British,  and  on  the  other,  averring  that  it  was 
with  repugnance,  and  compelled,  as  it  were,  by  invincible  necessity, 
they  were  induced  to  embrace  these  prejudicial  associations.  They 
were  ready,  they  added,  to  dissolve  them  the  moment  the  government 
should  have  restored  them  to  their  original  condition. 

We  transcribe  a  part  of  this  address  of  the  American  congress  to 
the  English  people,  as  it  is  peculiarly  proper  to  demonstrate  what 
were  the  prevailing  opinions  at  this  epoch ;  with  what  ardor  and 
inflexible  resolution  the  Americans  supported  their  cause  ;  and  the 
great  progress  they  had  made  in  the  art  of  writing  with  that  eloquence 
which  acts  so  irresistibly  upon  the  minds  of  men.  The  three  mem- 
bers of  congress  who  composed  it,  were,  Lee,  Livingston,  and  Jay ; 
the  last,  it  is  generally  believed,  was  the  author.  It  was  conceived 
in  the  following  terms ; 

'  When  a  nation,  led  to  greatness  by  the  hand  of  liberty,  and 
possessed  of  all  the  glory  that  heroism,  munificence  and  humanity 
can  bestow,  descends  to  the  ungrateful  task  of  forging  chains  for  her 
friends  and  children,  and  instead  of  giving  support  to  freedom,  turris 
advocate  for  slavery  and  oppression,  there  is  reason  to  suspect  she 
has  either  ceased  to  be  virtuous,  or  been  extremely  negligent  in  the 
appointment  of  her  rulers. 


130  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

'  In  almost  every  age,  in  repeated  conflicts,  in  long  and  bloody 
wars,  as  well  civil  as  foreign,  against  many  and  powerful  nations, 
against  the  open  assaults  of  enemies,  and  the  more  dangerous  trea- 
chery of  friends,  have  the  inhabitants  of  your  island,  your  great  and 
glorious  ancestors,  maintained  their  independence,  and  transmitted 
the  rights  of  men,  and  the  blessings  of  liberty,  to  you  their  posterity. 
Be  not  surprised,  therefore,  that  we,  who  are  descended  from  the 
same  common  ancestors  ;  that  we,  whose  forefathers  participated  in 
all  the  rights,  the  liberties,  and  the  constitution,  you  so  justly  boast  of, 
and  who  have  carefully  conveyed  the  same  fair  inheritance  to  us, 
guarantied  by  the  plighted  faith  of  government,  and  the  most  solemn 
compacts  with  British  sovereigns,  should  refuse  to  surrender  them  to 
men,  who  found  their  claims  on  no  principles  of  reason,  and  who 
prosecute  them  with  a  design,  that  by  having  our  lives  and  property 
in  their  power,  they  may.  with  the  greater  facility,  enslave  you.  The 
cause  of  America  is  now  the  object  of  universal  attention  ;  it  has,  at 
length,  become  very  serious.  This  unhappy  country  has  not  only 
been  oppressed,  but  abused  and  misrepresented  5  and  the  duty  we 
owe  to  ourselves  and  posterity,  to  your  interest,  and  the  general 
welfare  of  the  British  empire,  lead  us  to  address  you  on  this  very 
important  subject. 

'  Know,  then,  that  we  consider  ourselves,  and  do  insist  that  we  are, 
and  ought  to  be,  as  free  as  our  fellow  subjects  in  Britain,  and  that  no 
power  on  earth  has  a  right  to  take  our  property  from  us  without  our 
consent.  That  we  claim  all  the  benefits  secured  to  the  subject  by 
the  English  constitution,  and  particularly,  that  inestimable  one  of  trial 
by  jury.  That  we  hold  it  essential  to  English  liberty,  that  no  man 
be  condemned  unheard,  or  punished  for  supposed  offences,  without 
having  an  opportunity  of  making  his  Defence.  That  we  think  thai 
legislature  of  Great  Britain  is  not  authorised  by  the  constitution,  to 
establish  a  religion,  fraught  with  sanguinary  and  impious  tenets,  or  to 
erect  an  arbitrary  form  of  government,  in  any  quarter  of  the  globe. 

'  These  rights,  we,  as  well  as  you,  deem  sacred.  And  yet,  sacred 
as  they  are,  they  have,  wi^h  many  others,  been  repeatedly  and  fla- 
grantly violated.  Are  ndt  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  of  Great  Britain 
lords  of  their  own  property  ?  can  it  be  taken  from  them  without  their 
consent  ?  will  they  yield  it  to  the  arbitrary  disposal  of  any  man  or 
number  of  men  whatever  ?  You  know  they  will  not.  Why  then 
are  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  of  America  less  lords  of  their  property 
than  you  are  of  yours ;  or  why  should  they  submit  it  to  the  disposal 
of  your  parliament,  or  any  other  parliament,  or  council  in  the  world, 
not  of  their  election?  Can  the  intervention  of  the  sea  that  divides 
us  cause  disparity  in  rights  ?  or  can  any  reason  be  given  why  English 
subjects,  who  live  three  thousand  miles  from  the  royal  palace,  should 
enjoy  less  liberty  than  those  who  are  three  hundred  miles  distant 
from  it?  Reason  looks  with  indignation  on  such  distinctions,  and 


JBOOK    IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  137 

freemen  can  never  perceive  their  propriety.  And  yet,  however 
chimerical  and  unjust  such  discriminations  are,  the  parliament  assert, 
that  they  have  a  right  to  bind  us  in  all  cases  without  exception, 
whether  we  consent  or  not ;  that  they  may  take  and  use  our  property, 
when,  and  in  what  manner  they  please  ;  that  we  are  pensioners  on 
their  bounty  for  all  that  we  possess,  and  can  hold  it  no  longer  than 
they  vouchsafe  to  permit.  Such  declarations  we  consider  as  heresies 
in  English  politics,  and  which  can  no  more  operate  to  deprive  us  of 
our  property,  than  the  interdicts  of  the  pope  can  divest  kings  of 
sceptres,  which  the  laws  of  the  land  and  the  voice  of  the  people  have 
placed  in  their  hands. 

'At  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war — a  war  rendered  glorious  by 
the  ability  and  integrity  of  a  minister,  to  whose  efforts  the  British 
empire  owes  its  safety  and  its  fame  ;  at  the  conclusion  of  this  war, 
which  was  succeeded  by  an  inglorious  peace,  formed  under  the 
auspices  of  a  minister,  of  principles  and  of  a  family  unfriendly  to 
the  protestant  cause,  and  inimical  to  liberty.  We  say,  at  this  period, 
and  under  the  influence  of  that  man,  a  plan  for  enslaving  your  fellow 
subjects  in  America  was  concerted,  and  has  ever  since  been  pertina- 
ciously carrying  into  execution. 

'  Prior  to  this  era,  you  were  content  with  drawing  from  us  the 
wealth  produced  by  our  commerce.  You  restrained  our  trade  in 
every  way  that  could  conduce  to  your  emolument.  You  exercised 
unbounded  sovereignty  over  the  sea.  You  named  the  ports  and 
nations  to  which,  alone,  our  merchandise  should  be  carried,  and  with 
whom,  alone,  we  should  trade  ;  and  though  some  of  these  restrictions 
were  grievous,  we,  nevertheless,  did  not  complain  ;  we  looked  up  to 
you  as  to  our  parent  state,  to  which  we  were  bound  by  the  strongest 
ties;  and  were  happy  in  being  instrumental  to  your  prosperity  and 
your  grandeur.  We  call  upon  you  yourselves  to  witness  our  loyalty 
and  attachment  to  the  common  interest  of  the  whole  empire ;  did  we 
not,  in  the  last  war,  add  all  the  strength  of  this  vast  continent  to  the 
force  which  repelled  our  common  enemy  ?  Did  we  not  leave  our 
native  shores,  and  meet  disease  and  death,  -to  promote  the  success  of 
British  arms  in  foreign  climates  ?  Did  you  not  thank  us  for  our  zeal, 
and  even  reimburse  us  large  sums  of  money,  which,  you  confessed, 
we  had  advanced  beyond  our  proportion,  and  far  beyond  our  abilities? 
You  did.  To  what  causes,  then,  are  we  to  attribute  the  sudden 
change  of  treatment,  and  that  system  of  slavery  which  was  prepared 
for  us  at  the  restoration  of  peace  ?' 

After  having  gone  through  a  recital  of  the  present  disturbances, 
and  specified  all  the  laws  of  which  they  complained,  they  continued 
thus  ; 

'  This  being  a  true  state  of  facts,  let  us  beseech  you  to  consider  to 
what  end  they  lead.     Admit  that  the  ministry,  by  the  powers  of  Britain, 
and  the  aid  of  our  Roman  Catholic  neighbors,  should  be  able  to  carry 
VOL.   i.  18 


138  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

the  point  of  taxation,  and  reduce  us  to  a  state  of  perfect  humiliation 
and  slavery  ;  such  an  enterprise  would  doubtless  make  some  addition 
to  your  national  debt,  which  already  presses  down  your  liberties,  and 
fills  you  with  pensioners  and  placemen.  We  presume,  also,  that  your 
commerce  will  somewhat  be  diminished.  However,  suppose  you 
should  prove  victorious,  in  what  condition  will  you  then  be  ?  what 
advantages,  or  what  laurels,  will  you  reap  from  such  a  conquest  ? 
May  not  a  ministry,  with  the  same  armies  enslave  you  ?  It  may  be 
said,  you  will  cease  to  pay  them  ;  but,  remember,  the  taxes  from 
America,  the  wealth,  and  we  may  add  the  men,  and  particularly  the 
Roman  Catholics,  of  this  vast  continent,  will  then  be  in  the  power  of 
your  enemies  ;  nor  will  you  have  any  reason  to  expect,  after  making 
slaves  of  us,  many  among  us  should  refuse  to  assist  in  reducing  you 
to  the  same  abject  state. 

'  We  believe  there  is  yet  much  virtue,  much  justice,  and  much  pub- 
lic spirit,  in  the  English  nation.  To  that  justice  we  now  appeal.  You 
have  been  told,  that  we  are  seditious,  impatient  of  government,  and 
desirous  of  independency  ;  but  these  are  mere  calumnies.  Permit 
us  to  be  as  free  as  yourselves,  and  we  shall  ever  esteem  a  union  with 
you  to  be  our  greatest  glory,  and  our  greatest  happiness.  But  if  you 
are  determined  that  your  ministers  shall  wantonly  sport  with  the  liber- 
ties of  mankind  ;  if  neither  the  voice  of  justice,  the  dictates  of  the 
law,  the  principles  of  the  constitution,  or  the  suggestions  of  humanity, 
can  restrain  your  hands  from  shedding  human  blood  in  such  an  impi- 
ous cause,  we  must  then  tell  you,  that  we  shall  never  submit  to  be 
hewers  of  wood  or  drawers  of  water  for  any  minister  or  nation  in  the 
world. 

1  Place  us  in  the  same  situation  that  we  were  at  the  close  of  the 
war,  and  our  former  harmony  will  be  restored.  But  lest  the  same 
supineness,  and  the  same  inattention  to  our  common  interest,  which 
you  have  for  several  years  shown,  should  continue,  we  think  it  pru- 
dent to  anticipate  the  consequences.  By  the  destruction  of  the  trade 
of  Boston,  the  ministry  have  endeavored  to  induce  submission  to  their 
measures.  The  like  fate  may  befall  us  all.  We  will  endeavor  there- 
fore, to  live  without  trade,  and  recur  for  subsistence  to  the  fertility 
and  bounty  of  our  native  soil,  which  will  afford  us  all  the  necessaries, 
and  some  of  the  conveniencies,  of  life.  We  have  suspended  our 
importation  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ;  and,  in  less  than  a  year's 
time,  unless  our  grievances  should  be  redressed,  shall  discontinue  our 
exports  to  those  kingdoms  and  the  West  Indies.  It  is  with  the  ut- 
most regret,  however,  that  we  find  ourselves  compelled,  by  the  over- 
ruling principles  of  self  preservation,  to  adopt  measures  detrimental  in 
their  consequences  to  numbers  of  our  fellow  subjects  in  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland.  But  we  hope  that  the  magnanimity  and  justice  of  the 
British  nation  will  furnish  a  parliament  of  such  wisdom,  independence 
and  public  spirit,  as  may  save  the  violated  rights  of  the  whole  empire 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  139 

from  the  devices  of  wicked  ministers  and  evil  counsellors,  whether  in 
or  out  of  office  ;  and  thereby  restore  that  harmony,  friendship  and  fra- 
ternal affection,  between  all  the  inhabitants  of  his  majesty's  kingdoms 
and  territories,  so  ardently  wished  for  by  every  true  and  honest  Ame- 
rican.' 

The  scope  of  their  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  America,  was  to 
manifest  the  justice  of  their  cause,  by  an  exact  enumeration  of  the 
offensive  laws ;  to  confirm  them  in  resistance  ;  and  to  prepare  their 
minds  for  the  worst.  They  observed,  that  the  designs  of  the  minis- 
ters to  enslave  America,  had  been  conducted  with  such  constancy,  as 
to  render  it  prudent  to  expect  mournful  events,  and  be  prepared,  in 
all  respects,  for  every  contingency. 

In  the  petition  addressed  to  the  king,  they  made  protestations  of 
their  attachment  towards  the  crown  and  the  royal  family  ;  they  affirm- 
ed, that  nothing  short  of  the  usurpations  which  wicked  counsellors, 
deceiving:  the  paternal  heart  of  his  majesty,  had  attempted,  could 
have  induced  them  to  depart  from  that  submission  of  which  they  had 
given,  in  happier  times,  such  signal  examples;  that  it  was  with  ex- 
treme reluctance,  and  urged  by  imperious  necessity,  they  had  enter- 
ed into  resolutions  detrimental  to  the  commerce  of  their  European 
fellow  subjects  ;  and  after  having  recapitulated  all  their  grievances, 
they  proceeded  ; 

'  From  this  destructive  system  of  colonial  administration,  adopted 
since  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war,  have  flowed  those  distresses, 
dangers,  fears,  and  jealousies,  that  overwhelm  your  majesty's  dutiful 
colonists  with  affliction  ;  and  we  defy  our  most  subtle  and  inveterate 
enemies,  to  trace  the  unhappy  differences  between  Great  Britain  and 
these  colonies,  from  an  earlier  period,  or  from  other  causes  than  we 
have  assigned.  Had  they  proceeded,  on  our  part,  from  a  restless 
levity  of  temper,  unjust  impulses  of  ambition,  or  artful  suggestions  of 
seditious  persons,  we  should  merit  the  opprobrious  terms  frequently 
bestowed  upon  us  by  those  we  revere.  But,  so  far  from  promoting 
innovations,  we  have  only  opposed  them  ;  and  can  be  charged  with 
no  offence,  unless  it  be  one  to  receive  injuries  and  be  sensible  of 
them. 

'  Had  our  Creator  been  pleased  to  give  us  existence  in  a  land  of 
slavery,  the  sense  of  our  condition  might  have  teen  mitigated  by  igno- 
rance and  habit.  But,  thanks  be  to  his  adorable  goodness,  we  were 
born  the  heirs  of  freedom,  and  ever  enjoyed  our  rights  under  the 
auspices  of  your  royal  ancestors,  whose  family  was  seated  on  the 
British  throne  to  rescue  and  secure  a  pious  and  gallant  nation  from 
the  popery  and  despotism  of  a  superstitious  and  inexorable  tyrant. 

'  Your  majesty,  we  are  confident,  justly  rejoices  that  your  title  to 
the  crown  is  thus  founded  on  the  title  of  your  people  to  liberty  ;  and 
therefore  we  doubt  not  but  your  royal  wisdom  must  approve  the  sen- 
sibility that  teaches  your  subjects  anxiously  to  guard  the  blessing  they 


HO  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IV. 

received  from  Divine  Providence,  and  thereby  to  prove  the  perform- 
ance of  that  compact  which  elevated  the  illustrious  House  of  Brans- 
wick  to  the  imperial  dignity  it  now  possesses.  The  apprehension  of 
being  degraded  into  a  state  of  servitude,  from  the  preeminent  rank  of 
freemen,  while  our  minds  retain  the  strongest  love  of  liberty,  and  clearly 
foresee  the  miseries  preparing  for  us  and  for  our  posterity,  excites 
emotions  in  our  breasts,  which,  though  we  cannot  describe,  we  should 
not  wish  to  conceal.  Feeling  as  men,  and  thinking  as  subjects,  in 
the  manner  we  do,  silence  would  be  disloyalty.  By  giving  this  faith- 
ful information,  we  do  all  in  our  power  to  promote  the  great  objects 
of  your  royal  cares,  the  tranquillity  of  your  government,  and  the  wel- 
fare of  your  people  ;  and,  as  your  majesty  enjoys  the  signal  distinc- 
tion of  reigning  over  freemen,  we  apprehend  the  language  of  freemen 
cannot  be  displeasing.  Your  royal  indignation,  we  hope,  will  rather 
fall  on  those  dangerous  and  designing  men,  who,  daringly  interposing 
themselves  between  your  royal  person  and  your  faithful  subjects,  and 
for  several  years  past  incessantly  employed  to  dissolve  ihe  bonds  of 
society,  by  abusing  your  majesty's  authority,  misrepresenting  your 
American  subjects,  and  prosecuting  the  most  desperate  and  irritating 
projects  of  oppression,  have  at  length  compelled  us,  by  the  force  of 
accumulated  injuries,  too  severe  to  be  any  longer  tolerable,  to  disturb 
your  majesty's  repose  by  our  complaints.' 

The  congress  having,  by  these  different  writings,  endeavored  to 
mollify  the  breast  of  the  sovereign,  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  the 
English  people,  to  dispose  and  prepare  the  colonists  to  brave  all  the 
terrors  of  the  crisis,  and,  generally,  to  propitiate  the  favor  of  the 
European  nations,  turned  their  attention  towards  the  inhabitants  of 
Canada,  whose  benevolence  it  was  desirable  to  cultivate,  in  order  to 
secure,  if  not  their  adherence,  at  least  their  neutrality,  in  the  grand 
struggle  that  was  approaching  ;  for,  omitting  the  increase  of  force 
which  must  have  resulted  to  one  or  other  of  the  belligerent  parties, 
from  the  alliance  of  the  brave  and  warlike  Canadians,  it  was  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  the  colonists,  to  be  secure  of  the  friendly  dis- 
position of  a  country,  which,  from  its  position  alone,  appeared  to 
menace  their  provinces.  This  negotiation,  however,  required  a  very 
delicate  management ;  for  the  Canadians  were  not  accustomed  to 
English  liberty;  and  had  been  long  contented  with  their  condition 
under  the  government  of  France.  The  difference  of  religion  was  also 
an  obstacle  of  great  moment.  How  was  it  possible  to  persuade  them 
to  undertake  the  defence  of  rights  they  scarcely  knew,  or  which  they 
esteemed  of  little  value  ?  And  how  hopeless  must  have  appeared  the 
attempt  to  induce  them  to  complain  of  the  act  of  Quebec,  which 
favored,  protected,  and  placed  in  a  condition  even  better  than  at  first, 
a  religion  they  held  so  much  at  heart !  The  congress,  however,  in 
their  address  to  the  Canadian  people,  eluded  these  embarrassments 
with  singular  dexterity. 


BOOK  IV. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  141 


They  commenced  with  a  declaration  that  the  Canadians  were  enti- 
tled to  possess  all  the  rights  enjoyed  by  English  subjects  ;  they  accus- 
ed the  ministers  of  a  design  to  deprive  them  thereof,  and  to  enslave 
them  totally.  They  endeavored  to  explain,  in  the  most  insinuating 
style,  what  these  rights  were  ;  how  extreme  their  importance,  and 
how  conducive  they  were  to  the  happiness  of  every  human  being. 
They  sufficed,  it  was  affirmed,  to  defend  the  poor  from  the  rich,  the 
feeble  from  the  powerful,  the  industrious  from  the  rapacious,  the 
peaceable  from  the  violent,  the  tenants  from  the  lords,  and  all  from 
their  superiors.  '  These  are  the  rights  without  which  a  people  can- 
not be  free  and  happy,  and  to  whose  protection  and  encouraging  influ- 
ence, the  English  colonies  are  indebted  for  their  present  prosperity, 
and  numerous  population.  Of  these  rights,  the  act  of  Quebec  has 
completely  divested  the  Canadians  !  It  has  not  left  the  people  even 
a  shadow  of  authority,  but  has  placed  it  all  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
are  themselves  absolutely  dependent  on  the  crown.  Can  any  go- 
vernment be  imagined  more  arbitrary  or  tyrannical  ?  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  rigors  of  the  French  domination,  your  present  condi- 
tion is  infinitely  worse  ;  for  then  they  were  Frenchmen,  who  ruled 
other  Frenchmen  ;  and  that  benignity  which  the  mode  of  govern- 
ment appeared  to  exclude,  resulted,  nevertheless,  from  the  commu- 
nity of  language,  manners,  opinions,  and  the  bonds  of  national  fra- 
ternity. But  since  they  are  Englishmen  who  now  govern  a  French 
people,  the  latter  can  no  longer  expect  from  the  sympathy  of  their 
rulers,  but  only  from  the  protection  of  laws,  a  refuge  from  the  abuses 
of  authority,  and  the  rapacious  passions  of  foreign  ministers,  always 
disposed  to  suspect  them  of  pernicious  designs.  Seize,  then,  the 
occasion  which  is  offered,  by  joining  with  us,  to  acquire  that  liberty 
and  those  privileges  which  the  colonists  have  always  enjoyed  ;  and 
which  they  are,  with  one  mind,  resolved  never  to  resign,  but  with  their 
lives.' 

As  to  religion,  in  order  to  quiet  their  minds  upon  this  subject,  it 
was  observed,  that  the  tolerant  opinions  which  prevailed,  at  the  pre- 
sent epoch,  among  the  French  people,  would  doubtless  remove  all 
obstacles  to  a  sincere  amity  between  them.  They  cited  the  example 
of  the  Swiss,  who,  notwithstanding  the  difference  of  their  religion, 
lived  with  one  another  in  the  utmost  concord,  and  were  thus  enabled 
to  defy  and  defeat  every  tyrant  that  had  invaded  them. 

'  Let  the  inhabitants  of  Canada,  therefore,  take  advantage  of  cir- 
cumstances. Let  them  form  a  provincial  convention  ;  let  them  elect 
their  delegates  to  congress,  and  attach  themselves  to  the  common 
cause  of  North  America.  Has  not  the  present  congress  already  re- 
solved unanimously,  that  they  considered  the  violation  of  the  rights 
of  the  Canadians,  by  the  act  for  altering  the  government  of  their 
province,  as  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  colonists  themselves  ?' 


142  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IT. 

Letters  of  a  similar  style,  and  tending  to  the  same  object,  were 
addressed  to  the  colonies  of  St.  John's,  Nova  Scotio,  Georgia,  and 
the  Floridas. 

At  the  same  time,  the  congress  passed  a  resolution,  declaring,  that 
the  arrest  of  any  person  in  America,  in  order  to  transport  such  per- 
son beyond  the  sea,  for  trial  of  offences  committed  in  America,  being 
against  law,  authorised  resistance  and  reprisal. 

Having  concluded  these  transactions,  and  appointed  the  10th  of 
the  ensuing  May  for  the  convocation  of  another  general  congress,  the 
present  dissolved  .itself. 

No  one  will  deny,  that  this  assembly  knew  how  to  appreciate  the 
circumstances  of  the  time,  and  demonstrated  a  rare  sagacity,  in 
leading  them  to  cooperate  in  their  designs.  They  not  only  found 
means  to  invigorate  the  opinions  which  then  prevailed  in  America, 
but  also  to  diffuse  and  propagate  them  surprisingly  ;  applauding  the 
ardent,  stimulating  the  torpid,  and  conciliating  the  adverse.  They 
were  lavish  in  protestations  of  loyalty  to  the  king;  which  could  not 
fail  to  answer  the  end  they  proposed — that  of  finding  a  pretext  and 
excuse  for  ulterior  resolutions,  in  case  their  remonstrances  should 
prove  ineffectual.  With  the  same  apt  policy,  they  flattered  the  pride 
of  the  British  nation,  with  the  view  of  engaging  it  to  faVor  their 
cause.  They  manifested  equal  dexterity  in  fomenting  the  political 
opinions  that  were  beginning  to  prevail  in  this  century.  Originating 
at  first  in  England,  they  had  been  diffused,  by  degrees,  among  the 
neighboring  nations,  and  particularly  in  France,  where  they  had  been 
introduced,  and  defended  with  a  fascinating  eloquence,  by  the  most 
celebrated  writers  of  that  period.  Accordingly,  in  every  place  and 
circle,  the  Americans,  and  especially  the  members  of  congress,  were 
considered  as  the  generous  champions  of  these  favorite  principles  ; 
for,  as  to  the  object  they  had  in  view,  there  no  longer  existed  a  doubt. 
Though  it  was  possible,  however,  to  excuse,  and  even  applaud  this 
resolution  of  the  Americans,  to  defend,  by  force  of  arms,  the  rights 
for  which  they  contended,  it  was  difficult,  it  must  be  acknowledged, 
to  reconcile  with  the  loyalty  they  so  frequently  professed,  their  insi- 
nuating writings  to  draw  into  their  confederacy  other  subjects  of  the 
crown  of  England,  as  the  Canadians,  for  example,  who  had  not,  or 
who  made  no  pretensions  to  have,  the  same  rights.  But  in  affairs  of 
state,  utility  is  often  mistaken  for  justice  ;  and,  in  truth,  no  event 
could  have  happened  more  useful  to  the  colonists  than  the  adhesion 
of  the  Canadians  to  their  cause. 

1775.  The  resolutions  of  congress  were  received  in  America  with 
universal  consent.  They  were  approved  not  only  by  the  people,  but 
also  by  the  authorities,  whether  established  or  provisional.  The 
assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  convened  about  the  close  of  the  year, 
was  the  first  constitutional  authority  which  ratified  formally  all  the 
acts  of  congress,  and  elected  deputies  for  the  ensuing.  A  convention 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  143 

having  soon  after  been  formed  in  this  province,  it  was  therein  de- 
clared, that,  if  the  petition  of  congress  was  rejected,  and  the  govern- 
ment should  persist  in  attempting  to  execute  by  force  the  late 
arbitrary  acts  of  parliament,  it  would  then  be  requisite  to  resist  also 
with  oj3en  force,  and  defend,  at  all  hazards,  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  America.  Not  content  with  words,  this  assembly  recommended 
that  provision  should  be  made  of  salt,  gunpowder,  saltpetre,  iron, 
steel,  and  other  munitions  of  war.  Charles  Thomson  and  Thomas 
Mifflin,  afterwards  general,  both  men  of  great  influence  in  the  pro- 
vince, and  much  distinguished  for  their  intellectual  endowments, 
were  very  active  on  this  occasion  ;  and,  by  their  exertions,  the  reso- 
lutions of  the  convention  were  executed  with  singular  promptitude 
and  vigor. 

The  inhabitants  of  Maryland  displayed  an  equal  ardor ;  all  within 
their  province  was  in  movement.  Meetings  were  convoked,  in 
every  place ;  associations  were  formed  ;  men  were  chosen,  for  the 
purpose  of  seeing  that  the  resolutions  of  congress  were  punctually 
observed  and  executed.  The  provincial  convention  voted  funds  for 
the  purchase  of  arms  and  ammunition  ;  they  declared  enemies  to  the 
country  those  who  should  refuse  to  provide  themselves  with  a  military 
equipment.  The  most  distinguished  citizens  made  it  their  glory  to 
appear  armed  in  the  cause  of  liberty  ;  the  militia  was  daily  assembled 
and  exercised  ;  it  was  withdrawn  from  the  authority  of  the  governor, 
and  placed  under  that  of  the  province  ;  they  held  themselves  in 
readiness  to  march  to  the  assistance  of  Massachusetts. 

The  same  precautions  were  taken  in  the  lower  counties  of  Dela- 
ware, and  in  New  Hampshire.  The  legal  assembly  of  the  latter 
was  convoked.  They  approved  the  proceedings  of  congress,  and 
wrote  to  congratulate  the  Marylanders  upon  their  patriotism  and 
public  spirit ;  promising  to  stand  prepared  to  defend  this  liberty,  so 
dear  to  every  heart.  The  inhabitants,  not  content  with  this,  formed 
a  convention  at  Exeter,  which  ratified  the  doings  of  congress,  and 
elected  delegates  for  the  new  session. 

But  in  South  Carolina,  so  important  a  province,  things  went  for- 
ward with  great  animation.  A  convention  "was  formed  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  whole  province.  Their  first  decree  was  to  render 
immortal  thanks  to  the  members  of  congress,  to  approve  its  resolu- 
tions, and  to  ordain  their  strict  execution.  The  manufacturers  of 
the  country  received  encouragement ;  and  ample  liberalities  were 
granted  to  the  indigent  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Boston.  The  same 
enthusiasm  inspired  every  breast.  And,  to  prevent  the  infractions 
which  the  love  of  gain,  or  private  interest,  might  occasion,  inspectors 
were  appointed,  to  watch,  with  rigorous  diligence,  over  the  execution 
of  these  public  resolutions. 

In  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  the  ardor  of  the  people  was  aston- 
ishing. All  places  equally  presented  the  images  of  war,  and  the 


144  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

semblance  of  combats.  The  inhabitants  of  Marblehead,  of  Salem, 
and  of  other  seaports,  finding  their  accustomed  maritime  occupations 
interrupted  by  the  present  occurrences,  turned  their  efforts  towards 
the  land  service,  and  engaged  in  it  with  incredible  zeal.  They  soon 
organised  several  regiments  of  men  well  trained  to  the  exercise  of 
arms,  and  prepared  to  enter  the  field,  if  things  should  come  to  that 
fatal  extremity.  The  officers  of  the  Virginia  militia  being  assembled 
at  fort  Gower,  after  protesting  their  loyalty  towards  the  king,  de- 
clared, that  the  love  of  liberty,  attachment  to  country,  and  devotion 
to  its  just  rights,  were  paramount  to  every  other  consideration  ;  that, 
to  fulfil  these  sacred  duties,  they  were  resolved  to  exert  all  the  efforts 
which  the  unanimous  voice  of  their  fellowcitizens  should  exact. 

The  provinces  of  New  England  presented  a  peculiar  character. 
Their  inhabitants  being  extremely  attached  to  religion,  and  more 
easily  influenced  by  this  than  any  other  motive,  the  preachers  exer- 
cised over  their  minds  an  authority  scarcely  conceivable.  They 
often  insisted,  and  always  with  new  vehemence,  that  the  cause  of  the 
Americans  was  the  cause  of  heaven  ;  that  God  loves  and  protects 
freemen,  and  holds  the  authors  of  tyranny  in  abhorrence ;  that  the 
schemes  of  the  English  ministers  against  America  were,  beyond 
measure,  unjust  and  tyrannical,  and  consequently  it  was  their  most 
.rigorous  duty,  not  only  as  men  and  citizens,  but  also  as  Christians, 
to  oppose  these  attempts  ;  and  to  unite  under  their  chiefs,  in  defence 
of  what  man  has  the  most  precious,  religion  the  most  sacred.  The 
inhabitants  of  New  England  thus  took  the  field,  stimulated  by  the 
fervor  of  their  religious  opinions,  and  fully  persuaded  that  heaven 
witnessed  their  efforts  with  complacency.  The  two  most  powerful 
springs  of  human  action,  religious  and  political  enthusiasm,  were 
blended  in  their  breasts.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that,  in  the 
events  which  followed,  they  exhibited 'frequent  examples  of  singular 
courage  and  invincible  resolution. 

Amidst  a  concord  so  general,  the  province  of  New  York  alone 
hesitated  to  declare  itself.  This  colony,  ^and  principally  the  capital, 
was  the  scene  of  much  party  division.  Its  assembly  having  taken 
into  consideration  the  regulations  of  congress  for  the  interruption  of 
commerce  with  Great  Britain,  refused  to  adopt  them ;  whereat  the 
inhabitants  of  the  other  provinces  testified  an  extreme  indignation. 
This  unexpected  resolution  must  be  attributed  principally  to  ministe- 
rial intrigues,  very  successful  in  this  province,  on  account  of  the 
great  number  of  loyalists  that  inhabited  it ;  and  who,  from  the  name 
of  one  of  the  parties  that  prevailed  in  England  at  the  time  of  the 
revolution,  were  called  Tories.  To  this  cause  should  be  added  the 
very  flourishing  commerce  of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  it  was 
unwilling  to  lose,  and  perhaps,  also,  the  hope  that  the  remonstrances 
of  congress  would  dispose  the  British  ministers  to  milder  counsels,  if 
they  were  not  accompanied  by  such  rigorous  determinations  in  regard 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  145 

to  commerce.  Some  also  believed,  that  this  conduct  of  New  York 
was  only  a  wily  subterfuge,  to  be  able,  afterwards,  according  to  cir- 
cumstances, to  use  it  as  a  ground  of  justification. 

The  first  of  February  was  the  destined  term  for  suspending  the 
introduction  of  British  merchandise  into  the  American  ports,  accord- 
ing to  the  resolutions  of  congress.  Though  it  was  known  every 
where,  yet  several  vessels  made  their  appearance,  even  after  this 
period,  laden  with  the  prohibited  articles  ;  which  the  masters  hoped 
to  introduce  either  in  a  clandestine  mode  or  even  by  consent  of  the 
Americans,  weary  of  their  obstinacy,  or  yielding  to  necessity  and  the 
love  of  gain.  But  their  hopes  were  frustrated  in  the  greater  part,  or 
rather  in  all  the  provinces  except  that  of  New  York.  Their  cargoes 
were  thrown  into  the  sea,  or  sent  back. 

Thus,  while  the  forms  of  the  ancient  government  still  subsisted  in 
America,  new  laws  were  established,  which  obtained  more  respect 
and  obedience  on  the  part  of  the  people.  The  assemblies  of  the 
provinces,  districts  and  towns,  had  concentrated  in  their  hands  the 
authority  which  belonged  to  the  magistrates  of  the  former  system, 
who  had  either  wanted  the  will  or  the  power  to  prevent  it.  And 
thus  it  was  no  longer  the  governors  and  the  ordinary  assemblies,  but 
the  conventions,  the  committees  of  correspondence  and  of  inspection, 
that  had  the  management  of  state  affairs.  Where  these  were  wanting, 
the  people  supplied  the  deficiency,  by  assemblages  and  tumultuary 
movements.  The  greater  number  were  impressed  with  a  belief, 
that,  by  the  effect  of  the  leagues  against  British  commerce,  this  time 
strictly  observed,  and  by  the  unanimous  firmness  of  the  colonists,  the 
effusion  of  blood  would  be  avoided.  They  hoped  the  British  govern- 
ment would  apply  itself  in  earnest  to  give  another  direction  to 
American  affairs ;  and  that  public  tranquillity  would  thus,  without 
effort,  be  reestablished.  The  popular  leaders,  on  the  contrary,  were 
aware  of  the  necessity  of  an  appeal  to  arms  ;  some  feared,  others 
desired,  this  result. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  the  English  colonies,  towards  the  close 
of  the  year  1774,  and  at  the  commencement  of  1775.  Meanwhile, 
whatever  was  the  ardor  with  which  the  Americans  pursued  their 
designs,  the  interest  excited  by  this  controversy  in  England  had 
materially  abated.  The  inhabitants  of  that  kingdom,  as  if  wearied 
by  the  long  and  frequent  discussions  which  had  taken  place  on  either 
side,  betrayed  an  extreme  repugnance  to  hear  any  thing  further  on 
the  subject.  They  had  therefore  abandoned  themselves  to  an  indif- 
ference approaching  to  apathy.  As  this  contest  was  already  of  ten 
years'  date,  and  though  often  on  the  point  of  issuing  in  an  open 
rupture,  had,  however,  never  yet  come  to  this  fatal  extremity,  the 
prevailing  opinion  was,  that,  sooner  or  later,  a  definitive  arrangement 
would  be  effected.  It  was  even  thought,  that  this  object  might  easily 
be  accomplished,  by  making  some  concessions  to  the  Americans, 
VOL.  r.  19 


146  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

similar  to  those  they  had  already  obtained.  Finally,  it  was  considered 
possible,  that  the  Americans  themselves,  finding  their  interests  essen- 
tially affected  by  the  interruption  of  commerce,  would  at  length 
submit  to  the  will  of  the  parent  country.  This  opinion  appeared  the 
more  probable  to  all,  inasmuch  as  the  courage  of  the  colonists  was 
in  no  great  repute.  It  was  not  believed  they  could  ever  think  of 
provoking  the  British  nation  to  arms ;  and  much  less  of  making  a 
stand  before  its  troops  in  the  field.  It  was  asserted,  that,  to  procure 
the  execution  of  the  late  prohibitory  laws  against  the  province  of 
Massachusetts,  which,  if  thought  expedient,  might  easily  be  extended 
to  the  other  colonies  also,  would  not  only  not  require  all  the  troops 
of  Great  Britain,  but  not  even  all  the  immense  force  of  her  marine  ; 
that  a  few  ships  of  the  line,  stationed  at  the  entrance  of  the  principal 
ports  of  the  colonies,  and  a  certain  number  of  frigates  ordered  to 
cruise  along  the  coast,  to  prevent  the  departure  of  American  vessels, 
would  be  more  than  sufficient  to  accomplish  this  affair ; 

6  And  how  can  it  be  imagined,'  it  was  said,  'that  the  colonists 
should  persevere  in  a  resistance  without  an  object,  as  they  have  no 
naval  force  to  oppose  against  England  ;  who,  on  the  other  hand,  can, 
at  a  trifling  expense,  and  with  a  few  troops,  enforce  the  prohibitions 
she  has  pronounced,  and  reduce  the  American  commerce  to  an 
indefinite  stagnation  ?  On  the  part  of  the  mother  country,  the  means 
of  annoyance  are,  in  fact,  almost  infinite  and  irresistible  ;  whereas, 
the  colonies  have  nothing  to  oppose  but  a  mere  passive  resistance, 
and  a  patience  of  which  they  can  neither  foresee  the  result  nor  the 
period.  Besides,  so  many  other  markets  remain  open  for  British 
merchandise,  that,  even  though  its  introduction  into  the  colonies 
should  be  totally  interdicted,  this  commerce  would  experience  but  a 
barely  perceptible  diminution.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted,  that  private 
interests,  and  the  usual  jealousies,  will  ere  long  detach  from  the 
league,  successively,  all  the  maritime  parts  of  America.  The  towns 
of  the  interior  will  necessarily  follow  the  example  ;  and  then  what 
becomes  of  this  boasted  confederacy  ?' 

From  these  different  considerations,  it  ceases  to  be  astonishing, 
that  the  minds  of  the  English  people  should  have  manifested,  at  this 
epoch,  so  perfect  a  calm  ;  and  that  it  should  have  been  the  general 
determination  to  await  from  time,  from  fortune,  and  from  the  mea- 
sures of  the  ministers,  the  termination  of  this  vexatious  quarrel. 

In  the  midst  of  such  universal  torpor,  and  near  the  close  of  the 
year  1774,  the  new  parliament  convened.  The  proceedings  of  the 
general  congress,  and  the  favor  they  had  found  in  America,  not  being 
yet  well  known,  some  reliance  was  still  placed  in  intestine  divisions, 
and  the  efficacy  of  the  plan  which  had  been  adopted.  The  king 
mentioned  in  his  speech  the  American  disturbances ;  he  announced, 
that  disobedience  continued  to  prevail  in  Massachusetts ;  that  the 
other  colonies  countenanced  it ;  that  the  most  proper  measures  had 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  147 

been  taken  to  carry  into  execution  the  laws  of  parliament ;  and  that 
he  was  firmly  resolved  to  maintain  unimpaired  the  supreme  legisla- 
tive authority  of  Great  Britain,  in  all  parts  of  his  dominions.  The 
addresses  proposed  in  the  two  houses  were  strenuously  opposed  ; 
and  it  was  not  without  difficulty  they  were  at  length  adopted.  On 
the  part  of  the  opposition  it  was  alleged,  that,  if  the  preceding  par- 
liament had  consented  to  the  measures  proposed  by  the  ministers,  it 
was  only  upon  their  positive  assurance  that  they  would  effectually 
reestablish  tranquillity.  '  But,  do  we  not  see  how  illusory  their  pro- 
mises have  proved  ?  Why  persist,  then,  in  resolutions  that  are  fruit- 
less, and  even  pernicious  ?  Has  any  suppliant  voice  been  heard  on 
the  part  of  America  ?  Has  she  given  any  token  of  repentance  for 
the  past,  any  pledge  of  better  dispositions  for  the  future  ?  She  has 
not ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  has  exhibited  still  greater  animosity,  a 
rage  more  intense,  a  concord  more  strict,  a  feith  more  confirmed  in 
the  justice  of  her  cause.  And  still,  from  pride,  if  not  from  ven- 
geance, it  is  desired  to  persevere  in  measures  so  decidedly  repro- 
bated by  reason,  equity,  and  fatal  experience  !' 

But,  from  the  side  of  the  ministers,  it  was  answered  ; 

1  The  proceedings  of  the  colonists  are  so  void  of  all  respect,  that 
to  endure  them  longer  would  be  disgraceful.  Can  any  thing  be 
more  extraordinary,  than  to  hear  it  asserted  that  the  Americans  are 
persuaded  of  the  justice  of  their  cause, — as  if  the  English  were  not 
persuaded  also  of  the  justice  of  theirs  ?  And  if  England,  as  a  party, 
has  no  right  to  judge  of  this  controversy,  is  America  to  be  reputed 
entirely  disinterested  ?  The  Americans  know  perfectly  well  that 
this  is  a  question  of  right,  and  not  of  money ;  the  impost  is  a  mere 
trifle,  of  no  importance  whatever,  but  as  it  concerns  the  honor  of  this 
kingdom.  But  what  care  they  for  the  honor  of  the  kingdom  f 
Nothing  can  ever  satisfy  these  peevish  Americans.  To  content 
them  how  many  ways  of  gentleness  have  been  tried  !  They  have 
only  become  the  more  insolent.  They  haughtily  expect  the  English 
to  approach  them  in  a  suppliant  attitude,  and  to  anticipate  all  their 
capricious  desires.  To  conciliate  them,  all,  except  honor,  has  been 
sacrificed  already  ;  but  heaven  does  not  permit  us  to  abandon  that 
also.  The  question  is  no  longer  taxation,  but  the  redress  of  wrongs, 
the  reparation  for  deeds  of  outrage.  This  the  Americans  refuse, — 
and  therefore  deserve  chastisement ;  and,  should  England  fail  to 
inflict  it,  she  must  expect  a  daily  increase  of  audacity  on  the  part  of 
her  colonies,  and  prepare  to  digest  the  contempt  which  the  nations 
of  Europe  already  entertain  towards  her;  surprised  and  confused  at 
the  tameness  and  patience  of  the  British  ministers,  in  the  midst  of 
provocations  so  daring  and  so  often  repeated.' 

The  address  of  thanks  was  voted,  according  to  the  wishes  of  the 
ministers ;  and  thus  the  Americans,  who  had  flattered  themselves 
that  the  new  parliament  would  be  more  favorably  disposed  towards 
them  than  the  preceding,  were  forced  to  renounce  this  hope. 


148  THE    AMERICAN    WAfc.  BOOK  IV. 

It  appeared,  however,  notwithstanding  these  animated  demonstra- 
tions on  the  part  of  the  government,  that  when,  previous  to  the 
Christmas  recess,  the  certain  intelligence  was  received  of  the  trans- 
actions of  congress,  and  the  astonishing  concord  which  prevailed  in 
America,  the  ministers,  perhaps  loath  to  embrace  extreme  counsels, 
seemed  inclined  to  relax  somewhat  of  their  rigor,  and  to  leave  an 
opening  for  accommodation.  Lord  North  even  intimated  to  the 
American  merchants  then  in  London,  that  if  they  presented  petitions, 
they  should  meet  attention.  But  in  the  midst  of  these  glimmerings 
of  peace,  the  news  arrived  of  the  schism  of  New  York  ;  an  event 
of  great  moment  in  itself,  and  promising  consequences  still  more 
important.  The  minister  felt  his  pride  revive  ;  he  would  no  longer 
hear  of  petitions,  or  of  accommodation.  Things  turned  anew  to 
civil  strife  and  war.  All  the  papers,  relating  to  the  affairs  of  Ame- 
rica, were  laid  before  the  two  houses.  Lord  Chatham,  perceiving 
the  obstinacy  of  the  ministers  in  their  resolution  to  persist  in  the 
course  of  measures  they  had  adopted,  and  fearing  it  might  result  in 
the  most  disastrous  effects,  pronounced  a  long  and  extremely  elo- 
quent discourse  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  and  was  heard  with  solemn 
attention. 

Nor  was  the  opposition  to  the  projects  of  the  ministers  confined  to 
the  two  houses  of  parliament ;  but  even  a  considerable  part  of  the 
British  nation  was  of  the  adverse  party.  The  cities  of  London, 
Bristol,  Liverpool,  Manchester,  Norwich,  Birmingham,  Glasgow, 
and  others,  where  commerce  had  hitherto  flourished,  preferred  their 
petitions  to  parliament.  They  painted,  in  glowing  traits,  the  detri- 
ment their  commerce  had  already  sustained,  and  the  still  more  ruin- 
ous losses  with  which  they  were  menaced  by  the  impending  contest 
with  America.  They  implored  this  body  to  interpose  their  authority 
for  the  reestablishment  of  that  calm  and  pacific  state,  which  had  been 
heretofore  enjoyed.  But  the  prayers  of  the  merchants  had  no  better 
success  than  the  authority  and  the  words  of  the  earl  of  Chatham  ; 
the  ministerial  party  even  rejected  them  with  an  unfeeling  harsh- 
ness. 

In  the  meantime,  Bollan,  Franklin,  and  Lee,  presented  themselves 
before  the  house  of  commons,  with  the  petition  which  the  congress 
had  addressed  to  the  king,  and  by  him  had  been  referred  to  the 
house.  They  demanded  to  be  heard  in  its  defence.  A  very  warm 
discussion  arose  ;  the  ministerial  party  contending,  that  neither  ought 
the  petition  to  be  read,  nor  the  agents  to  be  heard  ;  and  the  party  in 
opposition,  the  contrary.  The  former  affirmed,  that  the  congress 
was  not  a  legal  assembly ;  that  to  receive  its  petitions  would  be  to 
recognise  it  as  such ;  that  the  provincial  assemblies  and  their  agents 
were  the  sole  true  representatives  of  the  colonies ;  and  that  the 
petition  only  contained  the  customary  lamentations  about  rights, 
without  offering  any  means,  or  any  probable  hope  of  corning  to  an 
arrangement 


BOOK    IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  14§ 

But  it  was  answered,  that  however  the  congress  might  not  be  a 
legal  assembly,  it  was,  nevertheless,  more  than  competent  to  present 
petitions  ;  every  one  having,  either  individually,  or  jointly  with  others, 
the  right  to  present -them ;  that  those  who  had  signed  the  petition 
were  the  most  distinguished  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  and  well 
deserved  to  be  heard,  if  not  in  their  public,  at  least  in  their  private 
character.  c  There  no  longer  exists  any  government  in  the  colonies ; 
the  popular  commotions  have  disorganised  it  absolutely  ;  we  should 
therefore  learn  to  appreciate  the  representation  of  this  government, 
which  has  been  established  by  the  force  of  things.  Can  it  be  for- 
gotten, that  the  American  disturbances  have  originated,  and  arrived 
at  their  present  alarming  height,  from  our  unwillingness  to  hear  peti- 
tions ?  Let  us  seize  this  occasion  ;  if  we  allow  it  to  escape,  a  second 
will  not  be  offered,  and  all  hope  of  accord  is  vanished.  This  is 
probably  the  last  attempt  the  Americans  will  make  to  submit,  which, 
if  received  with  haughtiness,  will  become  the  source  of  inevitable 
calamities ;  for  despair,  and  with  it,  obstinacy,  will  obtain  the  entire 
possession  of  their  minds.'  But  the  ministers  would  hear  nothing, 
pleading  the  dignity  of  state.  The  petition  was  rejected.  Nor  was 
a  petition  of  the  West  India  proprietors,  representing  the  prejudice 
they  suffered  from  the  interruption  of  their  commerce  with  the 
Americans,  received  with  greater  benignity.  The  ministers-consi- 
dered petitions  as  merely  the  stratagems  of  faction.  '  Admitting,' 
they  said,  '  that  some  detriment  may  result  from  the  measures  relating 
to  America,  it  is  a  necessary  evil,  an  inevitable  calamity.  But  this 
evil  would  become  infinitely  greater,  if  the  government  should  appear 
to  yield  to  the  will  of  the  seditious,  and  descend  to  negotiate  with 
rebels.' 

After  having  repulsed,  with  a  sort  of  disdain,  the  petitions  of  the 
Americans,  and  those  presented  in  their  favor  by  the  islands  of  the 
West  Indies,  and  even  by  England  herself;  and  after  having  rejected 
all  the  counsels  of  the  party  in  opposition,  the  ministers  unveiled 
their  schemes,  and  announced,  in  the  presence  of  the  two  houses, 
the  measures  they  intended  to  pursue,  in  order  to  reduce  the. 
Americans  to  obedience.  Always  imbued  with  the  opinion,  that  the 
diversity  of  interests  and  humors,  and  the  rivalships  existing  between 
the  different  provinces,  would  in  a  short  time  dissolve  the  American 
combinations,  independently  of  the  detriment  and  constraint  they 
occasioned  to  individuals  ;  believing,  also,  that  the  colonists  would 
not  easily  support  greater  privations  of  things  necessary  to  life  ;  they 
flattered  themselves,  that,  without  sending  strong  armies  to  America, 
and  merely  by  a  few  rigorous  regulations,  a  few  prohibitory  resolu- 
tions, that  should  extend  beyond  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and 
affect  the  most  internal  parts  of  the  American  commerce,  they  should 
be  able  to  accomplish  their  purpose.  It  should  also  be  added,  that 
the  ministers  thought  the  partisans  of  England  were  very  numerous 


150  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

in  America,  that  they  were  among  its  most  distinguished  inhabitants, 
and  waited  only  for  an  occasion  to  show  themselves  with  effect ; 
and,  finaily,  that  the  Americans,  as  they  were,  according  to  the 
notions  of  the  ministers,  of  a  pusillanimous  spirit,  and  little  accus- 
tomed to  war,  would  not  dare  to  look  the  British  soldiers  in  the 
face.  Thus  they  were  induced  to  adopt  certain  resolutions,  which 
\vere  perhaps  more  cruel,  and  certainly  more  irritating,  than  open 
war ;  for  man  feels  less  bitterness  towards  the  foe,  who,  in  combat- 
ing against  him,  leaves  him  the  means  of  defence,  than  the  adversary 
who  exposes  him  to  the  horrors  of  famine,  while  he  is  unable  to 
escape  them  by  a  generous  effort.  Such,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  was 
the  plan  of  the  British,  from  which  they  gathered  the  fruits  they 
ought  to  have  expected.  But,  in  order  to  carry  it  into  execution,  it 
was  necessary  that  they  should  first  arm  themselves  with  a  word  that 
should  legitimate  all  their  measures,  and  this  was,  rebellion.  The 
doctors,  whom  they  had  invited  to  their  consultations,  after  having 
considered  the  affair  under  all  its  faces,  came  to  a  conclusion,  which, 
however  admissible  in  other  kingdoms,  might  still  have  appeared 
extremely  doubtful  in  England.  They  pronounced,  that  the  pro- 
vince of  Massachusetts  was  found  in  a  state  of  rebellion.  Accord- 
ing]}^ the  2d  of  February,  lord  North,  after  having  expatiated  on 
the  benignity  with  which  the  king  and  parliament  had  proceeded  in 
maintaining  the  laws  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  necessity  incumbent 
on  the  ministers,  of  protecting  loyal  and  affectionate  subjects  against 
the  rage  of  the  seditious,  proposed,  that  in  the  address  to  the  king, 
it  should  be  declared,  that  rebellion  existed  in  the  province  of 
Massachusetts,  and  that  it  was  supported  and  fomented  by  illegal 
combinations  and  criminal  compacts  with  the  other  colonies,  to  the 
great  prejudice  of  many  innocent  subjects  of  his  majesty. 

To  declare  the^  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  rebels,  was  to  refer 
the  decision  of  their  cause  to  the  chance  of  arms — was  to  denounce 
war  against  them.  Accordingly,  the  opponents  of  ministers  exhibited 
great  ardor  in  combating  this  proposition  ;  and  even  in  their  own 
•party,  a  great  number  of  individuals  appeared  to  feel  great  repug- 
nance, and  a  species  of  horror,  at  so  grave  a  determination,  and  so 
fraught  with  future  calamities.  The  orators  of  the  opposition  con- 
tended, that  all  the  disorders  in  Massachusetts,  however  multiplied 
and  aggravated,  ought  to  be  attributed,  originally,  to  the  attempts  of 
those  who  were  aiming  to  establish  despotism,  and  whose  measures 
evidently  tended  to  reduce  the  Americans  to  that  abject  condition  of 
slavery,  which  they  hoped  to  introduce  afterwards  into  the  very 
heart  of  England.  <  To  resist  oppression,'  it  was  said  '  is  the  subject's 
right,  and  the  English  kingdoms  have  presented  frequent  examples 
of  its  exercise.  No  act  of  violence  has  been  committed  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Massachusetts,  that  has  not  been  equalled,  or  surpassed,  in 
each  of  the  others  ;  from  what  fatal  partiality,  then,  is  this  province 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  151 

alone  to  be  made  responsible  for  all  ?  To  press  with  rigor  upon  a 
single  province,  in  the  hope  of  separating  it  from  the  others,  is  a 
false  measure  ;  all  are  united  in  the  same  cause  ;  all  defend  the 
same  rights.  To  declare  rebellion,  is  an  act  full  of  danger,  and 
of  no  utility  ;  it  only  tends  to  aggravate  the  evil,  to  increase  the 
obstinacy  of  dispositions,  to  prepare  a  resistance  more  desperate  and 
sanguinary,  as  no  other  hope  will  be  left  them  but  in  victory.' 

But  the  partisans  of  the  ministers,  and  particularly  the  doctors,* 
who  backed  them,  maintained,  that  acts  of  rebellion  constituted 
rebellion  itself;  that  to  resist  the  laws  of  the  kingdom  being  reputed 
rebellion  in  England,  ought  also  to  be  so  reputed  in  America;  'As 
for  the  rest,'  they  said,  '  due  clemency  and  liberality  towards  those 
who  shall  submit,  will  be  mingled  with  the  rigor  to  be  exercised 
against  the  obstinate.  Reasons  of  state,  no  less  than  justice,  demand 
the  chastisement  of  these  insurgents  ;  which  being  visited  upon  a 
few,  will  reclaim  all  to  their  duty  ;  and  thus  the  union  of  the  colo- 
nies will  be  dissolved.  Can  we,  in  fact,  make  a  serious  matter  of 
the  resistance  of  the  Americans  .?  Cowards  by  nature,  incapable  of 
any  sort  of  military  discipline,  their  bodies  are  feeble,  and  their 
inclinations  are  dastardly.  They  would  not  be  capable  of  sustaining 
a  single  campaign,  without  disbanding,  or  becoming  so  wasted  by 
sickness,  that  a  slight  force  would  be  more  than  sufficient  for  their 
complete  reduction.'  General  Grant  was  so  infatuated  with  this 
opinion,  that  he  declared  openly,  he  would  undertake,  with  five 
regiments  of  infantry,  to  traverse  the  whole  country,  and  drive  the 
inhabitants  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.  The  minis- 

*  It  may  amuse,  if  not  surprise,  the  reader,  to  look  at  the  outline,  traced  by  another 
historian,  of  the  characters  whose  sagacity  the  author  seems  to  question  more  often 
than  once ; 

'  I  took  ray  seat  in  parliament,'  says  Mr.  Gibbon,  '  at  the  beginning-  of  the  memorable 
contest  between  Great  Britain  and  America  ;  and  supported,  with  many  a  sincere  and 
silent  vote,  the  rights,  though  not  perhaps  the  interests,  of  the  mother  country.  After 
a  fleeting,  illusive  hope,  prudence  condemned  me  to  acquiesce  in  the  humble  station  of 
a  mute.  I  was  not  armed  by  nature  and  education  with  the  intrepid  energy  of  mind 
and  voice, 

'  Vincentem  strepitus,  et  natum  rebus  agendis.' 

Timidity  was  fortified  by  pride ;  and  even  the  success  of  my  pen  discouraged  the  trial 
of  my  voice.  But  I  assisted  at  the  debates  of  a  free  assembly  ;  I  listened  to  the  attack 
and  defence  of  eloquence  and  reason  ;  I  had  a  near  prospect  of  the  characters,  views, 
and  passions,  of  the  first  men  of  the  age.  The  cause  of  government  was  ably  vindicated 
by  lord  Norlk,  a  statesman  of  spotless  integrity,  a  consummate  master  of  debate,  who 
could  wield,  with  equal  dexterity,  the  arms  of  reason  and  .of  ridicule.  He  was  seated 
on  the  treasury  bench,  between  his  attorney  and  solicitor-general,  the  two  pillars  of  the 
law  and  state,  '  magis  pares  quam  similes  ;'  and  the  minister  might  indulge  in  a  short 
slumber,  whilst  he  was  upholden,  on  either  hand,  by  the  majestic  sense  of  fhurlow,  and 
the  skilful  eloquence  of  Wedderburne.  From  the  adverse  side  of  the  house,  an  ardent 
and  powerful  opposition  was  supported,  by  the  lively  declamation  of  Barre  ;  the  legal 
acuteness  of  Dunning  ;  the  profuse  and  philosophic  fancy  of  Burke  ;  and  the  argumen- 
tative vehemence  of  Fox,  who,  in  conduct  of  a  party,  approved  himself  equal  to  the 
conduct  of  an  empire.  By  such  men,  every  operation  of  peace  and  war,  every  principle 
of  justice  or  policy,  every  question  of  authority  and  freedom,  was  attacked  and  defended  ; 
and  the  subject  of  the  momentous  contest  was  the  union  or  separation  of  Great  Britain 
and  America.'  [Gibbon's  Miscellaneous  Works.] 


152  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

ters,  whose  comprehension  seems  to  have  had  certain  limits,  suffered 
themselves,  without  reluctance,  to  be  guided  by  such  opinions  as 
these  ;  and  this  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  their  precipitancy 
to  commence  the  war  with  such  feeble  preparations. 

The  propositions  of  lord  North  were  adopted,  by  a  majority  of 
more  than  two  thirds  of  the  suffrages. 

But  the  party  in  opposition,  aware  of  the  importance  of  pronounc- 
ing so  formal  a  declaration  of  rebellion,  did  not  suffer  themselves  to 
be  discouraged  ;  and,  on  the  6th  of  the  same  month,  lord  John 
Cavendish  moved,  in  the  house  of  commons,  to  reconsider  the  vote. 
It  was  then  that  Wilkes,  one  of  the  most  ardent  defenders  of  liberty 
of  that  epoch,  and  the  declared  partisan  of  republican  principles, 
arose,  and  spoke  in  the  following  terms  ; 

•'  I  am  indeed  surprised,  that  in  a  business  of  so  much  moment  as 
this  before  the  house,  respecting  the  British  colonies  in  America,  a 
cause  which  comprehends  almost  every  question  relative  to  the  com- 
mon rights  of  mankind,  almost  every  question  of  policy  and  legisla- 
tion, it  should  be  resolved  to  proceed  with  so  little  circumspection,  or 
rather  with  so  much  precipitation  and  heedless  imprudence.  With 
what  temerity  are  we  assured,  that  the  same  men  who  have  been  so 
often  overwhelmed  with  praises  for  their  attachment  to  this  country, 
for  their  forwardness  to  grant  it  the  necessary  succours,  for  the  valor 
they  have  signalised  in  its  defence,  have  all  at  once  so  degenerated 
from  their  ancient  manners,  as  to  merit  the  appellation  of  seditious, 
ungrateful,  impious  rebels !  But  if  such  a  change  has  indeed  been 
wrought  in  the  minds  of  this  most  loyal  people,  it  must  at  least  be 
admitted,  that  affections  so  extraordinary  could  only  have  been  pro- 
duced by  some  very  powerful  cause.  But  who  is  ignorant,  who  needs 
to  be  told  of  the  new  madness  that  infatuates  our  ministers  ? — who 
has  not  seen  the  tyrannical  counsels  they  have  pursued  for  the  last 
ten  years  ?  They  would  now  have  us  carry  to  the  foot  of  the  throne, 
a  resolution  stamped  with  rashness  and  injustice,  fraught  with  blood, 
and  a  horrible  futurity.  But  before  this  be  allowed  them,  before  the 
signal  of  civil  war  be  given,  before  they  are  permitted  to  force  Eng- 
lishmen to  sheath  their  swords  in  the  bowels  of  their  fellow  subjects, 
I  hope  this  house  will  consider  the  rights  of  humanity,  the  original 
ground  and  cause  of  the  present  dispute.  Have  we  justice  on  our 
side  ?  No ;  assuredly,  no.  He  must  be  altogether  a  stranger  to  the 
British  constitution,  who  does  not  know  that  contributions  are  volun- 
tary gifts  of  the  people ;  and  singularly  blind,  not  to  perceive  that 
the  words  '  liberty  and  property,'  so  grateful  to  English  ears,  are 
nothing  better  than  mockery  and  insult  to  the  Americans,  if  their 
property  can  be  taken  without  their  consent.  And  what  motive  can 
there  exist  for  this  new  rigor,  for  these  extraordinary  measures  ?  Have 
not  the  Americans  always  demonstrated  the  utmost  zeal  and  liberality, 
whenever  their  succours  have  been  required  by  the  mother  country  ,? 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  153 

'  In  the  two  last  wars,  they  gave  you  more  than  you  asked  for,  and 
more  than  their  faculties  warranted  ;  they  were  not  only  liberal  to- 
wards you,  but  prodigal  of  their  substance.  They  fought  gallantly 
and  victoriously  by  your  side,  with  equal  valor,  against  our  and  their 
enemy,  the  common  enemy  of  the  liberties  of  Europe  and  America, 
the  ambitious  and  faithless  French,  whom  now  we  fear  and  flatter. 
And  even  now,  at  a  moment  when  you  are  planning  their  destruction, 
when  you  are  branding  them  with  the  odious  appellation  of  rebels, 
what  is  their  language,  what  their  protestations  ?  Read,  in  the  name 
of  heaven,  the  late  petition  of  the  congress  to  the  king  ;  and  you  will 
find,  '  they  are  ready  and  willing,  as  they  ever  have  been,  to  demon- 
strate their  loyalty,  by  exerting  their  most  strenuous  efforts  in  grant- 
ing supplies  and  raising  forces,  when  constitutionally  required.'  And 
yet  we  hear  it  vociferated,  by  some  inconsiderate  individuals,  that 
the  Americans  wish  to  abolish  the  navigation  act ;  that  they  intend  to 
throw  off  the  supremacy  of  Great  Britain.  But  would  to  God,  these 
assertions  were  not  rather  a  provocation  than  the  truth !  They  ask 
nothing,  for  such  are  the  words  of  .their  petition,  but  for  peace,  liberty 
and  safety.  They  wish  not  a  diminution  of  the  royal  prerogative ; 
they  solicit  not  any  new  right.  They  are  ready,  on  the  contrary,  to 
defend  this  prerogative,  to  maintain  the  royal  authority,  and  to  draw 
closer  the  bonds  of  their  connexion  with  Great  Britain.  But  our 
ministers,  perhaps  to  punish  others  for  their  own  faults,  are  sedulously 
endeavoring  not  only  to  relax  these  powerful  ties,  but  to  dissolve  and 
sever  them  forever.  Their  address  represents  the  province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts as  in  a  state  of  actual  rebellion.  The  other  provinces  are 
held  out  to  our  indignation,  as  aiding  and  abetting.  Many  arguments 
have  been  employed,  by  some  learned  gentlemen  among  us,  to  com- 
prehend them  all  in  the  same  offence,  and  to  involve  them  in  the  same 
proscription. 

1  Whether  their  present  state  is  that  of  rebellion,  or.  of  a  fit  and 
just  resistance  to  the  unlawful  acts  of  power,  to  our  attempts  to  rob 
them  of  their  property  and  liberties,  as  they  imagine,  I  shall  not  de- 
clare. But  I  well  know  what  will  follow,  nor,  however  strange  and 
harsh  it  may  appear  to  some,  shall  I  hesitate  to  announce  it,  that  I 
may  not  be  accused  hereafter  of  having  failed  in  duty  to  my  country, 
on  so  grave  an  occasion,  and  at  the  approach  of  such  direful  calami- 
ties. Know,  then,  a  successful  resistance  is  a  revolution,  not  a  rebel- 
lion. Rebellion,  indeed,  appears  on  the  back  of  a  flying  enemy,  but 
revolution  flames  on  the  breastplate  of  the  victorious  warrior.  Who 
can  tell,  whether  in  consequence  of  this  day's  violent  and  mad  address 
to  his  majesty,  the  scabbard  may  not  be  thrown  away  by  them  as  well 
as  by  us ;  and  whether,  in  a  few  years,  the  independent  Americans 
may  not  celebrate  the  glorious  era  of  the  revolution  of  1775,  as  we 
do  that  of  1668?  The  generous  efforts  of  our  forefathers  for  free- 
dom, heaven  crowned  with  success,  or  their  noble  blood  had  dyed 
VOL.  i.  20 


154  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IT. 

our  scaffolds,  like  that  of  Scottish  traitors  and  rebels ;  and  the  period 
of  our  history  which  does  us  the  most  honor,  would  have  been  deem- 
ed a  rebellion  against  the  lawful  authority  of  the  prince,  not  a  resist- 
ance authorised  by  all  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  not  the  expulsion  of 
a  detested  tyrant. 

1  But  suppose  the  Americans  to  combat  against  us  with  more  un- 
happy auspices  than  we  combatted  James,  would  not  victory  itself 
prove  pernicious  and  deplorable  ?  Would  it  not  be  fatal  to  British  as 
well  as  American  liberty  ?  Those  armies  which  should  subjugate  the 
colonists,  would  subjugate  also  their  parent  state.  Marius,  Sylla. 
Ca3sar,  Augustus,  Tiberius,  did  they  not  oppress  Roman  liberty  with 
the  same  troops  that  were  levied  to  maintain  Roman  supremacy  over 
subject  provinces  ?  But  the  impulse  once  given,  its  effects  extended 
much  further  than  its  authors  expected  ;  for  the  same  soldiery  that 
destroyed  the  Roman  republic,  subverted  and  utterly  demolished  the 
imperial  power  itself.  In  less  than  fifty  years  after  the  death  of 
Augustus,  the  armies  destined  to  hold  the  provinces  in  subjection, 
proclaimed  three  emperors  at  once  ;  disposed  of  the  empire  accord- 
ing to  their  caprice,  and  raised  to  the  throne  of  the  Caesars  the  object 
of  their  momentary  favor. 

*  I  can  no  more  comprehend  the  policy,  than  acknowledge  the 
justice  of  your  deliberations.  Where  is  your  force,  what  are  your 
armies,  how  are  they  to  be  recruited,  and  how  supported  ?  The 
single  province  of  Massachusetts  has,  at  this  moment,  thirty  thousand 
men,  well  trained  and  disciplined,  and  can  bring,  in  case  of  emer- 
gency, nineiy  thousand  into  the  field  ;  and  doubt  nor,  they  will  do  it, 
when  all  that  is  dear  is  at  stake,  when  forced  to  defend  their  liberty 
and  property  against  their  cruel  oppressors.  The  right  honorable 
gentleman  with  the  blue  riband  assures  us  that  ten  thousand  of  our 
troops  and  four  Irish  regiments,  will  make  their  brains  turn  in  the 
head  a  little,  and  strike  them  aghast  with  terror  !  But  where  does 
the  author  of  this  exquisite  scheme  propose  to  send  his  army  ?  Bos- 
ton, perhaps,  you  may  lay  in  ashes,  or  it  may  be  made  a  strong  gar- 
rison ;  but  the  province  will  be  lost  to  you.  You  will  hold  Boston 
as  you  hold  Gibraltar,  in  the  midst  of  a  country  which  will  not  be 
yours  ;  the  whole  American  continent  will  remain  in  the  power  of 
your  enemies.  The  ancient  story  of  the  philosopher  Calanus  and  the 
Indian  hide,  will  be  verified  ;  where  you  tread,  it  will  be  kept  down  ; 
.but  it  will  rise  the  more  in  all  other  parts.  Where  your  fleets  and 
armies  are  stationed,  the  possession  will  be  secured,  while  they  con- 
tinue ;  but  all  the  rest  will  be  lost.  In  the  great  scale  of  empire, 
you  will  decline,  I  fear,  from  the  decision  of  this  day  ;  and  the 
Americans  will  rise  to  independence,  to  power,  to  all  the  greatness 
of  the  most  renowned  states ;  for  they  build  on  the  solid  basis  of 
general  public  liberty. 


BOOK    IV.  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  155 

*  I  dread  the   effects  of  the  present  resolution ;  I  shudder  at  our 
injustice  and  cruelty ;  I  tremble  for  the  consequences  of  our  impru- 
dence.    You  will  urge  the  Americans  to  desperation.     They  will 
certainly  defend  their  property  and  liberties,   with  the  spirit  of  free- 
men, with  the  spirit  our  ancestors  did,   and  I  hope  we  should  exert 
on  a  like  occasion.     They  will  sooner  declare  themselves  independ- 
ent,   and  risk  every  consequence  of  such  a  contest,  than  submit  to 
the  galling  yoke  which   administration  is  preparing  for  them.     Re- 
collect  Philip  II.  king  of  Spain  ;  remember  the   Seven  Provinces, 
and    the  duke  of  Alva.     It  was  deliberated,  in  the  council  of  the 
monarch,   what   measures  should   he   adopted   respecting   the   Low 
Countries ;  some  were  disposed  for  clemency,  others  advised  rigor  ; 
the  second  prevailed.     The  duke  of  Alva  was  victorious,  it  is  true, 
wherever  he  appeared  ;  but  his  cruelties  sowed  the  teeth  of  the  ser- 
pent.    The  beggars  of  the   Briel,   as  they  were  called  by  the  Spa- 
niards, who  despised  them  as  you  now  despise  the  Americans,  were 
those,  however,  who  first  shook   the  power  of  Spain  to  the  centre. 
And,   comparing  the  probabilities  of  success  in  the  contest  of  that 
day,  with  the  chances  in  that  of  the  present,  are  they  so  favorable  to 
England    as   they  were   then   to   Spain  ?     This  none  will   pretend. 
You  all  know,   however,  the  issue  of  that  sanguinary  conflict — how 
that  powerful  empire  was  rent   asunder,  and   severed  forever  into 
many  parts.     Profit,   then,   by  the  experience  of  the   past,  if  you 
would  avoid  a  similar  fate.     But  you  would  declare  the  Americans 
rebels  ;   and   to   your   injustice  and   oppression,  you  add   the   most 
opprobrious  language,  and  the  most  insulting  scoffs.     If  you  persist 
in  your  resolution,  all  hope  of  a  reconciliation  is  extinct.     The  Ame- 
ricans will  triumph — the  whole  continent  of  North  America  will  be 
dismembered  from  Great  Britain,  and  the  wide  arch  of  the  raised 
empire  fall.     But  I  hope  the  just  vengeance  of  the  people  will  over- 
take the  authors  of  these  pernicious  counsels,  and   the  loss  of  the 
first  province  of  the  empire  be  speedily  followed  by  the  loss  of  the 
heads  of  those  ministers  who  first  invented  them.' 

Thus  spoke  this  ardent  patriot.  His  discourse  was  a  prophecy  ; 
and  hence,  perhaps,  a  new  probability  might  be  argued  for  the  vul- 
gar maxim,  that  the  crazed  read  the  future  often  better  than  the 
sage  ;  for,  among  other  things,  it  was  said  also  of  Wilkes,  at  that 
time,  that  his  intellects  were  somewhat  disordered. 

Captain  Hervey  answered  him,  in  substance,  as  follows  ; 

*  I  am  very  far  from  believing  myself  capable  of  arguing  the  present 
question  with  all  the  eloquence  which  my  vehement   adversary  has 
signalised    in   favor  of  those   who   openly,  and  in   arms,   resist  the 
ancient  power  of  Great  Britain  ;  as  the  studies  which  teach  man  the 
art  of  discoursing  with   elegance,   are  too  different  and  too  remote 
from  my  profession.     This  shall  not,   however,  deter  me  from  de- 
claring my  sentiments  with  freedom,  on  so  important  a  crisis ;  though 


156  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IT. 

my  words  should  be  misinterpreted  by  the  malignity  of  party,  and 
myself  represented  as  the  author  of  illegal  counsels,  or,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  faction,  the  defender  of  tyranny. 

'  And,  first  of  all,  I  cannot  but  deplore  the  misery  of  the  times, 
and  the  destiny  which  seems  to  persecute  our  beloved  country.  Cari 
I  see  her,  without  anguish,  reduced  to  this  disastrous  extremity,  not 
only  by  the  refractory  spirit  of  her  ungrateful  children  on  the  other 
side  of  the  ocean,  but  also  by  some  of  those  who  inhabit  this  kingdom, 
and  whom  honor,  if  not  justice  and  gratitude,  should  engage,  in 
words  and  deeds,  to  support  and  defend  her?  Till  we  give  a  check 
to  these  incendiaries,  who,  with  a  constancy  and  art  only  equalled  by 
their  baseness  and  infamy,  blow  discord  and  scatter  their  poison  in 
every  place,  in  vain  can  we  hope,  without  coming  to  the  last  extremi- 
ties, to  bring  the  leaders  of  this  deluded  people  to  a  sense  of  their 
duty. 

1  To  deny  that  the  legislative  power  of  Great  Britain  is  entire, 
general  and  sovereign,  over  all  parts  of  its  dominions,  appears  to  me 
too  puerile  to  merit  a  serious  answer.  What  I  would  say  is,  that, 
under  this  cover  of  rights,  under  this  color  of  privileges,  under  these 
pretexts  of  immunities,  the  good  and  loyal  Americans  have  concealed 
a  design,  not  new,  but  now  openly  declared,  to  cast  off  every  species 
of  superiority,  and  become  altogether  an  independent  nation.  They 
complained  of  the  stamp  act.  It  was  repealed.  Did  this  satisfy 
them  f  On  the  contrary,  they  imbittered  more  than  ever  our  re- 
spective relations ;  now  refusing  to  indemnify  the  victims  of  their 
violence,  and  now  to  rescind  resolutions  that  were  so  many  strides 
towards  rebellion.  And  yet,  in  these  cases,  there  was  no  question 
of  taxes,  either  internal  or  external.  A  duty  was  afterwards  imposed 
on  glass,  paper,  colors,  and  tea.  They  revolted  anew ;  and  the 
bounty  of  this  too  indulgent  mother  again  revoked  the  greater  part 
of  these  duties ;  leaving  only  that  upon  tea,  which  may  yield,  at  the 
utmost,  sixteen  thousand  pounds  sterling.  Even  this  inconsiderable 
impost,  Great  Britain,  actuated  by  a  meekness  and  forbearance  with- 
out example,  would  have  repealed  also,  if  the  colonists  had  peace- 
ably expressed  their  wishes  to  this  effect.  At  present,  they  bitterly 
complain  of  the  regular  troops  sent  amongst  them  to  maintain  the 
public  repose.  But,  in  the  name  of  God,  what  is  the  cause  of  their 
presence  in  Boston  ?  American  disturbances.  If  the  colonists  had 
not  first  interrupted  the  general  tranquillity,  if  they  had  respected 
property,  public  and  private ;  if  they  had  not  openly  resisted  the 
laws  of  parliament  and  the  ordinances  of  the  king,  they  would  not 
have  seen  armed  soldiers  within  their  walls.  But  the  truth  is,  they 
expressly  excite  the  causes,  in  order  to  be  able  afterwards  to  bemoan 
the  effects.  When  they  were  menaced  with  real  danger,  when  they 
were  beset  by  enemies  from  within  and  from  without,  they  not  only 
consented  to  admit  regular  troops  into  the  very  heart  of  their  pro- 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  157 

vinces,  but  urged  us,  with  the  most  earnest  solicitations,  to  send 
them ;  but  now  the  danger  is  past,  and  the  colonists,  by  our  treasure 
and  blood,  are  restored  to  their  original  security,  now  these  troops 
have  become  necessary  to  repress  the  factious,  to  sustain  the  action 
of  the  laws,  their  presence  is  contrary  to  the  constitution,  a  manifest 
violation  of  American  liberty,  an  attempt  to  introduce  tyranny ;  as  if 
it  were  not  the  right  and  the  obligation  of  the  supreme  authority,  to 
protect  the  peace  of  the  interior  as  well  as  that  of  the  exterior,  and 
to  repress  internal  as  effectually  as  external  enemies. 

'  As  though  the  Americans  were  fearful  of  being  called,  at  a  future 
clay,  to  take  part  in  the  national  representation,  they  preoccupy  the 
ground,  and  warn  you,  in  advance,  that,  considering  their  distance, 
they  cannot  be  represented  in  the  British  parliament ;  which  means, 
if  I  am  not  deceived,  that  they  will  not  have  a  representative  power 
in  common  with  England,  but  intend  to  enjoy  one  by  themselves, 
perfectly  distinct  from  this  of  the  parent  state.  But  why  do  1  waste 
time  in  these  vain  subtleties  ?  Not  content  with  exciting  discord  at 
home,  with  disturbing  all  the  institutions  of  social  life,  they  endeavor 
also  to  scatter  the  germs  of  division  in  the  neighboring  colonies,  such 
as  Nova  Scotia,  the  Floridas,  and  especially  Canada.  Nor  is  this 
the  end  of  their  intrigues.  Have  we  not  read  here,  in  this  land  of 
genuine  felicity,  the  incendiary  expressions  of  their  address  to  the 
English  people,  designed  to  allure  them  to  the  side  of  rebellion  ? 
Yes  ;  they  have  wished,  and  with  all  their  power  have  attempted,  to 
introduce  into  the  bosom  of  this  happy  country,  outrage,  tumults, 
devastation,  pillage,  bloodshed,  and  open  resistance  to  the  laws !  A 
thousand  times  undone  the  English  people,  should  they  suffer  them- 
selves to  be  seduced  by  the  flatteries  of  the  Americans  !  The  sweet 
peace,  the  inestimable  liberty,  they  now  enjoy,  would  soon  be  replaced 
by  the  most  ferocious  anarchy,  devouring  their  wealth,  annihilating 
their  strength,  contaminating  and  destroying  all  the  happiness  of  their 
existence.  Already  have  the  colonists  trampled  on  all  restraints ; 
already  have  they  cast  off  all  human  respect ;  and,  amidst  their 
subtle  machinations,  and  the  shades  in  which  they  envelop  themselves, 
they  suffer,  as  it  were,  in  spite  of  themselves,  their  culpable  designs 
to  appear.  If  they  have  not  yet  acquired  the  consistence,  they  at 
least  assume  the  forms  of  an  independent  nation. 

'  Who  among  us  has  not  felt  emotions  kindling  deep  in  his  breast, 
or  transports  of  indignation,  at  the  reading  of  the  decrees  of  congress, 
in  which,  with  a  language  and  a  tone  better  beseeming  the  haughty 
courts  of  Versailles  or  of  Madrid  than  the  subjects  of  a  great  king, 
they  ordain  imperiously  the  cessation  of  all  commerce  between  their 
country  and  our  own  ?  We  may  transport  our  merchandise  and  our 
commodities  among  all  other  nations.  It  is  only  under  the  inhospi- 
table skies  of  America,  only  in  this  country,  dyed  with  the  blood,  and 
bathed  in  the  sweat,  we  have  shed  for  the  safety  and  prosperity  of 


158  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

its  inhabitants,  that  English  industry  cannot  hope  for  protection,  can- 
not find  an  asylum  !  Are  we  then  of  a  spirit  to  endure  that  our 
subjects  trace  around  us  the  circle  of  Popilius,  and  proudly  declare 
on  what  conditions  they  will  deign  to  obey  the  ancient  laws  of  the 
common  country  ?  But  all  succeeds  to  their  wish  ;  they  hope  from 
our  magnanimity  that  war  will  result,  and  from  war,  independence. 
And  what  a  people  is  this,  whom  benefits  cannot  oblige,  whom  cle- 
mency exasperates,  whom  the  necessity  of  defence,  created  by 
themselves,  offends  ! 

'  If,  therefore,  no  doubt  can  remain  as  to  the  projects  of  these 
ungrateful  colonists  ;  if  an  universal  resistance  to  the  civil  government 
and  to  the  laws  of  the  country  ;  if  the  interruption  of  a  free  and 
reciprocal  commerce  between  one  part  and  another  of  the  realm  ; 
if  resisting  every  act  of  the  British  legislature,  and  absolutely,  in 
word  and  deed,  denying  the  sovereignty  of  this  country  ;  if  laying  a 
strong  hand  on  the  revenues  of  America  ;  if  seizing  his  majesty's 
forts,  artillery  and  ammunition ;  if  exciting  and  stimulating,  by  every 
means,  the  whole  subjects  of  America  to  take  arms,  and  to  resist  the 
constitutional  authority  of  Great  Britain,  are  acts  of  treason,  then 
are  the  Americans  in  a  state  of  the  most  flagrant  rebellion.  Where- 
fore, then,  should  we  delay  to  take  resolute  measures  ?  If  no  other 
alternative  is  left  us,  if  it  is  necessary  to  use  the  power  which  we 
enjoy,  under  heaven,  for  the  protection  of  the  whole  empire,  let  us 
show  the  Americans  that,  as  our  ancestors  deluged  this  country  with 
their  blood  to  leave  us  a  free  constitution,  we,  like  men  in  defiance 
of  faction  at  home  and  rebellion  abroad,  are  determined,  in  glorious 
emulation  of  their  example,  to  transmit  it,  perfect  and  unimpaired,  to 
our  posterity.  I  hear  it  said  by  these  propagators  of  sinister  augeries, 
that  we  shall  be  vanquished  in  this  contest.  But  all  human  enter- 
prises are  never  without  a  something  of  uncertainty.  Are  high  minded 
men  for  this  to  stand  listless,  and  indolently  abandon  to  the  caprices 
of  fortune  the  conduct  of  their  affairs  ?  If  this  dastardly  doctrine 
prevailed,  if  none  would  ever  act  without  assurance  of  the  event, 
assuredly  no  generous  enterprise  would  ever  be  attempted  ;  chance 
and  blind  destiny  would  govern  the  world.  I  trust,  however,  in  the 
present  crisis,  we  may  cherish  better  hopes ;  for,  even  omitting  the 
bravery  of  our  soldiers  and  the  ability  of  our  generals,  loyal  subjects 
are  not  so  rare /in  America  as  some  believe,  or  affect  to  believe. 
And,  besides,  will  the  Americans  long  support  the  privation  of  all  the 
things  necessary  to  life,  which  our  numerous  navy  will  prevent  from 
reaching  their  shores  ? 

'  This  is  what  I  think  of  our  present  situation  ;  these  are  the 
sentiments  of  a  man  neither  partial  nor  vehement,  but  free  from  all  pre- 
possessions, and  ready  to  combat  and  shed  the  last  drop  of  his  blood, 
to  put  down  the  excesses  of  license,  to  extirpate  the  germs  of  cruel 
anarchy,  to  defend  the  rights  and  the  privileges  of  this  most  innocent 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  159 

people,  whether  he  finds  their  enemies  in  the  savage  deserts  of 
America,  or  in  the  cultivated  plains  of  England. 

'  And  if  there  are  Catalines  among  us,  who  plot  in  darkness  perni- 
cious schemes  against  the  state,  let  them  be  unveiled  and  dragged  to 
light,  that  they  may  be  offered -a  sacrifice,  as  victims  to  the  just  ven- 
geance of  this  courteous  country  ;  that  their  names  may  be  stamped 
with  infamy  to  the  latest  posterity,  and  their  memory  held  in  execra- 
tion, by  all  men  of  worth,  in  every  future  age  !' 

The  vehemence  of  these  two  discourses,  excited  an  extraordinary 
agitation  in  the  house  of  commons ;  after  it  was  calmed,  the  propo- 
sition of  the  ministers  was  put  to  vote  and  carried,  by  a  majority  of 
two  thirds  of  the  house. 

Such  was  the  conclusion  of  the  most  important  affair  that  for  a 
long  time  had  been  submitted  to  the  decision  of  parliament.  The 
inhabitants  of  all  Europe,  as  well  as  those  of  Great  Britain,  awaited 
with  eager  curiosity,  the  result  of  these  debates.  During  their 
continuance,  the  foreign  ministers,  resident  in  London,  attentively 
watched  all  the  movements  of  the  ministry,  and  the  discussions  of 
parliament,  persuaded  that  whatever  might  be  the  decision,  it  could 
not  fail  to  prove  fertile  in  events  of  the  highest  importance,  not  only 
for  England,  but  also  for  all  the  other  European  states. 

On  the  same  day  was  read  a  petition  from  the  island  of  Jamaica, 
very  energetic,  and  totally  in  favor  of  the  colonies.  It  displeased, 
and,  as  usual,  was  thrown  aside. 

The  ministers  having  attained  their  object,  in  causing  the  inhabitants 
of  Massachusetts  to  be  declared  rebels,  resolved  to  lay  before  parlia- 
ment the  system  of  measures  they  intended  to  pursue,  in  regard  to 
the  affairs  of  America.  Having  either  no  adequate  idea  of  the 
inflexibility  of  men,  inflamed  by  the  zeal  of  new  opinions,  or  being 
preoccupied  by  passion,  or  perhaps  restrained  by  the  timidity  of  their 
characters,  they  persisted  in  believing,  that  the  Americans  would  not 
long  endure  the  privation  of  their  commerce,  and  thus  becoming 
divided  among  themselves,  would  solicit  an  arrangement.  Relying 
also  too  implicitly  on  the  assertions  of  Hutchinson,  and  other  officers 
of  the  crown,  that  had  been,  or  still  were  in  America,  who  assured 
them  that  the  friends  of  England,  in  the  colonies,  were  powerful  in 
numbers,  resources  and  influence,  they  no  longer  hesitated  to  adopt 
the  most  rigorous  measures,  without  supporting  them  by  a  commen- 
surate force.  , 

Thus  guided,  as  usual,  by  their  spirit  of  infatuation,  they  confided 
their  cause,  not  to  the  certain  operation  of  armies,  but  to  the  supposed 
inconstancy  and  partiality  of  the  American  people.  Upon  such  a 
foundation,  lord  North  proposed  a  new  bill,  the  object  of  which  was 
to  restrict  the  commerce  of  New  England  to  Great  Britain,  Ireland 
and  the  West  India  islands,  and  prohibit,  at  the  same  time,  the  fishery 
of  Newfoundland.  The  prejudice  that  must  have  resulted  from  this 


160  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK    IV. 

act,  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  may  be  calculated  from  the 
single  fact,  that  they  annually  employed  in  this  business  about  forty-six 
thousand  tons  and  six  thousand  seamen;  and  the  produce  realised 
from  it,  in  foreign  markets,  amounted  to  three  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  pounds  sterling.  This  bill,  however,  did  not  pass  without 
opposition  in  the  two  houses ;  on  the  contrary,  the  debates  and  the 
agitation  it  excited,  were  vehement  in  both.  Many  of  the  members 
exerted  all  their  efforts  to  defeat  it,  and  more  than  any,  the  marquis 
of  Rockingham,  who  presented,  to  this  end,  a  petition  of  the  London 
merchants. 

The  bill  was,  however,  approved  by  a  great  majority.  The  oppo- 
sition protested  ;  the  ministers  scarcely  deigned  to  perceive  it. 

This  prohibition  of  all  foreign  commerce,  and  of  the  fishery  of 
Newfoundland,  «at  first  comprehended  only  the  four  provinces  of  New 
England  ;  but  the  ministers  finding  the  parliament  placid  and  docile, 
afterwards  extended  it  to  the  other  colonies,  with  the  exception  of 
.New  York  and  North  Carolina.  They  alleged  it  was  expedient  to 
punish  all  the  provinces  which  had  participated  in  the  league  against 
British  commerce  and  manufactures.  This  proposition  was  approved 
without  difficulty.  After  a  few  days  had  transpired,  they  moved, 
that  the  counties  situated  on  the  Delaware,  New  Castie,  Kent,  and 
Sussex,  should  be  subjected  to  the  same  laws,  as  they  also  had  mani- 
fested a  spirit  of  rebellion.  The  clause  was  added.  Thus  the 
English  ministers  employed  only  partial  measures  ;  imitating  those 
little  children,  who  having  constructed  a  dyke  of  clay  for  their  amuse- 
ment, are  incessantly  occupied  in  stopping,  one  after  another,  all  the 
appertures  through  which  the  water  seeks  to  escape. 

Meanwhile,  they  had  given  orders  to  embark  a  corps  of  ten  thousand 
men  for  America,  as  they  considered  this  force  sufficient  to  reestablish 
submission  and  obedience  to  the  laws ;  always  confidently  relying 
upon  the  divisions  of  the  Americans,  and  the  great  number  of  those 
they  conceived  to  be  devoted  to  the  British  cause.  To  this  error  of 
the  ministers  must  be  attributed  the  length  of  the  war  and  the  termi- 
nation it  had  ;  as  it  was  essential  to  success,  that  the  first  impressions 
should  have  been  energetic  ;  that  the  first  movements  should  have 
compelled  the  Americans  to  banish  all  idea  of  resistance  ;  in  a  word, 
that  a  sudden  display  of  an  overwhelming  force  should  have  reduced 
them  to  the  necessity  of  immediately  laying  down  arms.  But  the 
ministers  preferred  to  trust  the  issue  of  this  all  important  contest,  to 
the  intrigues,  however  at  all  times  uncertain,  of  factions  and  parties, 
rather  than  to  the  agency  of  formidable  armies. 

But  the  counsels  of  the  ministers  ended  not  here.  Wishing  to 
blend  with  rigor  a  certain  clemency,  and  also  to  prevent  new  occa- 
sions of  insurrection  in  America,  they  brought  forward  the  project 
of  a  law,  purporting,  that  when,  in  any  province  or  colony,  the 
governor,  council,  assembly,  or  general  court,  shqpld  propose  to  make 


BOOK    IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  161 

provision  according  to  their  respective  conditions,  circumstances  and 
faculties,  for  contributing  their  proportion  to  the  common  defence  ; 
such  proportion  to  be  raised  under  the  authorities  of  the  general 
court  or  assembly  in  each  province  or  colony,  and  disposable  by 
parliament ;  and  should  engage  to  make  provision  also  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  civil  government,  and  the  administration  of  justice  in 
such  province  or  colony,  it  would  be  proper,  if  such  proposal  should 
be  approved  by  the  king  in  his  parliament,  and  for  so  long  as  such 
provision  should  be  made  accordingly,  to  forbear,  in  respect  of  such 
province  or  colony,  to  impose  any  duties,  taxes,  or  assessment,  except 
only  such  as  might  be  thought  necessary  for  the  regulation"  of  com- 
merce. 

If  this  proposition  displeased  many  among  the  members  of  tLe 
ministerial  party,  as  being  greatly  derogatory  to  the  'dignity  and  rights 
of  the  parliament,  which  ought  to  make  no  concessions  to  rebels, 
while  they  have  arms  in  their  hands ;  it  may  be  presumed  that  it  was 
received  with  every  mark  of  the  most  violent  disapprobation  by  the 
adverse  party  ;  they  declared  it  to  be  base,  vile,  and  insidious.  But 
the  ministers  considered,  that  whatever  might  be  the  fate  of  the  law 
in  America,  and  even  supposing  it  should  not  be  accepted,  the  people 
of  England,  at  least,  would  be  convinced  that  nothing  could  subdue 
the  obstinacy  of  the  colonists,  and  that,  as  to  finances,  they  were 
determined  to  bear  no  part  of  the  public  burthens.  According  to 
the  views  of  the  ministry,  if  this  law  was  to  produce  greater  concord 
in  England,  it  would  be  likely,  they  apprehended,  to  create  divisions 
in  America  ;  for  if  a  single  province  accepted  the  offer,  and  consented 
to  an  accommodation,  the  confederacy  of  the  Americans,  by  which 
alone  they  were  formidable,  dissolved  of  itself.  Lord  North,  in  his 
discourse  to  the  parliament,  did  not  dissemble  this  last  hope. 

The  colonists  affected  to  resent  this  project  as  a  violent  outrage  ; 
they  complained  that  the  minister  attempted  to  follow  the  too  well 
known  maxim  of  divide  and  reign  ;  as  if  the  English  ministers  ought 
not  to  consider  laudable  what  they  reputed  blameable  ;  as  if,  between 
declared  enemies,  things  were  to  be  estimated  by  a  common  weight 
and  measure  ! 

Such  were  the  sentiments  of  the  ministers  respecting  American 
affairs.  Meanwhile,  those  who  in  England,  and  even  in  parliament, 
favored  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  had  not  been  discouraged  by  the 
little  success  it  obtained.  They  plainly  foresaw  the  extent  of  the  evils 
to  which  the  Americans  would  be  exposed  if  the  resolutions  of  the 
ministers  should  be  executed.  Unwilling  to  fail  in  their  duty  to  their 
country,  and  perhaps  also  stimulated  by  ambition,  in  case  things 
should  take  an  unfortunate  direction,  they  resolved  to  renew  their, 
efforts,  to  induce, .if  possible,  the  government  to  embrace  measures 
more  calculated  to  cairn  the  exasperated  minds  of  the  colonists,  and 
dispose  them  to  Concord  ;  for  they  were  very  far  from  believing 

VOL.    I.  21 


162  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

that  the  mode  proposed  by  lord  North  would  have  the  expected 
result. 

Accordingly,  Edmund  Burke,  one  of  the  members  of  the  house 
of  commons,  who,  by  his  genius,  his  knowledge,  and  his  rare  elo- 
quence, had  acquired  the  most  brilliant  reputation,  declared  upon 
this  occasion,  that  it  gave  him  singular  satisfaction  to  find  the  minis- 
ters disposed  to  make  any  concessions  to  the  Americans,  and  since 
lord  North  himself  had  proposed  a  way  which  he  supposed  might 
lead  to  conciliation,  he  accepted  it  as  a  most  happy  augury  ;  as  an 
avowal,  that  in  the  present  question,  no  regard  was  to  be  had  for 
vain  imaginations,  for  abstract  ideas  of  rights,  and  general  theories 
of  government,  but  on  the  contrary,  that  it  was  essential  to  reason 
from  the  nature  of  things,  from  actual  circumstances,  from  practice, 
and  from  experience. 

He  then  entered  into  an  accurate  investigation  of  the  actual  state 
of  the  colonies ;  he  considered  their  situation,  extent,  wealth,  popu- 
lation, agriculture,  commerce,  with  their  power  and  weight  in  the 
scale  of  empire.  He  adverted  to  that  invincible  spirit  of  freedom 
which  distinguishes  them  in  so  peculiar  a  manner  from  all  other 
people.  He  observed,  that  while  Great  Britain  had  governed 
America,  conformably  to  all  these  circumstances,  both  countries 
had  been  united  and  happy  ;  and  that  to  reestablish  this  pros- 
perous state  of  things,  it  was  only  necessary  to  resume  the  ac- 
customed system  of  government.  In  examining  the  different  plans 
proposed  for  the  government  of  America,  he  animadverted  particu- 
larly upon  that  of  force;  a  method  which,  as  the  most  simple  and  easy 
to  comprehend,  men  were  apt  to  have  recourse  to  in  all  difficult  cir- 
cumstances ;  without  reflecting  that  what  appears  the  most  expedi- 
tious, is  frequently  the  least  expedient.  He  remarked,  that  the 
utility  of  employing  force,  depended  upon  times  and  circumstances, 
which  were  always  variable  and  uncertain  ;  that  it  destroyed  the 
very  objects  of  preservation  ;  that  it  was  a  mode  of  governing 
hitherto  unknown  in  the  colonies,  and  therefore  dangerous  to  make 
trial  of;  that  their  flourishing  condition,  and  the  benefits  thence 
resulting  to  England,  were  owing  to  quite  other  causes,  to  a  method 
totally  different ;  that  all  discussions  of  right  and  of  favors,  should  be 
disclaimed  in  such  a  subject ;  the  surest  rule  to  govern  the  colonies 
was  to  call  them  to  participate  in  the  free  constitution  of  England, 
by  giving  the  Americans  the  guaranty  of  parliament,  that  Great 
Britain  shall  never  depart  from  the  principles  which  shall  be  once 
established  ;  that,  in  such  matters,  it  was  better  to  consult  prudence 
than  cavil  about  right ;  that  the  solemn  doctors  of  the  laws  had  noth- 
ing to  do  with  this  affair ;  that  practice  was  always  a  wiser  counsellor 
than  speculation  ;  that  experience  had  already  marked  the  road  to 
be  taken  on  this  occasion  ;  it  had  long  been  followed  with  advantage 
and  safety ;  that  this  tested  system  could  not  betfpresumed  too  soon, 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  163 

by  abandoning  all  new  and  extraordinary  projects.  He  concluded 
by  saying,  that,  as  there  existed  no  reason  for  believing  that  the 
colonists  would  be  less  disposed  in  future  to  grant  subsidies,  volunta- 
rily, than  they  had  been  in  times  past,  he  would  have  the  secretaries 
of  state  address  the  customary  requisitions  to  their  assemblies. 

The  ministers  rose  to  reply  ;  and  this  time,  a  thing  rather  strange, 
and  not  to  have  been  expected  from  the  partisans  of  lord  Bute,  they 
demonstrated  great  solicitude  for  liberty  ;  so  true  it  is,  that  if  some- 
times the  promoters  of  popular  anarchy,  as  also  those  of  absolute 
power,  frequently  vociferate  the  name  of  liberty,  it  is  because  they 
know  that  if  the  people  cannot  love  what  oppresses  them,  they  may 
at  least  easily  be  deceived  by  the  appearance  and  the  name  alone  of 
that  which  constitutes  their  happiness.  Accordingly,  the  ministers 
declared,  that  it  would  be  a  dangerous  thing  for  liberty,  if  the  colo- 
nies could,  without  the  consent  of  parliament,  and  simply  upon  the 
requisition  of  ministers,  grant  subsidies  to  the  crown. 

1  Besides,'  they  added,  '  the*  colonial  assemblies  have  never  had 
the  legal  faculty  to  grant  subsidies  of  themselves  ;  it  is  a  privilege 
peculiar  to  parliament,  which  cannot  be  communicated  to  any  other 
body  whatsoever.  We  read,  in  the  Declaration  of  Rights,  "  that 
levying  money  for  the  use  of  the  crown,  by  pretence  of  prerogative, 
and  without  the  consent  of  parliament,  is  an  act  contrary  to  law." 
A  minister  who  should  suffer  the  grant  of  any  sort  of  revenues  from 
the  colonies  to  the  crown,  without  the  consent  of  parliament,  would 
be  liable  to  impeachment.  Although,  in  time  of  war,  and  from  the 
urgency  of  circumstances,  this  abuse  has  sometimes  been  tolerated, 
it  could  not  be  admitted  in  times  of  peace,  without  the  total  subver- 
sion of  the  constitution.  What  will  be  the  consequence,  if  the  par- 
liament once  divests  itself  of  the  right  to  tax  the  colonies  ?  It  will  no 
longer  be  possible  to  ground  calculations  upon  any  subsidies  on  their 
part ;  for,  because  they  have  furnished  them  heretofore,  can  it  be 
inferred  that  they  will  always  furnish  them  in  future  ?  It  may 
happen,  that  on  some  pressing  occasion  they  will  refuse  ;  and  if  they 
should,  what  means  will  remain  to  enforce  their  contributions  ? 
Finally,  if  they  passed  resolutions  for  levying  money  in  the  last  war, 
it  was  because  their  own  interests  were  concerned,  and  the  dangers 
immediately  menaced  themselves  ;  but,  in  other  circumstances,  and 
for  interests  more  remote,  whether  they  would  furnish  similar  sub- 
sidies, appears  extremely  doubtful.' 

Such  was  the  answer  of  the  ministers.  The  motion  of  Burke  was 
rejected  ;  not,  however,  without  causing  pain  to  many  among  the 
English,  who  ardently  desired  that  some  means  might  be  devised, 
by  which  a  reconciliation  could  be  effected.  But  such  were  not  the 
impressions  of  the  still  greater  number  that  adhered  to  the  party  of 
the  ministers.  In  the  present  state  of  things,  the  affair  of  taxation 
was,  or  appeared  to  have  become,  the  least  important  part  of  the 


164  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

controversy ;  the  quarrel,  increasing  in  virulency,  had  extended  to 
other  objects  of  still  greater  moment,  and  concerning  the  very 
nature  of  the  government. 

The  ministerial  party  entertained  the  most  violent  suspicions,  that, 
under  this  shadow  of  pretensions  about  taxes  and  constitutional 
liberty,  machinations  were  concealed,  tending  to  alter  the  form  of 
government,  to  propagate,  and  perhaps  to  realize,  those  ideas  of  a 
republic  which  had  occasioned  in  England  so  much  discord  and  so 
many  wars. 

The  present  partisans  of  liberty  in  America,  and  those  who  favor- 
ed them  in  Great  Britain,  much  resembled  those  of  times  past ;  and 
it  was  apprehended  they  were  plotting  the  same  designs.  The  least 
partiality  for  the  cause  of  the  Americans  was  viewed  as  a  criminal 
scheme  against  the  state  ;  all  those  who  declared  themselves  in  their 
favor  were  'considered  as  an  audacious  set  of  men,  full  of  ambition 
and  obstinacy,  who,  to  acquire  power  and  gratify  their  vengeance, 
would  have  involved  the  whole  empire  in  devastation  and  carnage. 
It  was  believed,  that,  as  fathers  leave  their  inheritance  to  their 
children,  the  patriots  of  the  times  of  the  revolution  had  transmitted 
the  venom  of  their  opinions  to  those  of  the  present  epoch  ;  and  that 
these,  by  means  of  the  American  revolution,  were  seeking  to  accom- 
plish their  pernicious  plots.  The  insurrection  of  the  colonies,  and 
the  intestine  dissentions  in  England,  seemed  to  be  the  prelude  of 
their  nefarious  purposes.  It  appeared  manifest,  that,  in  the  expec- 
tation of  future  events,  unable  as  yet  to  make  themselves  masters  of 
the  state,  they  had  formed  a  conspiracy  to  attack  incessantly  those 
who  governed  it,  with  their  odious  imputations  and  incendiary 
clamors.  In  effect,  the  partisans  of  the  Americans  had,  for  some 
time,  abandoned  themselves  to  the  most  extraordinary  proceedings. 
They  observed  no  human  respect, — no  sort  of  measure  ;  all  ways, 
all  means,  they  reputed  honest,  if  conducive  to  their  purposes. 
Consequently,  in  a  discussion  sustained  with  so  much  vehemence, 
and  imbitlered  by  the  remembrance  of  ancient  outrages,  every 
motion  in  favor  of  the  Americans  was  interpreted  in  the  most  unfa- 
vorable manner.  It  was  thought  that  Great  Britain  had  no  interest 
in  coming  to  an  accommodation  with  her  colonists,  until  this  republi- 
can spirit  was  first  put  down  and  extinguished  ;  and,  as  this  could 
not  be  effected  but  by  force  of  arms,  the  friends  of  government 
wished  they  might  be  employed;  *  Whatever,' said  they,  'maybe 
the  result  of  mild  counsels,  they  will  but  palliate  the  evil, — not  effect 
its  cure  ;  it  will  reappear  on  the  first  favorable  occasion,  more  form- 
idable than  ever.' 

Such  were  the  prevailing  opinions,  both  within  and  without  the 
parliament.  To  these  apprehensions  must  be  attributed,  principally, 
the  harsh  reception  encountered  by  all  the  propositions  for  an  accom- 
modation, which  were  made  by  the  friends  of  the  Americans.  The 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  165 

ministers,  besides,  were  persuaded  that  the  insurrection  of  the  colo- 
nies proceeded  rather  from  a  popular  effervescence  than  a  concerted 
plan  ;  and  that  this  flame  would  expire,  as  promptly  as  it  had  been 
kindled. 

Propositions  of  arrangement,  and  petitions,  continued,  however, 
still  to  be  offered  ;  but  perhaps  they  were  made  merely  because  it 
was  known  they  would  be  rejected,  as  they  were  in  effect.  Thus 
were  extinguished  all  hopes  of  reconciliation  ;  thus  the  last  extremi- 
ties were  rendered  inevitable  ;  thus  was  announced  the  precipitate 
approach  of  war  ;  and  good  citizens  perceived,  with  horror,  the 
calamities  about  to  fall  upon  their  country. 

Meanwhile,  the  horizon  became  every  day  more  lowering,  in 
America  ;  and  civil  war  seemed  only  waiting  the  signal  to  explode. 
The  congress  of  Massachusetts  had  passed  a  resolution  for  the  pur- 
chase of  all  the  gunpowder  that  could  be  found,  and  of  every  sort  of 
arms  and  ammunition  requisite  for  an  army  of  fifteen  thousand  men. 
This  decree  was  executed  with  the  utmost  solicitude  ;  and,  as  these 
objects  abounded  principally  in  Boston,  the  inhabitants  employed  all 
their  address  to  procure  and  transport  them  to  places  of  safety  in 
the  country,  by  deceiving  the  vigilance  of  the  guard  stationed  upon 
the  isthmus.  Cannon,  balls,  and  other  instruments  of  war,  were 
carried  through  the  English  posts,  in  carts  apparently  loaded  with 
manure  ;  powder,  in  the  baskets  or  panniers  of  those  who  came  from 
the  Boston  market ;  and  cartridges  were  concealed  in  candle  boxes. 

Thus  the  provincials  succeeded  in  their  preparations ;  but,  as  it 
was  feared  that  general  Gage  might  send  detachments  to  seize  the 
military  stores  in  places  where  they  were  secreted,  men  were  chosen 
to  keep  watch  at  Charlestown,  Cambridge  and  Roxbury,  and  be 
ready  to  despatch  couriers  to  the  towns  where  the  magazines  were 
kept,  as  often  as  they  should  see  any  band  of  soldiers  issuing  from 
Boston.  General  Gage  was  not  asleep.  Having  received  intima- 
tion that  several  pieces  of  artillery  were  deposited  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Salem,  he  sent  a  detachment  of  the  garrison  at  the  castle  to 
seize  them,  and  return  to  Boston.  They  landed  at  Marblehead, 
and  proceeded  to  Salem  ;  but  without  finding  the  object  of  their 
search.  They  had  to  pass  a  drawbridge,  which  formed  the  com- 
munication with  Danvers,  where  the  people  had  collected  in  great 
numbers.  The  bridge  had  been  drawn,  to  impede  the  passage  of 
the  royal  troops  ;  the  captain  in  command  ordered  the  bridge  down ; 
the  people  refused  ;  and  a  warm  altercation  ensued  with  the  soldiers. 
A  sinister  event  appeared  inevitable.  At  this  juncture,  came  up 
a  clergyman,  named  Bernard,  a  man  of  great  authority  with  the 
people,  who  persuaded  them  to  let  down  the  bridge.  The  soldiers 
passed  it ;  and  having  made  a  slight  incursion  on  the  other  side,  in 
token  of  the  liberty  they  had  obtained  to  scour  the  country,  they 
returned  peaceably  on  board.  But  the  country  people  had  already 


166  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

concealed,  in  places  more  secure,  the  artillery  and  ammunition. 
Accordingly,  the  expedition  of  general  Gage  completely  failed  of 
success. 

Thus,  by  the  prudence  of  a  single  man,  the  effusion  of  blood  was 
prevented  ;  of  which  the  danger  was  eminent.  The  resistance,  how- 
ever, which  the  soldiers  encountered,  had  greatly  exasperated  their 
minds  ;  and  if,  before,  the  people  of  Boston  lived  in  a  state  of  con- 
tinual jealousy,  after  this  event,  the  reciprocal  irritation  and  rancor 
had  so  increased,  that  it  was  feared,  every  moment,  the  soldiers  and 
the  citizens  would  come  to  blows. 

But  war  being  momently  expected,  the  particular  fate  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston  had  become  the  object  of  general  solicitude. 
The  garrison  was  formidable  ;  the  fortifications  carried  to  perfection  ; 
and  little  hope  remained  that  this  city  could  be  wrested  from  British 
domination.  Nor  could  the  citizens  flatter  themselves  more  with 
the  hope  of  escaping  by  sea,  as  the  port  was  blockaded  by  a  squad- 
ron. Thus  confined  amidst  an  irritated  soldiery,  the  Bostonians 
found  themselves  exposed  to  endure  all  the" outrages  to  be  appre- 
hended from  military  license.  Their  city  had  become  a  close  prison, 
and  themselves  no  better  than  hostages  in  the  hands  of  the  British 
commanders.  This  consideration  alone  sufficed  greatly  to  impede 
all  civil  and  military  operations  projected  by  the  Americans.  Va- 
rious expedients  were  suggested,  in  order  to  extricate  the  Bostonians 
from  this  embarrassing  situation  ;  which,  if  they  evinced  no  great 
prudence,  certainly  demonstrated  no  ordinary  obstinacy.  Some 
advised,  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  should  abandon  the  city, 
and  take  refuge  in  other  places,  where  they  should  be  succoured  at 
the  public  expense  ;  but  this  design  was  totally  impracticable  ;  since  it 
depended  on  general  Gage  to  prevent  its  execution.  Others  recom- 
mended, that  a  valuation  should  be  made  of  the  houses  and  furniture 
belonging  to  the  inhabitants,  that  the  city  should  then  be  fired,  and 
that  all  the  losses  should  be  reimbursed  from  the  public  treasure. 
After  mature  deliberation,  this  project  was  also. pronounced  not  only 
very  difficult,  but  absolutely  impossible  to  be  executed.  Many 
inhabitants,  however,  left  the  city  privately,  and  withdrew  into  the 
interior  of  the  country  ;  some,  from  disgust  at  this  species  of  captivi- 
ty ;  others,  from  fear  of  the  approaching  hostilities ;  and  others, 
finally,  from  apprehensions  of  beiYig  questioned  for  acts  against  the 
government ;  but  a  great  number,  also,  with  a  firm  resolution,  pre- 
ferred to  remain,  and  brave  all  consequences  whatever.  The 
soldiers  of  the  garrison,  weary  of  their  long  confinement,  desired  to 
sally  forth,  and  drive  away  these  rebels,  who  interrupted  their  pro- 
visions, and  for  whom  they  cherished  so  profound  a  contempt.  The 
inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  on  the  other  hand,  were  proudly  indig- 
nant at  this  opinion  of  their  cowardice,  entertained  by  the  soldiers  ; 
and  panted  for  an  occasion  to  prove,  by  a  signal  'vengeance,  the 
falsehood  of  the  reproach. 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  167 

In  the  meantime,  the  news  arrived  of  the  king's  speech  at  the 
opening  of  parliament  ;  of  the  resolutions  adopted  by  that  body  ; 
and,  finally,  of  the  act  by  which  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts 
were  declared  rebels.  All  the  province  flew  to  arms  ;  indignation 
became  fury, — obstinacy,  desperation.  All  idea  of  reconciliation 
had  become  chimerical ;  necessity  stimulated  the  most  timid  ;  a 
thirst  of  vengeance  fired  every  breast.  The  match  is  lighted, — the 
materials  disposed, — the  conflagration  impends.  The  children  are 
prepared  to  combat  against  their  fathers  ;  citizens  against  citizens  ; 
and,  as  the  Americans  declared,  the  friends  of  liberty  against  its 
oppressors, — against  the  founders  of  tyranny. 

( In  these  arms,'  said  they,  '  in  our  right  hands,  are  placed  the 
hope  of  safety,  the  existence  of  country,  the  defence  of  property, 
the  honor  of  our  wives  and  daughters.  With  these  alone  can  we 
repulse  a  licentious  soldiery,  protect  what  man  holds  dearest  upon 
earth,  and  unimpaired  transmit  our  rights  to  our  descendants.  The 
world  will  admire  our  courage  ;  all  good  men  will  second  us  with 
their  wishes  and  prayers,  and  celebrate  our  names  with  immortal 
praises.  Our  memory  will  become  dear  to  posterity.  It  will  be  the 
example,  as  the  hope  of  freemen,  and  the  dread  of  tyrants,  to  the 
latest  ages.  It  is  time  that  old  and  contaminated  England  should  be 
made  acquainted  with  the  energies  of  America,  in  the  prime  and 
innocence  of  her  youth  ;  it  is  time  she  should  know  how  much  supe- 
rior are  our  soldiers  in  courage  and  constancy,  to  vile  mercenaries. 
We  must  look  back  no  more  !  We  must  conquer  or  die  !  We  are 
placed  between  altars  smoking  with  the  most  grateful  incense  of 
glory  and  gratitude,  on  the  one  part,  and  blocks  and  dungeons  on 
the  other.  Let  each  then  rise,  and  gird  himself  for  the  combat. 
The  dearest  interests  of  this  world  command  it  ;  our  most  holy 
religion  enjoins  it  ;  that  God,  who  eternally  rewards  the  virtuous, 
and  punishes  the  wicked,  ordains  it.  Let  us  accept  these  happy 
auguries;  for  already  the  mercenary  satellites,  sent  by  wicked 
ministers  to  reduce  this  innocent  people  to  extremity,  are  imprisoned 
within  the  walls  of  a  single  city,  where  hunger  emaciates  them,  rage 
devours  them,  death  consumes  them.  Let  us  banish  every  fear, 
every  alarm  ;  fortune  smiles  upon  the  efforts  of  the  brave  !' 

By  similar  discourses,  they  excited  one  another,  and  prepared 
themselves  for  defence.  The  fatal  moment  is  arrived  ;  the  signal  of 
civil  war  is  given. 

General  Gage  was  informed,  that  the  provincials  had  amassed 
large  quantities  of  arms  and  ammunition,  in  the  towns  of  Worcester 
and  Concord  ;  which  last  is  eighteen  miles  distant  from  the  city  of 
Boston.  Excited  by  the  loyalists,  who  had  pursuaded  him  that  he 
would  find  no  resistance,  considering  the  cowardice  of  the  patriots, 
and  perhaps  not  imagining  that  fhe  sword  would  be  drawn  so  soon, 
he  resolved  to  send  a  few  companies  to  Concord,  in  order  to  seize 


168  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

the  military  stores  deposited  there,  and  transport  them  to  Boston,  or 
destroy  them.  It  was  said  also,  that  he  had  it  in  view,  by  this  sud- 
den expedition,  to  get  possession  of  the  persons  of  John  Hancock 
and  of  Samuel  Adams,  two  of  the  most  ardent  patriot  chiefs,  and 
the  principal  directors  of  the  provincial  congress,  then  assembled  in 
the  town  of  Concord.  But  to  avoid  exciting  irritation,  and  the 
popular  tumults,  which  might  have  obstructed  his  design,  he  resolved 
to  act  with  caution,  and  in  the  shade  of  mystery.  Accordingly,  he 
ordered  the  grenadiers,  and  several  companies  of  light  infantry,  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  out  of  the  city,  at  the  first 
signal ;  adding,  that  it  was  in  order  to  pass  review,  and  execute  dif- 
ferent manoeuvres  and  military  evolutions.  The  Bostonians  enter- 
tained suspicions  ;  and  sent  to  warn  Adams  and  Hancock  to  be  upon 
their  guard.  The  committee  of  public  safety  gave  directions  that 
the  arms  and  ammunition  should  be  distributed  about  in  different 
places.  Meanwhile,  general  Gage,  to  proceed  with  more  secrecy, 
commanded  a  certain  number  of  officers,  who  had  been  made 
acquainted  with  his  designs,  to  go,  as  if  on  a  party  of  pleasure,  and 
dine  at  Cambridge,  which  is  situated  very  near  Boston,  and  upoa 
the  road  to  Concord.  It  was  on  the  18th  of  April,  in  the  evening, 
these  officers  dispersed  themselves  here  and  there  upon  the  road  and 
passages,  to  intercept  the  couriers  that  might  have  been  despatched 
to  give  notice  of  the  movement  of  the  troops.  The  governor  gave 
orders  that  no  person  should  be  allowed  to  leave  the  city  ;  neverthe- 
less, doctor  Warren,  one  of  the  most  active  patriots,  had  timely  inti- 
mation of  the  scheme,  and  immediately  despatched  confidential  mes- 
sengers ;  some  of  whom  found  the  roads  interdicted  by  the  officers 
that  guarded  them  ;  but  others  made  their  way  unperceived  to  Lex- 
ington, a  town  upon  the  road  leading  to  Concord.  The  intelligence 
was  soon  divulged  ;  the  people  flocked  together,  the  bells,  <  in  all 
parts,  were  rung  to  give  the  alarm ;  the  continual  firing  of  cannon 
spread  the  agitation  through  all  the  neighboring  country.  In  the 
midst  of  this  tumultuous  scene,  at  eleven  in  the  evening,  a  strong 
detachment  of  grenadiers,  and  of  light  infantry,  was  embarked  at 
Boston,  and  went  to  take  land  at  a  place  called  Phipps'  Farm, 
whence  they  marched  towards  Concord.  In  this  state  of  things,  the 
irritation  had  become  so  intense,  that  a  spark  only  was  wanting,  to 
produce  an  explosion ;  as  the  event  soon  proved. 

The  troops  were  under  the  command  of  lieutenant-colonel  Smith, 
and  major  Pitcairn,  who  led  the  vanguard.  The  militia  of  Lexing- 
ton, as  the  intelligence  of  the  movement  of  this  detachment  was 
uncertain,  had  separated  in  the  course  of  the  night.  Finally,  at  five 
in  the  morning  of  the  10th,  advice  was  received  of  the  near  approach 
of  the  royal  troops.  The  provincials,  that  happened  to  be  near, 
assembled  to  the  number  of  about  seventy,  certainly  too  few  to  have 
had  the  intention  to  engage  in  combat.  The  English  appeared,  and 


BOOK    IV.  .          THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  160 

major  Pitcairn  cried  in  a  loud  voice,  '  Disperse  rebels,  lay  down 
arms,  and  disperse.'  The  provincials  did  not  obey,  upon  which  he 
sprung  from  the  ranks,  discharged  a  pistol,  and,  brandishing  his 
sword,  ordered  his  soldiers  to  fire.  The  provincials  retreated  ;  the 
English  continuing  their  fire,  the  former  faced  about  to  return  it. 

Meanwhile,  Hancock  and  Adams  retired  from  danger  ;  and  it  is 
related,  that  while  on  the  march,  the  latter,  enraptured  with  joy,  ex- 
claimed, '•  Oh  !  what  an  ever  glorious  morning  is  this  !'  considering 
this  first  effusion  of  blood  as  the  prelude  of  events  which  must  secure 
the  happiness  of  his  country.  The  soldiers  advanced  towards  Con- 
cord. The  inhabitants  assembled,  and  appeared  disposed  to  act 
upon  the  defensive,  but  seeing  the  numbers  of  the  enemy,  they  fell 
back,  and  posted  themselves  on  the  bridge,  which  is  found  north  of 
the  town,  intending  to  wait  for  reenforcements  from  the  neighboring 
places  ;  but  the  light  infantry  assailed  them  with  fury,  routed  them, 
and  occupied  the  bridge,  whilst  the  others  entered  Concord,  and 
proceeded  to  the  execution  of  their  orders.  They  spiked  two  pieces 
of  twenty-four  pound  cannon,  destroyed  their  carriages,  and  a  num- 
ber of  wheels  for  the  use  of  the  artillery  ;  threw  into  the  river,  and 
into  wells,  five  hundred  pounds  of  bullets,  and  wasted  a  quantity  of 
flour  deposited  there  by  the  provincials.  These  were  the  arms  and 
provisions  which  gave  the  first  occasion  to  a  long  and  cruel  war  ! 

But  the  expedition  was  not  yet  terminated  ;  the  minute-men  arriv- 
ed, and  the  forces  of  the  provincials  were  increased  by  continual 
accessions  from  every  quarter.  The  light  infantry  who  scoured  the 
country  above  Concord,  were  obliged  to  retreat,  and  on  entering  the 
town  a  hot  skirmish  ensued.  A  great  number  were  killed  on  both 
sides.  The  light  infantry  having  joined  the  main  body  of  the  de- 
tachment, the  English  retreated  precipitately  towards  Lexington  ; 
already  the  whole  country  had  risen  in  arms,  and  the  militia,  from 
all  parts,  flew  to  the  succour  of  their  own.  Before  the  British 
detachment  had  arrived  at  Lexington,  its  rear  guard  and  flanks 
suffered  great  annoyance  from  the  provincials,  who,  posted  behind 
the  trees,  walls,  and  frequent  hedges,  kept  up  a  brisk  fire,  which  the 
enemy  could  not  return.  The  soldiers  of  the  king  found  themselves 
in  a  most  perilous  situation. 

General  Gage,  apprehensive  of  the  event,  had  despatched,  in 
haste,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Percy,  a  reenforcernent  of  six- 
teen companies,  with  some  marines,' and  two  fi^ld  pieces.  This 
corps  arrived  very  opportunely  at  Lexington,  at  the  moment  when 
the  royal  troops  entered  the  town  from  the  other  side,  pursued  with 
fury  by  the  provincial  militia. 

It  appears  highly  probable,  that,  without  this  reenforcernent,  they 
would  have  been  all  cut  to  pieces,  or  made  prisoners  ;  their  strength 
was  exhausted,  as  well  as  their  ammunition.  After  making  a  con- 
siderable halt  at  Lexington,  they  renewed  their  march  towards  Bos- 

VOL.    I. 


170  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

ton,  the  number  of  the  provincials  increasing  every  moment,  although 
the  rear  guard  of  the  English  was  less  molested,  on  account  of  the 
two  field  pieces,  which  repressed  the  impetuosity  of  the  Americans. 
But  the  flanks  of  the  column  remained  exposed  to  a  very  destructive 
fire,  which  assailed  them  from  all  the  points  adapted  to  serve  as 
coverts.  The  royalists  were  also  annoyed  by  the  heat,  which  was 
excessive,  and  by  a  violent  wind,  which  blew  a  thick  dust  in  their 
eyes.  The  enemy's  marksmen,  adding  to  their  natural  celerity  a 
perfect  knpwledge  of  the  country,  came  up  unexpectedly  through 
cross  roads,  and  galled  the  English  severely,  taking  aim  especially  at 
the  officers,  who,  perceiving  it,  kept  much  on  their  guard.  Finally, 
after  a  march  of  incredible  fatigue,  and  a  considerable  loss  of  men, 
the  English,  overwhelmed  with  lassitude,  arrived  at  sunset  in  Charles- 
town.  Independently  of  the  combat  they  had  sustained,  the  ground 
they  had  measured  that  day  was  above  five  and  thirty  miles.  The 
day  following  they  crossed  over  to.  Boston. 

Such  was  the  affair  of  Lexington,  *>3  first  action  which  opened 
the  civil  war.  The  English  soldiers,  and  especially  their  officers, 
were  filled  with  indignation  at  the  fortune  of  the  day  ;  they  could 
not  endure,  that  an  undisciplined  multitude,  that  a  flock  of  Yankees, 
as  they  contemptuously  named  the  Americans,  should  not  only  have 
maintained  their  ground  against  them,  but  even  forced  them  to  show 
their  backs,  and  take  refuge  behind  the  walls  of  a  city.  The  pro- 
vincials, on  the  contrary,  felt  their  courage  immeasurably  increased, 
since  they  had  obtained  a  proof  that  these  famous  troops  were  not 
invincible,  and  had  made  so  fortunate  an  essay  of  the  goodness  of 
their  arms. 

Both  parties  were  at  great  pains  to  prove  that  their  adversaries  had 
been  the  aggressors.  The  English  insisted,  that  the  Americans  had 
fired  first  from  the  houses  of  Lexington,  and  that  tnis  provocation 
had  forced  the  British  troops  to  fire  also,  and  to  march  thence  to 
Concord.  The  Americans  denied  the  fact,  and  affirmed  very  posi- 
tively, that  major  Pitcairn  had  commanded  his  detachment  to  fire, 
when,  on  their  part,  they  continued  to  observe  a  perfect  calm  ;  and 
many  judicial  certificates  and  solemn  depositions  were  made  to  this 
effect.  Certain  it  is,  that  lieutenant-colonel  Smith,  was  much  displeased 
that  his  troops  had  fired  ;  and  it  seems  probable,  that  general  Gage 
had  given  orders  not  to  fire,,  except  in  case  of  a  real  attack  on  the 
part  of  the  provincials.  If  it  be  true,  therefore,  as  there  is  much 
reason  to  believe,  that  the  first  firing  came  from  the  soldiers  of  the 
king,  this  ought  to  be  imputed  rather  to  -the  imprudence  of  major 
Pitcairn  than  to  any  other  order  or  cause. 

The  two  parties  also  reciprocally  accused  each  other,  as  it  usually 
happens  in  civil  wars,  of  many  and  horrible  cruelties.  The  Ame- 
ricans pretended  that  the  English  had  burnt  and  plundered  several 
houses,  destroying  what  they  were  unable  to  carry  away,  and  that 


HOOK    IV.  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  171 

they  had  even  massacred  several  individuals  without  defence.  The 
English,  on  the  contrary,  affirmed,  that  several  of  their  comrades, 
made  prisoners  by  the  rebels,  had  been  tortured  and  put  to  death 
with  savage  barbarity.  They  even  related,  a  thing  horrible  to  repeat, 
that  one  of  the  wounded  English,  being  left' behind,  and  endeavor- 
ing, with  great  efforts,  to  rejoin  his  corps,  was  assailed  by  a  young 
American,  who  ferociously  split  open  his  skull  with  an  axe,  and  forced 
out  the  Brains,  for  his  sport.  We  dare  not  affirm  the  truth  of  this 
abominable  fact ;  although  we  find  it  related,  as  not  doubtful,  by 
authors  worthy  of  credit ;  but  we  can  at  least  attest  the  falsehood  of 
a  report  which  had  at  the  time  much  currency.  It  was  rumored, 
that  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  imitating,  in  their  fanatical 
rage,  the  barbarity  of  the  savages,  their  neighbors,  had  severed  the 
scalp,  torn  out  the  eyes,  and  cut  off  the  ears  of  many  English  sol- 
diers, both  wounded  and  dead.  It  is  pleasing  to  think,  and  authori- 
ties are  not  wanting  to  affirm,  that  these  imputations  are  excessively 
exaggerated,  both  on  the  one  part  and  on  the  other;  and  if  any 
excesses  were  committed  in  the  heat  of  battle,  it  is  certain  that 
after  the  action  was  over,  humanity  recovered  its  rights.  It  is  known 
with  perfect  assurance,  that  the  wounded,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  provincial  militia,  were  treated  with  all  the  cares  and  attentions  in 
use  among  the  most  civilised  nations.  The  Americans  even  gave 
notice  to  general  Gage,  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  send  surgeons  to 
dress  and  attend  the  wounded  that  were  found  in  their  hands. 

This  first  feat  of  arms  had  two  results  ;  the  first  was  to  demon- 
strate how  false  and  ridiculous  were  the  vaunts  of  those  Gascons, 
who,  within  parliament  as  well  as  without,  had  spoken  in  such  un- 
worthy terms  of  American  courage ;  from  this  moment  the  English 
nation,  and  especially  its  soldiers,  persuaded  themselves  that  the 
struggle  would  be  far  more  severe  and  more  sanguinary,  than  had 
been  at  first  believed.  The  second  effect  of  this  combat  was,  to 
increase  astonishingly  the  confidence  of  the  colonists,  and  their  reso- 
lution to  defend  their  rights.  It  should  be  added,  also,  that  the 
reports  of  the  cruelties  committed  by  the  British  troops,  which, 
whether  true  or  false,  the  leaders  never  failed  to  propagate  and 
exaggerate,  in  every  place,  repeating  them  with  words  of  extreme 
vehemence,  and  painting  them  in  the  most  vivid  colors,  had  produced 
an  incredible  fermentation,  and  a  frantic  rage  in  the  minds  of  the 
inhabitants.  To  give,  if  it  were  possible,  still  greater  activity  to 
these  transports  of  hatred  and  fury,  the  obsequies  of  the  slain  were 
celebrated  with  every  mark  of  honor,  their  eulogies  were  pronounced, 
they  were  styled  the  martyrs  of  liberty  ;  their  families  were  the 
object  of  universal  veneration.  They  were  continually  cited  as  the 
models  to  be  imitated  in  the  arduous  contest  which  America  was 
forced  into,  by  the  injustice  and  the  pride  of  English  supremacy. 


172  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IV« 

The  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts  was  then  in  session  at 
Watertovvn,  ten  miles  distant  from  Boston.  Upon  the  news  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  it  addressed  a  long  letter  to  the  English  people, 
containing  the  most  circumstantial  details  of  this  event;  the  congress 
endeavored  to  prove  that  the  royal  troops  had  been  the  first  to  engage 
battle,  by  firing  upon  the  peaceable  militia ;  and  by  committing  at 
Concord,  as  well  as  at  Lexington,  many  excesses,  absolutely  un- 
worthy of  the  British  name.  They  entreated  the  English  nation  to 
interfere,  and  avert  the  ulterior  calamities  which  were  about  to  fall 
upon  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain  ;  they  declared  and  protested 
their  loyalty  ;  at  the  same  time  they  affirmed  it  was  their  firm  and 
irrevocable  resolution  not  to  submit  to  any  species  of  tyranny  ;  they 
appealed  to  heaven  for  the  justice  of  a  cause  for  which  they  were 
prepared  to  sacrifice  their  fortunes,  and,  if  necessary,  existence 
itself. 

But,  not  content  with  words,  and  desirous  of  giving  a  regular 
direction  to  the  war,  and  to  the  movements  of  the  people,  who 
assembled  every  where  in  tumultuary  crowds,  they  assigned  a  fixed 
pay  to  the  officers  and  soldiers ;  they  made  regulations  for  organising 
and  disciplining  the  militia.  In  order  to  be  able  to  meet  the  ex- 
penses, which  were  rendered  necessary  by  circumstances,  the  con- 
gress issued  a  certain  quantity  of  bills  of  credit,  which  were  to  be 
received  as  money,  in  all  payments  ;  and  for  the  guaranty  of  which, 
they  pledged  the  faith  of  the  province.  They  declared  that  general 
Gage,  having  sent  armed  soldiers  to  destroy  what  existed  in  the 
public  magazines  in  the  town  of  Concord,  a  violence  which  had 
occasioned  the  illegal  and  barbarous  death  of  a  great  number  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  province,  was  no  longer  entitled  to  receive  any 
obedience,  but  ought,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  regarded  as  an  enemy 
to  the  country. 

The  congress  also  resolved,  that  a  levy  should  be  made  in  the 
province,  of  thirteen  thousand  six  hundred  men,  and  chose  for 
their  general,  colonel  Ward,  an  officer  of  much  reputation.  This 
militia  was  designed  to  form  the  contingent  of  Massachusetts  ; 
the  provinces  of  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island, 
were  invited  to  furnish  theirs,  in  order  to  complete  an  army 
of  thirty  thousand  men,  to  be  commanded  by  general  John 
Thomas,  an  officer  of  great  experience.  Connecticut  despatched 
immediately  a  considerable  .corps,  under  the  command  of  colonel 
Putnam,  an  old  officer,  who,  in  the  two  late  wars,  had  often  given 
proof  of  courage  and  intelligence.  The  other  provinces  were  not 
slow  in  causing  their  standards  to  move,  and,  in  a  short  time,  an 
army  of  thirty  thousand  men  was  found  assembled  under  the  walls 
of  Boston.  So  great  and  so  universal  was  the  ardor  produced  among 
the  inhabitants  by  the  battle  of  Lexington,  that  the  American  gene- 
rals were  obliged  to  send  back  to  their  homes  many  thousand  volun- 


T300K  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  173 

teers.  Putnam  took  his  station  at  Cambridge,  and  Thomas  at 
Roxbury,  upon  the  right  wing  of  the  army,  to  cut  off  entirely  the 
communication  of  the  garrison,  by  the  isthmus,  with  the  adjacent 
country.  Thus,  a  few  days  after  the  affair  of  Lexington,  the  capital 
of  the  province  of  Massachusetts  was  closely  besieged  ;  thus,  a  mul- 
titude assembled  in  haste,  of  men  declared  rebels,  and  mean  spirited 
cowards,  held  in  strict  confinement,  not  daring  to  sally  forth  even  to 
procure  food,  many  thousands  of  veteran  troops,  commanded  by  an 
able  general,  and  combating  under  the  royal  standard.  Such  was 
the  situation  of  troops  which  had  been  sent  from  Europe  with  the 
firm  expectation  that  they  would  only  have  to  show  themselves,  in 
order  to  drive  before  them  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  country,  infinitely 
more  vast  and  more  difficult  to  traverse  than  England  itself.  But, 
in  all  times,  regular  troops  have  regarded  with  disdain  the  militia 
of  an  insurgent  people  ;  and  often  has  this  militia  baffled  all  the  efforts 
of  regular  armies. 


END    OF    BOOK    FOURTH, 


NOTE    TO    BOOK    IV. 

NOTE    I. — PAGE    128. 
NAMES    OF    MEMBERS    COMPOSING    THE    CONGRESS    OF    1774, 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE 


JOHN  SULLIVAN, 
NATHANIEL  FULSOM. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


JAMES  BOWDOIN, 
THOMAS    GUSHING, 
SAMUEL    ADAMS, 
JOHN    ADAMS, 
ROBERT   T.   PAINE. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 


STEPHEN    HOPKINS, 
SAMUEL  WARD. 


CONNECTICUT. 


ELIPHALET  DYER, 
ROGER  SHERMAN, 
SILAS  DEANE. 


NEW  YORK. 

JAMES    DUANE, 
HENRY    WISNER, 
JOHN  JAY, 
PHILIP   LIVINGSTON, 
ISAAC    Low, 
JOHN    ALSOP, 
WILLIAM   FLOYD. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

JAMES   KINSEY, 
WILLIAM   LIVINGSTON. 
JOHN   DE    HART, 
STEPHEN    CRANE, 
RICHARD   SMITH. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

JOSEPH  GALLOWAY, 
CHARLES   HUMPHREYS, 


SAMUEL  RHOADS, 
GEORGE    Ross, 
JOHN   MORTON, 
THOMAS    MIFFLIN, 
EDWARD    BIDDLE, 
JOHN   DICKINSON. 


DELAWARE 

CAESAR  RODNEY, 
THOMAS    M'KEAN, 
GEORGE    READ. 

MARYLAND. 

ROBERT    GOLDSBOROUGH, 
THOMAS   JOHNSON, 
WILLIAM   PACA, 
SAMUEL    CHASE, 
MATTHEW    TILGHMAN. 

VIRGINIA. 

PEYTON    RANDOLPH, 
RICHARD    HENRY    LEE, 
GEORGE    WASHINGTON, 
PATRICK   HENRY, 
RICHARD    BLAND, 
BENJAMIN   HARRISON, 
EDMUND   PENDLETON. 

NORTH   CAROLINA 

WILLIAM   HOOPER, 
JOSEPH    HUGHES, 
RICHARD   CASWELL. 

SOUTH   CAROLINA. 

HENRY   MIDDLETON, 
JOHN   RUTLEBGE, 
THOMAS    LYNCH, 
CHRISTOPHER   GADSDEKT, 
EDWARD    RUTLEDGE. 


BOOK   V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  175 


BOOK    FIFTH. 

1775.  BOSTON  is  situated  near  the  middle  of  the  province  of 
Massachusetts,  upon  a  tract  of  land,  which,  connecting  with  the  con- 
tinent by  an  extremely  narrow  tongue,  called  the  neck,  afterwards 
distends  sufficiently  to  comprehend  a  city  of  very  ample  dimensions. 
The  figure  of  this  peninsula  is  irregular,  and  forms*  alternately,  bays 
and  promontories.  In  one  of  these  bays,  facing  towards  the  east,  is 
found  the  port,  which  is  admirably  adapted  to  receive  ships  of  any 
burthen,  as  well  of  war  as  of  commerce.  Towards  the  north,  the 
land  branches  into  two  parts,  resembling  horns  ;  one  of  which,  point- 
ing to  the  northeast,  is  called  Hudson's  Point ;  and  the  other,  bearing 
to  the  northwest,  Barton's  Point.  In  front  of  these  two  points, 
another  peninsula  is  perceived,  which,  from  the  name  of  a  considera- 
ble town  there  situated,  opposite  Boston,  is  called  Charlestown,  and 
is  joined  to  the  main  land  by  an  exceedingly  narrow  neck,  which  also 
bears  the  name  of  Charlestown.  An  arm  of  the  sea,  about  half  a 
mile  in  breadth,  enters  between  the  points  of  Hudson,  of  Barton, 
and  of  Charlestown  ;  and,  then  expanding,  embraces  all  the  western 
part  of  the  peninsula  of  Boston.  A  number  of  streams  empty  them- 
selves into  this  cove  ;  the  principal  of  which,  are  Muddy,  Charles, 
and  Mystic,  or  Medfqrd,  rivers.  Not  far  from  the  isthmus  of  Boston, 
the  continent  stretches  into  the  sea,  and  forms  a  long  promontory, 
which  extends,  on  the  right,  towards  the  east ;  from  which  results 
another  peninsula,  though  joined  to  the  main  land  by  a  much  wider 
neck  than  either  that  of  Boston  or  of  Charlestown  ;  these  are  kno'wn 
by  the  appellations  of  Dorchester  Neck,  and  Point.  The  peninsulas 
of  Charlestown,  and  of  Dorchester,  are  so  near  to  that  of  Boston, 
that  batteries  placed  upon  either  can  reach  the  city  with  their  shot. 
This  can  he  done  with  the  greater  facility,  as  in  both  there  are  many 
hills,  or  eminences,  peculiarly  favorable  for  the  position  of  artillery. 
There  is  one,  above  the  village  of  Charlestown,  called  Breed's  Hill, 
which  commands  the  city  of  Boston  ;  and  another,  behind  it,  towards 
Charlestown  Neck,  and  consequently  further  from  Boston,  which 
bears  the  name  of  Bunker's  Hill.  In  like  manner  upon  the  penin- 
sula of  Dorchester  are  heights,  which  have  the  same  name  ;  and 
another,  called  Nook's  Hill,  which  crowns  the  spur  of  land  towards 
Boston.  The  inlet  of  the  sea,  through  which  the  port  is  approached, 
is  sprinkled  with  little  islands ;  the  most  considerable  of  which  are 
Noddle's,  Thompson's,  Governor's,  Long  Island,  and  Castle  Island. 
West  of  Boston  upon  the  river  Charles,  is  situated  the  extensive 
village  of  Cambridge  ;  and  to  the  south,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Neck* 
that  of  Roxburv, 


176  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

The  American  army  had  rested  its  left  wing  upon  the  river  of 
Medford,  and  thus  intercepted  the  communication  of  Charlestovvn 
Neck ;  the  centre  occupied  Cambridge  ;  and  the  right  wing,  posted 
at  Roxbury,  repressed  the  garrison  on  the  part  of  the  isthmus,  which, 
being  fortified,  might  have  facilitated  their  sallies  and  excursions  into 
the  country. 

In  this  situation,  respectively,  the  two  armies  were  found ;  but  the 
number  and  quality  of  the  combatants,  their  opinions,  their  military 
science,  their  arms,  ammunition  and  provisions,  created  a  great 
difference  in  their*  condition.  The  Americans  were  much  superior 
in  number  ;  but  this  number  was  subject  to  continual  variations  ;  for 
that  severe  discipline,  without  which  neither  order  nor  stability  can 
exist  in  armies,  not  being  as  yet  introduced  among  them,  the  soldiers 
joined  or  quitted  their  colors,  as  best  suited  their  inclinations ;  and 
fresh  bands  of  volunteers  were  daily  arriving,  to  take  the  place  of  those 
who  had  left  the  camp.  They  had  every  kind  of  food  in  great  abun- 
dance, and  especially  vegetables,  so  necessary  to  the  health  of  troops. 
But  their  arms  were  far  from  being  sufficient.  They  had,  in  all,  but 
sixteen  field  pieces,  six  of  which,  at  the  very  utmost,  were  in  a  con- 
dition for  service.  Their  brass  pieces,  which  were  few,  were  of  the 
smallest  caliber.  They  had,  however,  some  heavy  iron  cannon,  with 
three  or  four  mortars  and  howitzers,  and  some  scanty  provision  of 
balls  and  bombs.  But  of  powder  they  were  almost  totally  destitute  ; 
for,  upon  visiting  the  magazines,  only  eighty-two  half  barrels  of  it 
were  found.  A  certain  quantity,  it  is  true,  might  have  been  pro- 
cured in  the  neighboring  provinces  ;  but  this  feeble  resource  would 
soon  be  exhausted.  Muskets  were  in  abundance  ;  but  they  were  all 
of  different  caliber,  each  having  brought  his  own.  They  were  ad- 
mirably skilled  in  the  use  of  this  weapon,  and  therefore  well  adapted 
for  the  service  of  light  troops  and  skirmishing  parties  ;  but  in  regular 
battle,  they  would  have  made  but  an  indifferent  figure.  They  had 
no  uniforms,  and  no  magazines  stocked  with  provisions  ;  they  lived, 
from  day  to  day,  without  taking  thought  for  the  morrow;  but,  in 
these  first  moments,  the  zeal  of  the  neighboring  country  people  suf- 
fered them  to  want  for  nothing.  They  had  no  coined  money,  or  very 
little  ;  but  they  had  bills  of  credit,  which,  at  this  epoch,  were  current 
at  equal  value  with  gold.  The  officers  wanted  due  instruction, 
excepting  those  few  who  had  served  in  the  preceding  wars.  They 
were  not  even  known  by  their  soldiers ;  for,  the  organisation  of  the 
several  corps  not  being  yet  completed,  the  changes  in  them  were 
continual.  Orders  were  ill  executed  ;  every  one  wished  to  com- 
mand, and  do  according  to  his  own  fancy  5  few  deigned  to  obey. 
Upon  the  whole,  with  the  exception  of  some  few  regiments,  which 
had  been  trained  in  certain  provinces  by  experienced  chiefs,  the  resi- 
due had  more  the  appearance  of  a  tumultuary  assemblage,  than  of  a 
regular  army.  But  all  these  defects  were  compensated,  by  the  deter- 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  177 

mined  spirit  of  their  minds  ;  by  the  zeal  of  party  ;  the  profound 
persuasion,  in  all,  of  the  justice  of  their  cause ;  the  exhortations  of 
their  chiefs,  and  of  the  ministers  of  religion,  who  neglected  no  means 
of  daily  exciting  this  people,  already  of  themselves  inclined  to  the 
enthusiasm  of  religious  ideas,  to  signalise  their  firmness  and  valor  in 
an  enterprise  pleasing  in  the  sight  of  heaven  and  all  the  good  of  the 
human  race. 

With  these  feeble  preparations,  but  with  this  extraordinary  ardor, 
the  Americans  commenced  a  war,  which  every  thing  announced  must 
prove  long,  arduous  and  sanguinary.  It  was,  however,  easy  to  fore- 
see, that,  whatever  reverses  they  might  have  to  encounter  in  the 
outset,  an  unshaken  constancy  must  render  them  eventually  trium- 
phant ;  for,  by  preserving  all  their  courage,  and  acquiring  discipline 
and  the  science  of  war,  their  soldiers  could  not  fail  to  become  equal, 
in  all  respects,  to  any  that  could  be  opposed  to  them. 

As  to  the  British  troops,  they  were  abundantly  provided  with  all 
things  necessary  to  enter  the  field  ;  their  arsenals  were  glutted  with 
artillery  of  various  caliber,  excellent  muskets,  powder,  and  arms  of 
every  denomination.  Their  soldiers  were  all  perfectly  exercised, 
accustomed  to  fatigues  and  dangers ;  they  had  long  been  taught  the 
difficult  art,  so  essential  in  war — to  obey.  Their  minds  were  full  of 
the  recollection  of  the  achievements,  by  which  they  had  distinguished 
themselves  at  various  times,  in  the  service  of  their  country,  while 
combating  against  the  most  warlike  nations  of  the  world.  A  parti- 
cular motive  added  still  greatly  to  the  martial  resolution  of  this  army 
— the  reflection  that  they  were  to  combat  under  the  royal  standard, 
which  is  usually  a  powerful  incentive  to  military  honor.  The  English, 
moreover,  considered  the  enemies  they  were  about  to  encounter,  in 
the  light  of  rebels  ;  a  name  that  inflamed  them  with  an  animosity 
more  intense  than  simple  courage.  They  panted  to  avenge  them- 
selves for  the  affront  of  Lexington  ;  they  could  by  no  means  admit 
that  these  Americans  were  able  to  resist  them ;  they  persisted  in 
viewing  them  as  cowards,  who  were  indebted  for  their  success  at 
Lexington,  exclusively  to  their  numbers,  and  the  advantage  of  ground. 
They  were  persuaded  that,  in  the  first  serious  action,  in  the  first 
regular  battle,  the  colonists  would  not  dare  to  wait  their  approach. 
But,  until  the  arrival  of  the  reenforcements  expected  from  England, 
prudence  exacted  a  circumspect  conduct  towards  the  Americans, 
whose  forces  were  more  than  threefold  in  number.  Meanwhile,  so 
strict  was  the  siege,  no  provisions  being  permitted  to  enter  the  city 
from  the  neighboring  towns,  that  fresh  meat  and  all  kinds  of  vege- 
tables, began  to  become  excessively  scarce ;  and,  although  the  sea 
was  open  to  the  English,  and  they  had  a  great  number  of  light  vessels 
at  their  disposal,  they  could  procure  no  supplies  from  the  coasts  of 
New  England  ;  the  inhabitants  having  driven  their  cattle  into  the 
interior  of  the  country.  As  to  the  other  provinces,  they  could  obtain 
VOL.  i.  23 


178  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

nothing  from  them  by  their  consent ;  and  they  could  not  employ  force, 
because  they  were  not  yet  declared  rebels.  The  scarcity  became 
therefore  extreme  at  Boston.  The  garrison,  as  well  as  the  inhabit- 
ants, were  reduced  to  salt  provisions.  The  English,  therefore,  were 
impatient  for  the  arrival  of  reenforcements  from  England,  in  order  to 
make  some  vigorous  effort  to  extricate  themselves  from  this  difficult 
situation. 

The  besieging  army,  aware  that  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  had  no 
other  resource  but  from  the  magazines  of  the  king,  exercised  the 
greater  vigilance  to  intercept  all  supplies  from  the  adjacent  country  ; 
hoping  that  the  exhaustion  of  these  stores  would  at  length  induce  the 
governor  to  consent  that  the  inhabitants,  or  at  least  the  women  and 
children,  as  superfluous  mouths,  might  leave  the^city.  This  the  pro- 
vincials had  several  times  requested,  very  earnestly  ;  but  the  governor, 
notwithstanding  the  embarrassment  he  experienced  in  providing  suste- 
nance for  the  troops,  appeared  little  disposed  to  listen  to  the  proposi- 
tion. He  considered  the  inhabitants  as  so  many  hostages  for  the 
safety  of  the  city  and  garrison  ;  being  apprehensive  the  Americans 
might  attempt  to  carry  the  place  by  assault  ;  of  which,  however, 
there  was  not  the  least  danger,  although  they  had  purposely  circulated 
such  a  rumor.  Their  generals  were  too  considerate  not  to  perceive 
how  fatal  an  impression  of  discouragement  must  have  been  made  on 
the  public  mind,  by  the  miscarriage  of  so  important  a  stroke,  at  the 
very  commencement  of  the  war ;  and  the  probabilities  in  favor  of 
this  assault,  were  not  great,  as  the  fortifications  of  the  Neck  were 
extremely  formidable  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  there  could  have  been 
little  hope  of  success,  so  long  as  the  English  had  command  of  the 
sea,  and  the  movements  of  a  numerous  fleet.  But,  finally,  general 
Gage,  urged  by  necessity,  and  wishing  also  to  withdraw  arms  from 
the  hands  of  the  citizens,  on  whose  account  he  was  not  without 
apprehensions,  after  a  long  conference  with  the  council  of  the  city, 
acceded  to  an  arrangement,  by  which  it  was  stipulated,  that  all  citi- 
zens, on  giving  up  their  arms,  and  depositing  them  in  Faneuil  Hall, 
or  some  other  public  place,  should  be  at  liberty  to  retire  wherever 
they  might  think  proper,  with  all  their  effects  ;  it  was,  however,  under- 
stood, that  their  arms  should,  in  due  time,  be  restored  them.  It  was 
also  agreed,  that  thirty  carts  should  be  permitted  to  enter  Boston,  to 
take  away  the  moveables  of  the  emigrants ;  and  that  the  admiralty 
should  furnish  the  transports  requisite  for  the  same  purpose.  This 
compact  was  at  first  faithfully  observed  by  the  two  parties;  the 
inhabitants  deposited  their  arms,  and  the  general  delivered  them  pass- 
ports. But  soon  after,  either  unwilling  to  deprive  himself  entirely  of 
hostages,  or  apprehensive,  as  it  had  been  rumored,  that  the  insurgents 
meditated  the  design  of  setting  fire  to  the  city,  so  soon  as  their  parti- 
sans should  have  evacuated  it,  he  pretended  that  individuals  who  had 
gone  out  to  look  after  the  affairs  of  persons  attached  to  the  royal 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  179 

cause,  had  been  ill  treated  ;  and  began  to  refuse  passes.  Tin's  refusal 
excited  violent  complaints,  both  among  the  Bostonians  and  the  pro- 
vincials stationed  without.  The  governor,  however,  persisted  in  his 
resolution.  If  he  afterwards  permitted  some  few  citizens  to  depart, 
it  was  only  uport  condition  that  they  should  leave  their  furniture  and 
effects ;  which  subjected  them  to  no  little  detriment  and  inconve- 
nience. Many  of  them,  who  were  accustomed  to  live  in  a  style  of 
great  elegance  found  themselves  reduced,  by  this  extraordinary  rigor, 
to  an  absolute  destitution  of  things  of  the  first  necessity.  It  was  also 
said,  and  with  too  much  appearance  of  probability,  that,  from  a  certain 
cruelty,  which  no  motive  can  excuse,  in  granting  passports,  he  studied 
to  divide  families,  separating  wives  from  husbands,  fathers  from 
children,  brothers  from  each  other  5  some  obtained  permission  to 
depart — others  were  forced  to  remain. 

The  poor  and  sick  might  all  retreat,  without  opposition  ;  but  their 
departure  was  accompanied  with  a  circumstance,  which,  if  it  was 
not  the  effect  of  a  barbarous  intention,  ought  at  least  to  have  been 
prevented  whh  the  most  sedulous  care ;  among  the  sick,  those 
were  suffered  to  pass  who  were  attacked  with  the  smallpox,  a  very 
mortal  disease  in  America,  where  it  excites  the  same  horror  as  the 
plague  itself  in  Europe  and  in  Asia.  The  contagion  spread  rapidly, 
and  made  frightful  ravages  among  the  provincials. 

While  these  things  were  passing  within  and  about  Boston,  the  other 
provinces  were  making  their  preparations  for  war  with  extreme  ac- 
tivity. The  city  of  New  York  itself,  in  which  the  English  had  more 
friends  than  in  any  other  on  the  continent,  and  which  hitherto  had 
manifested  so  much  reserve,  at  the  first  news  of  the  battle  of  Lexington, 
was  seized  with  a  violent  emotion,  and  resolved  to  make  common 
cause  with  the  other  colonies.  The  inhabitants  adopted  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  general  congress,  with  the  determination  to  persist  in 
them  until  the  entire  reestablishment  of  constitutional  laws.  They 
drew  up  an  energetic  address  to  the  common  council  of  the  city  of 
London,  which  had  shown  itself  favorable  to  the  cause  of  the  colo- 
nies; they  declared,  that  all  the  calamities  in  the  train  of  civil  war, 
could  not  constrain  the  Americans  to  bend  to  the  will  of  Great  Bri- 
tain ;  and  that  such  was  the  universal  sentiment,  from  Nova  Scotia  to 
Georgia  ;  they  conjured  the  city  of  London  to  exert  all  its  endeavors 
to  restore  peace  between  the  two  parts  of  the  empire  ;  but  as  to 
themselves,  they  protested  their  determination  never  to  endure  minis- 
terial tyranny. 

The  inhabitants  were  all  indefatigable  in  training  themselves  to  the 
use  of  arms ;  the  patriots,  to  resist  England  j  and  the  partisans  of 
the  government,  forming  no  inconsiderable  number,  either  because 
they  thought  it  prudent  to.  go  with  the  current,  or  to  prevent  disorders, 
or  to  be  prepared,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  to  declare  themselves 
upon  the  first  occasion.  But  as  the  city  of  New  York  is  entirely 


180  THE    AMER[CAN    WAR.  BOOK     V- 

exposed  towards  the  sea,  and  as  the  inhabitants  could  have  no  hope 
of  defending  it  against  the  attack  of  an  English  fleet,  they  resolved 
to  risk  nothing  by  delay,  and  to  seize  the  arms  and  ammunition  de- 
posited in  the  royal  magazines.  The  women  and  children  were 
removed  from  the  seat  of  danger ;  which  done,  they  prepared  to 
defend  themselves ;  and,  in  case  they  should  have  lost  ail  hope  of 
resisting  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  it  was  resolved,  horrible  as  it  seems, 
though  but  too  common  in  civil  wars,  to  fire  the  city. 

In  South  Carolina,  it  was  hoped,  universally,  that  perseverance  in 
the  resolutions  taken  against  British  commerce,  would  suffice  to  dis- 
pose the  government  to  embrace  milder  councils.  But  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  rigorous  acts  of  parliament  was  received  there  the  very 
day  on  which  was  fought  the  battle  of  Lexington,  the  tidings  of  which 
arrived  a  few  days  after.  The  inhabitants  were  struck  with  surprise, 
and  even  with  terror ;  well  knowing  to  what  dangers  they  exposed 
themselves,  in  undertaking  to  wage  war  with  Great  Britain ;  as  her 
formidable  squadrons  could  reach  them  at  all  the  points  of  a  coast 
two  hundred  miles  in  length,  and  as  they  found  themselves  almost 
totally  destitute  of  arms  or  munitions  of  war  ;  without  means  to  equip 
their  soldiers,  without  ships,  without  money,  without  officers  of  expe- 
rience, or  skilled  in  tactics.  They  were  even  not  without  serious 
apprehensions  relative  to  the  negro  slaves,  formidably  numerous  in 
this  province.  They  were  accessible  to  seduction,  by  gifts  and  pro- 
mises ;  and  might  be  instigated  to  massacre  their  masters,  at  the  mo- 
ment of  their  most  unsuspecting  security.  The  province  itself  had 
not  been  comprehended  in  the  parliamentary  proscription  ;  and  could 
not,  therefore,  without  manifest  treason,  spontaneously  take  part  in 
rebellion  and  open  war.  At  length,  however,  the  resolutions  inspired 
by  courage,  prevailed  ;  and  such  measures  were  taken  as  were  deem- 
ed best  suited  to  the  occasion.  On  the  night  subsequent  to  the 
advice  of  the  hostilities  at  Lexington,  the  inhabitants  rushed  to  the 
arsenal,  and  seized  all  the  arms  and  ammunition  it  contained,  and 
distributed  them  among  the  soldiers  in  the  pay  of  the  province.  A 
provincial  congress  was  convoked;  a  league  was  contracted  by  the 
delegates,  purporting,  that  the  Carolinians  considered  themselves 
united,  by  all  the  ties  of  honor  and  religion,  for  the  defence  of  their 
country  against  all  enemies  whatsoever  ;  that  they  were  ready  to 
march,  whenever  and  wherever  the  congress,  whether  general  or  pro- 
vincial, should  judge  necessary ;  that  they  would  sacrifice  their  for- 
tunes and  their  lives  to  maintain  the  public  liberty  and  safety ;  that 
they  would  hold  for  enemies  all  those  who  should  refuse  to  subscribe 
the  league  ;  which  was  to  be  in  force,  until  a  reconciliation  was  effect- 
ed between  Great  Britain  and  America,  conformably  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  constitution.  It  was  afterwards  determined  to  raise  two 
regiments  of  infantry,  and  one  of  cavalry,  called  rangers.  Such  was 
the  general  ardor/that  more  officers  presented  themselves  than  were 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  181 

wanted ;  the  greater  part  from  among  the  wealthiest  and  most  re- 
spectable families  of  the  country.  At  the  same  time,  an  emission 
was  made  of  bills  of  credit,  which,  at  this  epoch,  were  received  by 
all  the  citizens,  with  the  greatest  promptitude. 

In  New  Jersey,  at  the  news  of  the  affair  at  Lexington,  the  people 
took  possession  of  the  provincial  treasure ;  and  a  part  of  it  was 
destined  to  pay  the  troops  which  were  levied  at  the  same  time  in  the 
province. 

At  Baltimore,  in  Maryland,  the  inhabitants  laid  a  strong  hand  upon 
all  the  military  stores  that  were  found  in  the  public  magazines  ;  and, 
among  other  arms,  fifteen  hundred  muskets  thus  fell  into  their  power. 
A  decree  was  published,  interdicting  all  transportation  of  commodi- 
ties to  the  islands  where  fisheries  were  carried  on,  as  also  to  the 
British  army  and  fleet  stationed  at  Boston. 

The  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  took  the  same  resolution,  and  ap- 
peared, in  all  respects,  equally  disposed  to  defend  the  common  cause. 
The  Quakers  themselves,  notwithstanding  their  pacific  institutions, 
could  not  forbear  to  participate  in  the  ardor  with  which  their  fellow- 
citizens  flew  to  meet  a  new  order  of  things. 

When  Virginia,  this  important  colony,  and  particularly  opposed  to 
the  pretensions  of  England,  received  the  intelligence  of  the  first  hos- 
tilities, it  was  found  in  a  state  of  extreme  commotion,  excited  by  a 
cause,  which,  though  trivial  in  itself,  in  the  present  conjuncture  be- 
came of  serious  importance.  The  provincial  congress,  convened  in 
the  month  of  March,  had  recommended  a  levy  of  volunteers  in  each 
county,  for  the  better  defence  of  the  country.  The  governor,  lord 
Dunmore,  at  the  name  of  volunteers,  became  highly  indignant ;  and 
conceived  suspicions  of  some  pernicious  design.  Apprehending  the 
inhabitants  intended  to  take  possession  of  a  public  magazine,  in  the 
city  of  Williamsburgh,  he  caused  all  the  powder  it  contained  to  be 
removed,  by  night,  and  conveyed  on  board  an  armed  vessel,  at 
anchor  in  the  river  James.  The  following  morning,  the  citizens,  on 
being  apprised  of  the  fact,  were  violently  exasperated  ;  they  flew  to 
arms,  assembled  in  great  numbers,  and  demonstrated  a  full  determi- 
nation to  obtain  restitution  of  the  powder,  either  by  fair  means  or 
force.  A  serious  affair  was  apprehended  ;  but  the  municipal  coun- 
cil interposed,  and,  repressing  the  tumult,  despatched  a  written 
request  to  the  governor,  entreating  him  to  comply  with  the  public 
desire.  They  complained,  with  energy,  of  the  injury  received  ;  and 
represented  the  dangers  to  which  they  should  be  exposed,  in  case  of 
insurrection  on  the  part  of  the  blacks,  whose  dispositions,  from  vari- 
ous recent  reports,  they  had  too  much  reason  to  distrust.  The 
governor  answered,  that  the  powder  had  been  removed,  because  he 
had  heard  of  an  insurrection  in  a  neighboring  county ;  that  he  had 
removed  it  in  the  night  time  to  prevent  any  alarm ;  that  he  was  much 
surprised  to  hear  the  people  were  under  arms ;  add  that  he  should 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     V. 

not  think  it  prudent  to  put  powder  into  their  hands  in  such  a  situa- 
tion. He  assured  them,  however,  that  in  case  of  a  revolt  of  the 
negroes,  it  should  be  returned  immediately.  Tranquillity  was  re- 
established;  but,  in  the  evening,  an  alarm  was  given,  that  the  soldiers 
of  the  ship  of  war  were  approaching  the  city  in  arms,  the  people  again 
also  took  up  theirs,  and  passed  the  whole  night  in  expectation  of  an 
attack. 

The  governor,  not  knowing,  or  unwilling  to  yield  to  the  temper  of 
the  times,  manifested  an  extreme  irritation  at  these  popular  move- 
ments. He  suffered  certain  menaces  to  fall  from  his  lips,  which  it 
would  have  been  far  more  prudent  to  suppress.  He  intimated,  that 
the  royal  standard  would  be  erected  ;  the  blacks  emancipated,  and 
armed  against  their  masters  ;  a  thing  no  less  imprudent  than  barbar- 
ous, and  contrary  to  every  species  of  civilisation  ;  finally,  he  threat- 
ened the  destruction  of  the  city,  and  to  vindicate,  in  every  mode, 
his  own  honor,  and  that  of  the  crown.  These  threats  excited  a 
general  fermentation  throughout  the  colony,  and  even  produced  an 
absolute  abhorrence  towards  the  government.  Thus,  incidents  of 
slight  importance,  assisted  by  the  harsh  and  haughty  humors  of  the 
agents  of  England  and  America,  contributed  to  accelerate  the  course 
of  things  towards  that  crisis,  to  which  they  tended  already,  but  too 
strongly,  of  themselves. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  popular  meetings  that  assembled  in  all  the 
counties  of  the  province,  the  seizure  of  the  powder,  and  the  menaces 
of  the  governor,  were  condemned  with  asperity.  But,  in  the  coun- 
ty of  Hanover,  and  the  country  adjacent,  the  inhabitants  were  not 
content  with  words.  They  took  arms  ;  and,  under  the  command  of 
Henry,  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  general  congress,  marched 
against  the  city  of  Wilmington,  with  the  design,  as  they  declared 
openly,  not  only  of  obtaining  restitution  of  the  powder,  but  also  of 
securing  the  public  treasure  against  the  attempts  of  the  governor. 
An  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  most  enterprising  were  already  in  the 
suburbs  of  the  city,  when  a  parley  was  opened,  which  concluded  in 
an  accommodation,  and  tranquillity  was  restored  ;  but  it  was  evi- 
dent, that  the  public  mind  was  too  much  inflamed  to  admit  of  its 
long  continuance.  The  people  of  the  country,  however,  returned 
peaceably  to  their  habitations. 

The  governor  fortified  his  palace  to  the  utmost  of  his  power  ;  he 
placed  a  garrison  of  marines  within,  and  surrounded  it  with  artillery. 
He  issued  a  proclamation,  by  which  Henry  and  his  followers  were 
declared  rebels.  Finally,  with  an  imprudence  of  conduct  unworthy 
of  a  magistrate,  who  ought  never,  in  the  exercise  of  his  functions,  to 
suffer  himself  to  be  transported  with  anger,  in  acrimonious  terms,  he 
attributed  the  present  commotions  to  the  disaffection  of  the  people, 
and  their  desire  to  excite  a  general  revolt.  These  imputations 
served  only  to  imbitter  hatred,  and  cut  off  all  hope  of  a  bettt?i% 
futurity. 


BOOK  V. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  1 80 


In  the  midst  of  these  divisions  between  the  people  of  Virginia, 
and  the  governor,  an  incident  happened,  which  still  added  to  their 
violence. 

In  like  manner  as  doctor  Franklin  had  procured  the  letters  of 
Hutchinson,  some  other  person  had  found  means  to  convey  from  the 
office  of  state,  the  official  correspondence  of  lord  Dun  more  ;  which 
was  transmitted  to  the  Virginian  chiefs.  Immediately  upon  its  pub- 
lication, a  cry  of  indignation  arose  against  the  governor,  for  having 
written  things  false,  and  injurious  to  the  province.  Thus  all  re-, 
ciprocal  confidence  was  destroyed  ;  the  slightest  casualty  became  a 
serious  event,  and  mutual  enmity  more  and  more  imbittered  the 
inevitable  effects  of  this  misunderstanding. 

During  these  disputes,  which,  apart  from  the  irritation  they  sup- 
ported against  the  government,  could  have  no  considerable  influence, 
of  themselves,  upon  public  affairs,  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut 
attempted  an  important  enterprise. 

The  road  which  leads  from  the  English  colonies  to  Canada,  is- 
traced  almost  entirely  along  the  rivers  and  lakes,  which  are  found 
between  these  two  countries,  and  in  the  direction  of  south  to  north. 
Those  who  undertake  this  excursion,  begin  by  ascending  the  river 
Hudson,  up  to  fort  Edward,  whence,  keeping  to  the  right,  they 
arrive  at  Skeenesborough,  a  fort  situated  near  the  sources  of  Wood 
creek  ;  or,  bearing  to  the  left,  they  come  to  fort  George,  erected  at 
the  southern  extremity  of  the  lake  of  that  name.  Both  the  former 
and  the  latter  afterwards  embark,  the  first  upon  Wood  creek,  the 
second  upon  lake  George,  and  are  landed  at  Ticonderoga  ;  at  which 
point,  the  two  lakes  unite  to  form  lake  Champlain,  so  called  from 
the  name  of  a  French  governor,  who  drowned  himself  there.  By 
the  lake,  and  thence  by  the  river  Soral,  which  flows  out  of  it,  they 
descend  into  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  which  passes  to  Quebec. 
Ticonderoga  is  then  situated  near  the  confluence  of  these  waters, 
between  lake  George  and  lake  Champlain.  It  is  therefore  a  place 
of  the  highest  importance,  as  standing  upon  the  frontier,  and  at  the 
very  entrance  of  Canada  ;  whoever  occupies  it  can  intercept  all 
communication  between  this  province  and  the  colonies.  Accord- 
ingly, the  French  had  fortified  it  with  such  diligence,  that  the  Eng- 
lish, in  the  preceding  war,  were  unable  to  carry  it  without  extraor- 
dinary efforts,  and  great  effusion  of  blood  on  both  sides. 

The  chiefs  of  this  expedition,  colonels  Easton  and  Allen,  consi- 
dered how  essential  it  was  to  seize  this  key  of  Canada,  before  the 
English  should  have  thrown  into  the  place  a  sufficient  garrison  for 
its  defence  ;  for,  in  the  profound  peace  which  prevailed  at  that  time, 
without  apprehension  of  war  either  abroad  or  at  home,  the  governors 
of  Canada  had  made  no  preparations  at  Ticonderoga  ;  and  it  was 
left  to  the  charge  of  a  feeble  detachment.  It  was  evident,  that  if 
the  British  government  resolved  to  prosecute  war  against  its  colo- 


184  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  V. 


nies,  it  would  send  troops  into  Canada  with  a  view  of  attacking  the 
Americans  in  the  rear,  by  the  way  of  Ticonderoga.  It  was  known, 
besides,  that  this  fortress,  and  that  of  Crown  Point,  situated  a  little 
below  it,  upon  the  same  lake,  Champlain,  were  furnished  with  a 
very  numerous  artillery,  of  which  the  Americans  stood  in  the  greatest 
need.  Finally,  it  was  thought  of  no  little  importance,  in  these  first 
movements,  to  strike  some  capital  blow,  in  order  to  stimulate  the 
ardor  of  the  insurgent  people.  Accordingly,  this  enterprise,  having 
been  maturely  considered  in  the  plan,  and  directed  with  great 
prudence  in  the  execution,  had  the  result  which  might  have  been 
expected. 

It  was  deemed  an  essential  point,  to  attack  the  enemy  by  surprise  ; 
they  resolved,  therefore,  to  proceed  with  profound  secrecy  ;  for,  if 
the  commanders  of  Ticonderoga  and  of  Crown  Point  had  any  sus- 
picion of  the  project,  they  could  draw  reenforcements  from  the 
neighboring  fortress  of  St.  John.  The  general  Congress  itself,  then 
in  session  at  Philadelphia,  had  no  intimation  of  their  design  ;  its 
authors  being  apprehensive,  lest,  in  so  great  a  number  of  members, 
there  might  be  found  some  individual  deficient  in  discretion. 

To  defray  the  expenses  of  the  enterprise,  the  assembly  of  Con- 
necticut appropriated  the  sum  of  eighteen  hundred  dollars.  Powder, 
bullets,  and  all  the  utensils  requisite  for  a  siege,  were  secretly  pro- 
vided. The  troops  were  promptly  assembled  at  Castletown,  a  place 
situated  upon  the  banks  of  Wood  creek,  and  the  great  road  to  Ticonde- 
roga. The  greater  part  were  inhabitants  of  the  Green  Mountains,  and 
thence,  in  their  own  style,  they  were  called  Green  Mountain  Boys  ; 
a  race  of  men  accustomed  to  fatigue  and  danger.  Among  the  supe- 
rior officers,  besides  Allen  and  Easton,  were  colonels  Brown  and 
Warner,  and  captain  Dickinson.  They  were  joined  at  Castletown  by 
colonel  Arnold,  who  came  from  the  army  of  Boston.  Possessed  by 
nature  of  an  extraordinary  force  of  genius,  a  restless  character,  and  an 
intrepidity  bordering  upon  prodigy,  this  officer  had  of  himself  con- 
ceived the  same  plan  ;  so  manifest  was  the  utility  of  the  enterprise, 
and  so  bold  the  spirit  of  these  American  chiefs.  Arnold  had  con- 
ferred, to  this  end,  with  the  committee  of  safety  of  Massachusetts, 
who  had  appointed  him  colonel,  with  authority  to  levy  soldiers,  in 
order  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  ;  in  pursuance  whereof, 
he  arrived  at  Castletown  ;  and  his  surprise  was  extreme,  at  finding 
himself  anticipated.  But,  as  he  was  not  a  man  to  be  baffled  by 
trifles,  and  as  nothing  could  delight  him  more  than  the  occasion  for 
combat,  he  concerted  with  the  other  leaders,  and  consented,  however 
hard  he  must  have  thought  the  sacrifice,  to  put  himself  under  the 
command  of  colonel  Allen. 

They  posted  sentinels  upon  all  the  roads,  to  prevent  the  least 
rumor  of  their  approach  from  reaching  the  menaced  point ;  and  they 
arrived,  in  the  night,  upon  the  bank  of  lake  Champlain,  opposite 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  185 

Ticonderoga.  The  chief  hope  of  success  depending  on  despatch, 
Allen  and  Arnold  rapidly  surmounted  the  difficulties  of  crossing  ; 
and  landed  upon  the  other  bank,  in  the  environs  of  the  fortress. 
They  continued  their  march,  and  at  day-break,  entering  by  the  co- 
vered way,  arrived  upon  the  esplanade  ;  here  they  raised  the  shouts 
of  victory,  and  made  a  deafening,  uproar.  The  soldiers  of  the  gar- 
rison roused  from  sleep  at  this  tumult,  and  soon  commenced  firing. 
A  hot  scuffle  ensued,  with  gun-breeches  and  bayonets.  The  com- 
mander of  the  fort  at  length  appeared  ;  colonel  Easton  having 
informed  him  that  he  was  prisoner  of  America,  he  was  much  con- 
fused, and  repeated,  several  times,  *  What  does  this  meanT  The 
English  threw  down  arms,  and  all  was  surrendered  to  the  victors. 

They  found,  at  Ticonderoga,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
pieces  of  twenty-four  pound  brass  cannon,  several  howitzers  and 
mortars,  balls,  bombs,  and  ammunition  of  every  denomination.  The 
detachment  that  was  left  upon  the  other  bank,  having  rejoined  the 
first,  a  party  was  sent  against  Crown  Point,  where  the  garrison  con- 
sisted of  only  a  few  soldiers.  This  expedition  succeeded  without 
difficulty  ;  more  than  an  hundred  pieces  of  artillery  were  found  in 
the  fort. 

But  the  plan  of  the  Americans  would  not  have  been  completely 
accomplished,  except  they  secured  to  themselves  the  exclusive  con- 
trol of  the  lake  ;  which  they  could  not  hope  to  obtain,  however, 
without  seizing  a  corvette  of  war,  which  the  English  kept  at  anchor 
near  fort  St.  John.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  arm  a  vessel  of  the 
species  they  call  schooners,  the  command  of  which  was  to  be  given 
to  Arnold  ;  while  Allen  should  bring  on  his  men  upon  the  flat  boats 
employed  in  the  navigation  of  these  lakes.  The  wind  blowing  fresh 
from  the  south,  the  vessel  of  Arnold  left  the  boats  far  in  the  rear. 
He  came  unexpectedly  alongside  of  the  corvette,  the  captain  of 
which  was  far  from  suspecting  the  clanger  that  menaced  him,  and 
took  possession  of  it  without  resistance  ;  and,  as  if  heaven  was  pleas- 
ed to  distinguish  with  evident  tokens  of  its  favor  these  first  achieve- 
ments of  the  Americans,  the  wind  suddenly  changed  from  south  to 
north,  so  that,  in  less  than  an  hour's  time,  colonel  Arnold  returned, 
sound  and  safe,  with  his  prize,  to  Ticonderoga. 

Things  passed  no  less  propitiously  for  the  Americans  at  Skeenes- 
borough.  This  fortress  fell  into  their  hands,  with  its  garrison  ;  and 
thus  placed  at  their  disposal  a  great  quantity  gf  light  artillery.  Co- 
lonel Allen  put  sufficient  garrisons  in  the  conquered  fortresses,  and 
deputed  Arnold  to  command  them  in  chief.  As  to  himself,  he  re- 
turned directly  to  Connecticut. 

Such  was  the   fortunate  issue  of  the  expedition  of  the  Americans 

upon  their  northern  frontiers.     It  was  no  doubt  of  high  importance  ; 

but  it  would  have  had  a  much  greater  influence  upon  the  course  ot' 

the  whole  war,  if  these  fortresses,  which  are  the  shield  and  bulwark 

VOL.  i.  24 


186  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

of  the  colonies,  bad  been  defended,  in  times  following,  witb  the  same 
prudence  and  valor  with  which  they  had  been  acquired. 

But  about  Boston,  the  course  of  events  was  far  less  rapid.  The 
Americans  exerted  their  utmost  industry,  to  intercept  from  the 
English  all  supplies  of  provisions  ;  and  they,  all  their  endeavors  to 
procure  them.  This  gave  occasion  to  frequent  skirmishes  between 
the  detachments  of  the  two  armies.  One  of  the  most  severe  took 
place  about  Noddle's  and  Hog  Island,  both  situated  in  the  harbor  of 
Boston,  northeast  of  the  city  ;  the  first  opposite  Winnesimick,  and 
the  second  in  front  of  Chelsea,  and  very  near  it.  These  two  islands, 
abounding  in  forage  and  cattle,  were  a  great  resource  for  the 
English,  who  went  there  often  in  quest  of  provisions.  This  the 
provincials  resolved  to  put  a  stop  to,  by  removing  the  cattle,  and 
destroying  all  the  provender  they  could  find.  They  carried  their 
purpose  into  effect  ;  not,  however,  without  a  vigorous  opposition  on 
the  part  of  the  royalis.ts.  The  provincials  landed  a  second  time 
upon  Noddle's  Island,  and  took  off  a  great  number  of  cattle,  of 
various  denominations.  .  They  effected  the  same  purpose,  a  few 
days  after,  in  Pettick's  and  Deer  Island.  In  all  these  actions,  they 
demonstrated  the  most  intrepid  courage,  and  acquired  greater  confi- 
dence in  themselves.  The  garrison  of  Boston,  already  suffering 
greatly  from  the  scarcity  of  food,  experienced,  from  these  operations, 
a  prejudice  difficult  to  describe. 

These  feats  were  the  prelude  to  an  action  of  far  greater  moment, 
which  followed  a  few  days  after.  The  succours  expected  from 
England,  had  arrived  at  Boston  ;  which,  with  the  garrison,  formed 
an  army  of  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand  men  ;  all  excellent  troops. 
Three  distinguished  generals,  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne,  were 
at  the  head  of  these  reenforcements.  Great  events  were  looked  for 
on  both  sides.  The  English  were  inflamed  with  desire  to  wash  out 
the  stain  of  Lexington  ;  they  could  not  endure  the  idea  that  the 
Americans  had  seen  them  fly  ;  it  galled  them  to  think,  that  the 
soldiers  of  the  British  king,  renowned  for  their  brilliant  exploits, 
were  now  closely  imprisoned  within  the  walls  of  a  city.  They  were 
desirous,  at  any  price,  of  proving  that  their  superiority  over  the 
herds  of  American  militia,  was  not  a  vain  chimera.  Above  all,  they 
ardently  aspired  to  terminate,  by  some  decisive  stroke,  this  ignomi- 
nious war ;  and  thus  satisfy,  at  once,  their  own  glory,  the  expecta- 
tions of  their  country,  the  orders,  the  desires,  and  the  promises  of 
the  ministers.  But  victory  was  exacted  of  them  still  more  impe- 
riously by  the  scarcity  of  food,  which  every  day  became  more 
alarming  ;  for,  if  they  must  sacrifice  their  lives,  they  chose  rather  to 
perish  by  the  sword  than  by  famine.  The  Americans,  on  their  part, 
were  not  less  eager  for  the  hour  of  combat  to  arrive  ;  their  preceding 
successes  had  stimulated  their  courage,  and  promised  them  new 
triumphs. 


• 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  187 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  English  generals  deliberated  maturely 
upon  the  most  expedient  mode  of  extricating  themselves  from  this 
difficult  position,  and  placing  themselves  more  at  large  in  the  country. 
Two  ways  were  suggested  of  issuing  from  the  city  ;  one,  to  sally  out 
from  the  Neck,  and  attack  the  American  intrenchments  at  Roxbury  ; 
and,  having  forced  them,  to  scour  the  country  on  the  part  of  the 
county  of  Suffolk  ;  the  other  was,  to  pass  the  ferry  of  Charlestown, 
traverse  the  peninsula  of  this  name,  issue  by  the  isthmus,  and  dis- 
lodge the  enemy,  who  occupied  the  heights  between  Willis  creek 
and  Mystic  river  ;  and  then  dilate  in  the  direction  of  Worcester. 

General  Gage  had  for  some  time  been  decided  to  attempt  the 
first  of  these  alternatives.  He  calculated,  that  in  case  of  a  repulse, 
the  fortifications  of  Boston  Neck  would  secure  his  retreat.  The 
Americans,  having  been  apprised  of  it,  on  the  very  day  appointed 
for  the  attack,  stood  much  upon  their  guard.  Whether  from  this 
motive,  or  some  other  more  probable,  the  English  general  altered 
his  resolution,  and  neither  marched  out  on  that  day  nor  the  follow- 
ing. The  provincials  took  advantage  of  the  delay,  and  strengthened 
their  intrenchments  with  parapets  and  palisades.  They  also  concen- 
trated their  artillery,  and  reenforced  this  part  of  the  army  with  all 
the  militia  of  the  adjacent  country.  All  these  dispositions  were 
made  with  so  much  intelligence,  that  the  English  could  no  longer 
attempt  an  attack  upon  this  quarter,  without  exposing  themselves  to 
manifest  peril.  Accordingly,  they  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  it,  and 
directed  their  views  towards  the  peninsula  and  Neck  of  Charlestown. 
The  American  generals  had  immediate  notice  of  it  ;  and  resolved  to 
exert  their  most  strenuous  endeavors  to  defeat  this  new  project  of 
the  enemy.  Nothing  was  better  suited  to  such  a  purpose,  than  to 
fortify  diligently  the  heights  of  Bunker's  Hill,  which  commanded  the 
entrance  and  the  issue  of  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown.  Orders 
were  therefore  given  to  colonel  William  Prescott,  to  occupy  them 
with  a  detachment  of  a  thousand  men,  and  to  intrench  himself  there 
by  the  rules  of  art.  But  here  an  error  was  committed,  which 
placed  the  garrison  of  Boston  in  very  imminent  danger,  and  re- 
duced the  two  parties  to  the  necessity  of  corning  to  action  imme- 
diately. WJiether  he  was  deceived  by  the  resemblance  of  name,  or 
from  some  other  motive  unknown,  colonel  Prescott,  instead  of 
repairing  to  the  heights  of  Bunker's  Hill,  to  fortify  himself  there, 
advanced  further  on  in  the  peninsula,  and  immediately  commenced 
his  intrenchments  upon  the  heights  of  Breeo*s  Hill,  another  emi- 
nence, which  overlooks  Charlestown,  and  is  situated  towards  the 
extremity  of  the  peninsula,  nearer  to  Boston.  The  worjfs  were 
pushed  with  so  much  ardor,  that  the  following  morning,  by*day-break, 
the  Americans  had  already  constructed  a  square  redoubt,  capable  of 
affording  them  some  shelter  from  the  enemy's  fire.  The  i$bor  had 
been  conducted  with  such  silence,  that  the  English  had  no  suspicion 


188  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  T. 

of  what  was  passing.  It  was  about  four  in  the  morning,  when  the 
captain  of  a  ship  of  war  first  perceived  it,  and  began  to  play  his 
artillery.  The  report  of  the  cannon  attracted  a  multitude  of  specta- 
tors to  the  shore. 

The  English  generals  doubted  the  testimony  of  their  senses. 
Meanwhile,  the  thing  appeared  too  important  not  to  endeavor  to; 
to  dislodge  the  provincials,  or  at  least  to  .•  prevent  them  from 
completing  the  fortifications  commenced  ;  for,  as,  the  height  of 
Breed's  Hill  absolutely  commands  Boston,  the  city  was  no  longer 
tenable,  if  the  Americans,  erected  a  battery  upon  this  eminence. 
The  English  therefore  opened  a  general  fire  of  the  artillery  of  the 
city,  of  the  fleet, -arid  of  the  floating  batteries  stationed  around  the 
peninsula  of  Boston.  It  hailed  a  tempest  of  bombs  and  balls  upon 
the  works  af  the  Americans ;  they  were  especially  incommoded  by 
the  fire  of  a  battery  planted  upon  an  eminence  named  Cop's  Hill* 
which,  situated  within  the  city,  forms  a  species  of  tower,  in  front  of 
Breed's  Hill.  But  all  this  was  without  effect.  The  Americans 
Continued  to  work  the  whole  day,  with  unshaken  constancy  ;  and> 
towards  night,  they  had  already  much  advanced  a  trench,  which 
Descended  from  the  redoubt  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  almost  to  the 
bank  of  Mystic  river.  The  fury  of  the  enemy's  artillery,  it  is  true, 
had  prevented .tlie.pi  from  carrying  it  to  perfection. 

In  this  conjuncture,  there  remained  no  other  hope  for  the  English 
generals,  but  in  attempting  an  assault,  to  drive  the  Americans,  by- 
dint  of  force,  from  this  formidable  position.  This  resolution  was 
taken  without  hesitation ;  and  it  was  followed,  the  17th  of  June,  by 
the  action  of  Breed's  Hill,  known  also  by  the  name  of  Bunker's 
Hill ;  much  renowned  for  the  intrepidity,  not  to  say  the  temerity,  of 
the  two  parties ;  for  the  number  of  the  dead  and  wounded ;  and  for 
the  effect  it  produced  upon  the  opinions  of  men,  in  regard  to  the 
valor  of  the  Americans,  and  the  probable  issue  of  the  whole  war. 

The  right  wing  of  the  Americans  was  flanked  by  the  houses  of 
Charlestown,  which  they  occupied  ;  and  the  part  of  this  wing  which 
connected  with  the  main  body,  was  defended  by  the  redoubt  erected 
upon  the  heights  of  Breed's  Hill.  The  centre,  and  the  left  wing* 
formed  themselves  behind  the  trench,  which,  following  the  declivity 
of  the  hill,  extended  towards,  but  without  reaching,  Mystic  river. 
The  American  officers  having  reflected  that  the  most  feeble  part  of 
their  defensive  was  precisely  this  extremity  of  the  left  wing,  for  the 
trench  not  extending  to  the  river,  and  the.  land  in  this  place  being 
smooth  and  easy,  there  was  danger  of  being  turned,  and  attacked  in 
the  rear,  they  determined,  therefore,  to  obstruct  this  passage  by  two 
parallel  palisades,  and  to  fill  up  with  herbage  the  interval  between 
the  one  and  the  other.  The  troops  of  Massachusetts  occupied 
Charlestown,  the  redoubt,  and  a  part  of  the  trench  ;  those  of  Con* 
necticut,  commanded  by  captain  Nolten,  and  those  of  New  Hamp- 


BOOK  Y>  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  189 

shire,  under  colonel  Starke,  the  rest  of  the  trench.  A.'fe.vv  moments 
before  the  action  commenced,  doctor  Warren,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed general,  a  personage  of  great  authority,  and  a. zealous  patriot, 
arrived  with  some  reenforcements.  General  Pomeroy  made  his 
appearance,  at  the  same  time.  The  first  joined  the  troops  of  his 
own  province,  of  Massachusetts  ;  the  second  took  command  of  those 
from  Connecticut.  General  Putnam  directed  in  chief;  and  held 
himself  ready  to  repair. to  any  point,  where  his  presence  should  be 
most  wanted.  The  Americans  had  no  cavalry  ;  that  which  was 
expected  from  the  southern  provinces  was  not  yet  arrived.  The 
artillery,  without  being  very  numerous,  was  nevertheless  competent. 
They  wanted  not  for  muskets;  but  the  greater  part  were  without 
bayonets.  Their  sharp  shooters,  for  want  of  rifles,  were  obliged  to 
use  common  firelocks ;  but  as  marksmen  they  had  no  equals.  Such 
were  the  means  of  the  Americans  ;  but  their  hope  was  great  ;  and 
they  were  all  impatient  for  the  signal  of  combat. 

Between  mid-day  and  one  o'clock,  the  heat  being  intense,  all  was 
in  motion  in  the  British  camp.  A  multitude  of  sloops  and  boats, 
filled  with  soldiers,  left  the  shore  of  Boston,  and  stood  for  Charles- 
town  ;  they  landed  at  Moreton's  Point,  without  meeting  resistance  ; 
as  the  ships  of.  war  and  armed  vessels  effectually  protected  the 
debarkation  with  the  fire  of  their  artillery,  which  forced  the  enemy 
to  keep  within  his  intrenchments.  This  corps  consisted  of  ten  com- 
panies of  grenadiers,  as  many  of  light  infantry,  and  a  proportionate 
artillery  ;  the  whole  under  the  command  of  major-general  Howe, 
and  brigadier-general  Pigot.  The  troops,  on  landing,  began  to 
display,  the  light  infantry  upon  the  right,  the  grenadiers  upon  the 
left ;  but,  having  observed  the  strength  of  the  position,  and  the  good 
countenance  of  the  Americans,  general  Howe  made  a  halt,  and  sent 
to  call  a  reenforcement. 

The  English  formed  themselves  in  two  columns.  Their  plan  was. 
that  the  left  wing,  under  general  Pigot,  should  attack  the  rebels  in 
Charlestown  ;  while  the  centre  assaulted  the  redoubt ;  and  the  right 
wing,  consisting  of  light  infantry  should  force  the  passage  near  the 
river  Mystic,  and  thus  assail  the  Americans  in  flank  and  rear  ;  which 
would  have  given  the  English  a  complete  victory.  It  appears,  also, 
that  general  Gage  had  formed  the  design  of  setting  fire  to  Charles- 
town,  when  evacuated  by  the  enemy,  in  order  that  the  corps  destined 
to  assail  the  redoubt,  thus  protected  by  the  flame  and  smoke,  might 
be  less  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  provincials. 

The  dispositions  having  all  been  completed,  the  English  put  them- 
selves in  motion.  The  provincials  that  were  .stationed  to  defend 
Charlestown,  fearing  lest  the  assailants  should  penetrate  between 
this  town  and  the  redoubt ;  and  thus  to  find  themselves  cut  off  from 
the  rest  of  the  army,  retreated.  The  English  immediately  entered 
the  lawn,  and  fired  the  buildings  ;  as  they  were  of  wood,  in  a  mo- 
ment the  combustion  became  general. 


190  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V- 

They  continued  a  slow  march  against  the  redoubt  and  trench  ; 
halting,  from  time  to  time,  for  the  artillery  to  come  up,  and  act  with 
some  effect,  previous  to  the  assault.  The  flames  and  smoke  of 
Charlestown  were  of  no  use  to  them,  as  the  wind  turned  them  in  a 
contrary  direction.  Their  gradual  advance,  and  the  extreme  clear- 
ness of  the  air,  permitted  the  Americans  to  level  their  muskets. 
They  however  suffered  the  enemy  to  approach,  before  they  com- 
menced their  fire  ;  and  waited  for  the  assault,  in  profound  tranquilli- 
ty. It  would  be  difficult  to  paint  the  scene  of  terror  presented  by 
these  circumstances.  A  large  town,  all  enveloped  in  flames,  which, 
excited  by  a  violent  wind,  rose  to  an  immense  height,  and  spread 
every  moment  more  and  more  ;  an  innumerable  multitude,  rushing 
from  all  parts,  to  witness  so  unusual  a  spectacle,  and  see  the  issue  of 
the  sanguinary  conflict  that  was  about  to  commence.  The  Boston- 
ians,  and  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  not  in  actual  service,  were  mounted 
upon  the  spires,  upon  the  roofs,  and  upon  the  heights.  The  hills, 
and  circumjacent  fields,  from  which  the  dread  arena  could  be  viewed 
in  safety,  were  covered  with  swarms  of  spectators,  of  every  rank,  and 
age,  and  sex  ;  each  agitated  by  fear  or  hope,  according  to  the  party 
he  espoused. 

The  English  having  advanced  within  reach  of  musketry,  the 
Americans  showered  upon  them  a  volley  of  bullets.  This  terrible 
fire  was  so  well  supported,  and  so  well  directed,  that  the  ranks  of 
the  assailants  were  soon  thinned  and  broken  ;  they  retired  in  disor- 
der to  the  place  of  their  landing  ;  some  threw  themselves  precipitate- 
ly into  the  boats.  The  field  of  battle  was  covered  with  the  slain. 
The  officers  were  seen  running  hither  and  thither,  with  promises, 
with  exhortations,  and  with  menaces,  attempting  to  rally  the  soldiers, 
and  inspirit  them  for  a  second  attack.  Finally,  after  the  most  pain- 
ful efforts,  they  resumed  their  ranks,  and  marched  up  to  the  enemy. 
The  Americans  reserved  their  fire,  as  before,  until  their,  approachs 
and  received  them  with  the  same  deluge  of  balls.  The  English, 
overwhelmed  and  routed,  again  fled  to  the  shore.  In  this  perilous 
moment,  general  Howe  remained  for  some  time  alone  upon  the 
field  of  battle  ;  all  the  officers  who  surrounded  him  were  killed  or 
wounded.  It  is  related,  that  at  this  critical  conjuncture,  upon  which 
depended  the  issue  of  the  day,  general  Clinton,  who,  from  Cop's 
Hill,  examined  all  the  movements,  on  seeing  the  destruction  of  his 
troops,  immediately  resolved  to  fly  to  their  succour. 

This  experienced  commander,  by  an  able  movement,  reestablished 
order  ;  and  seconded  by  tha  officers,  who  felt  all  the  importance  of 
success,  to  English  honor  and  the  course  of  events,  he  led  the  troops 
to  a  third  attack.  It  was  directed  against  the  redoubt,  at  three 
several  points.  The  artillery  of  the  ships  not  only  prevented  all 
reenforcements  from  coming  to  the  Americans,  by  the  isthmus  of 
Charlestown,  but  even  uncovered,  and  swept  the  interior  of  the 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  191 

trench,  which  was  battered  in  front  at  the  same  time.  The  ammu- 
nition of  the  Americans  was  nearly  exhausted,  and  they  could  have 
no  hopes  of  a  recruit.  Their  fire  must,  of  necessity,  languish. 
Meanwhile,  the  English  had  advanced  to  the  foot  of  the  redoubt. 
The  provincials,  destitute  of  bayonets,  defended  themselves  valiantly 
with  the  but-end  of  their  muskets.  But  the  redoubt  being  already 
full  of  enemies,  the  American  general  gave  the  signal  of  retreat,  and 
drew  off  his  hien. 

While  the  left  wing  and  centre  of  the  English  army  were  thus 
engaged,  the  light  infantry  had  impetuously  attacked  the  palisades, 
which  the  provincials  had  erected,  in  haste,  upon  the  bank  of  the 
river  Mystic.  On  the  one  side,  and  on  the  other,  the  combat  was 
obstinate  ;  and  if  the  assault  was  furious,  the  resistance  was  not 
feeble.  In  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  royal  troops,  the  provincials 
still  maintained  the  battle  in  this  part ;  and  had  no  thoughts  of  retir- 
ing, until  they  saw  the  redoubt  and  Upper  part  of  the  trench  were  in 
the  power  of  the  enemy.  Their  retreat  was  executed  with  an  order 
not  to  have  been  expected  from  new  levied  soldiers.  This  strenuous 
resistance  of  the  left  wing  of  the  American  arrny,  was,  in  effect,  the 
salvation  of  the  rest  ;  for,  if  it  had  given  ground  but  a  few  instants 
sooner,  the  enemy's  light  infantry  would  have  taken  the  main  body 
and  right  wing  in  the  rear,  and  their  situation  would  have  been  hope- 
less. But  the  Americans  had  not  yet  reached  the  term  of  their  toils 
and  dangers.  The  only  way  that  remained  of  retreat,  was  by  the 
isthmus  of  Charlestown,  and  the  English  had  placed  there  a  ship  of 
war  and  two  floating  batteries,  the  balls  of  which  raked  every  part  of 
it.  The  Americans,  however,  issued  from  the  peninsula,  without 
any  considerable  loss.  Jt  was  during  the  retreat,  that  doctor  Warren 
received  his  death.  Finding  the  corps  he  commanded  hotly  pursued 
by  the  enemy,  despising  all  danger,  he  stood  alone  before  the  ranks, 
endeavoring  to  rally  his  troops,  and  to  encourage  them  by  his  own 
example.  He  reminded  them  of  the  moltos  inscribed  on  their 
ensigns  ;  on  one  side  of  which  were  these  words,  '  Jin  appeal  to 
Heaven  ;'  and  on  the  other,  '  Qw£  transtulit,  sustinet ;'  meaning,  that 
the  same  Providence  which  brought  their  ancestors  through  so  many 
perils,  to  a  place  of  refuge,  would  also  deign  to  support  their  descend- 
ants. 

An  English  officer  perceived  doctor  Warren,  and  knew  him  ;  he 
borrowed  the  musket  of  one  of  his  soldiers,  and  hit  him  with  a  ball, 
either  in  the  head  or  in  the  breast.  He  fell  dead  upon  the  spot. 
The  Americans  were  apprehensive  lest  the  English,  availing  them- 
selves of  victory,  should  sally  out  of  the  peninsula,  and  attack  their 
head-quarters  at  Cambridge,  But  they  contented  themselves  with 
taking  possession  of  Bunker's  Hill,  where  they  intrenched  them- 
selves, in  order  to  guard  the  entrance  of  the  Neck  against  any  new 
enterprise  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  The  provincials,  having  the 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

same  suspicion,  fortified  Prospect  Hill,  which  is  situated  at  the  mouth 
of  the  isthmus,  on  the  side  of  the  main  land.  But  neither  the  one 
nor  the  other  were  disposed  to  hazard  any  new  movement ;  the  first, 
discouraged  by  the  loss  of  so  many  men,  and  the  second,  by  that  of 
the  field  of  battle  and  the  peninsula.  The  provincials  had  to  regret 
five  pieces  of  cannon,  with  a  great  number  of  utensils  employed  in 
fortification,  and  no  little  camp  equipage. 

General  Howe  was  greatly  blamed  by  some,  for  having  chosen  to 
attack  the  Americans,  by  directing  his  battery  in  front  against  the 
fortifications  upon  Breed's  Hill,  and  the  trench  that  descended 
towards  the  sea,  on  the  part  of  Mystic  river.  It  was  thought,  that  if 
he  had  landed  a  respectable  detachment  upon  the  isthmus  of  Charles- 
town,  an  operation  which  the  assistance  of  the  ships  of  war  and  float- 
ing batteries  would  have  rendered  perfectly  easy  to  him,  it  would 
have  compelled  the  Americans  to  evacuate  the  peninsula,  without 
the  necessity  of  corning  to  a  sanguinary  engagement.  They  would 
thus,  in  effect,  have  been  deprived  of  all  communication  with  their 
camp  situated  without  the  peninsula  ;  and,  on  the  part  of  the  sea, 
they  could  have  hoped  for  no  retreat,  as  it  was  commanded  by  the 
English.  In  this  mode,  the  desired  object  would,  therefore,  have 
been  obtained  without  the  sacrifice  of  men.  Such,  it  is  said,  was 
the  plan  of  general  Clinton  ;  but  it.  was  rejected,  so  great  was  the 
confidence  reposed  in  the  bravery  and  discipline  of  the  English 
soldiers,  and  in  the  cowardice  of  the  Americans.  The  first  of  these 
opinions  was  not,  in  truth,  without  foundation  ;  but  the  second  was 
absolutely  chimerical,  and  evinced  more  of  intellectual  darkness  in 
the  English,  than  of  prudence,  and  just  notions  upon  the  state  of 
things.  By  this  fatal  error,  the  bravery  of  the  Americans  was  con- 
firmed, the  English  army  debilitated,  the  spirit  of  the  soldiers  abated, 
and,  perhaps,  the  final  event  of  the  whole  contest  decided. 

The  possession  of  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown  was  much  less 
useful  than  prejudicial  to  the  royalists.  Their  army  was  not  suffi- 
ciently numerous  to  guard,  conveniently,  all  the  posts  of  the  city  and 
of  the  peninsula.  The  fatigues  of  the  soldiers  multiplied  in  an  ex- 
cessive manner  ;  added  to  the  heat  of  the  season,  which  was  extreme, 
they  generated  numerous  and  severe  maladies,  which  paralysed  the 
movements  of  the  army,  and  enfeebled  it  from  day  to  day.  The 
greater  part  of  the  wounds  became  mortal,  from  the  influence  of  the 
climate,  and  defect  of  proper  food.  Thus,  besides  the  honor  of 
having  conquered  the  field  of  battle,  the  victors  gathered  no  real 
fruit  from  this  action  ;  and,  if  its  effects  be  considered,  upon  the 
opinion  of  other  nations,  and  even  of  their  own,  as  also  upon  the 
force  of  the  army,  it  was  even  of  serious  detriment.  In  the  Ameri* 
can  camp,  on  the  contrary,  provisions  of  every  sort  were  in  abun- 
dance, and  the  troops  being  accustomed  to  the  climate,  the  greater 
part  of  the  wounded  were  eventually  cured  ;  their  minds  were 


BOOK  T.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  193 

animated  with  the  new  ardor  of  vengeance,  and  the  blood  they  had 
lost  exacted  a  plenary  expiation.  These  dispositions  were  fortified, 
not  a  iittle,  by  the  firing  of  Charlestown,  which,  from  a  flourishing 
town,  of  signal  commercial  importance,  was  thus  reduced  to  a  heap 
of  ashes  and  of  ruins.  The  Americans  could  never  turn  their  eyes 
in  this  direction,  without  a  thrill  of  indignation,  and  without  exe- 
crating the  European  soldiers.  But  the  loss  they  felt  the  most 
sensibiy,  was  that  of  general  Warren.  He  was  one  of  those  men 
who  are  more  attached  to  liberty  than  to  existence,  but  not  more 
ardently  the  friend  of  freedom,  than  foe  to  avarice  and  ambition. 
He  was  endowed  with  a  solid  judgment,  a  happy  genius,  and  a  bril- 
liant eloquence.  In  all  private  affairs,  his  opinion  was  reputed 
authority,  and  in  all  public  counsels,  a  decision.  Friends  and 
enemies,  equally  knowing  his  fidelity  and  rectitude  in  all  things, 
reposed  in  him  a  confidence  without  limits.  Opposed  to  the  wicked, 
without  hatred,  propitious  to  the  good,  without  adulation,  affable, 
courteous  and  humane  towards  each,  he  was  beloved,  with  reve- 
rence, by  all,  and  respected  by  envy  itself.  Though  in  his  person 
somewhat  spare,  his  figure  was  peculiarly  agreeable  He  mourned, 
at  this  epoch,  the  recent  loss  of  a  wife,  by  whom  he  was  tenderly 
beloved,  and  whom  he  cherished  with  reciprocal  affection.  In  dying 
so  gloriously  for  his  country,  on  this  memorable  day,  he  left  several 
orphans,  still  in  childhood  ;  but  a  grateful  country  assumed  the  care 
of  their  education.  Thus  was  lost  to  the  state,  and  to  his  family,  in 
s.o  important  a  crisis,  and  in  the  vigor  of  his  days,  a  man  equally 
qualified  to  excel  in  council  or  in  the  field.  As  for  ourselves,  faith- 
ful to  the  purpose  of  history,  which  dispenses  praise  to  the  good  and 
blame  to  the  perverse,  we  have  not  been  willing  that  tiiis  virtuous 
and  valiant  American  should  be  deprived,  among  posterity,  of  that 
honorable  remembrance  so  rightfully  due  to  his  eminent  qualities. 

The  expedition  of  the  English  against  the  peninsula  of  Charles- 
town,  inspired  the  Americans  with  a  suspicion  that  they  might  per- 
haps also  attack  Roxbury,  in  order  to  open  a  communication  with  the 
country.  In  consequence  of  this  apprehension,  they  strengthened 
their  fortifications  with  incessant  application,  adding  new  bastions  to 
their  lines,  and  furnishing  them  copiously  with  artillery,  of  which 
they  had  obtained  a  fresh  supply.  The  garrison  of  Boston,  which 
abounded  in  munitions  of  war,  kept  up  a  continual  fire  of  its  artillery, 
and  particularly  of  its  mortars,  to  impede  the  works  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. The  latter  had  a  certain  number  of  dead  and  wounded, 
and  several  houses  were  burnt  in  Roxbury.  The  works  were 
nevertheless  continued  with  incredible  constancy,  and  the  fortifi- 
cations were  carried  to  the  degree  of  perfection  desired,  and 
adequate  to  serve  for  a  sufficient  defence  against  the  assaults  of  the 
enemy. 

VOL.  i.  25 


194  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

The  Bostonians  having  seen  their  countrymen  driven  not  only  from 
Breed's  Hill,  but  also  from  the  entire  peninsula,  and  dreading  the 
horrors  of  a  siege,  which  every  thing  presaged  must  be  long  and  rigot- 
ous,  experienced  anew  a  strong  desire  to  abandon  the  city,  and  seek 
refuge  in  the  interior  of  the  province.  Accordingly,  the  selectmen 
of  the  city  waited  on  general  Gage,  intreating  him  to  deliver  the 
requisite  passports ;  and  protesting  that,  according  to  the  accord  pre- 
viously made,  all  the  citizens  had  deposited  their  arms  in  the  Town 
Hall.  But  the  general,  desirous  of  a  pretext  for  his  refusal,  issued 
a  proclamation,  two  days  subsequent  to  the  affair  of  Breed's  Hill, 
declaring,  that,  by  various  certain  ways,  it  had  come  to  his  know- 
ledge, that  great  quantities  of  arms  were  concealed  in  the  interior  of 
houses,  and  that  the  inhabitants  meditated  hostile  designs.  This,  at 
least,  was  what  the  loyalists  reported,  who,  terrified  at  the  valor  and 
animosity  the  patriots  had  manifested  in  this  battle,  were  apprehen- 
sive of  some  fatal  accident,  and  were  unwilling  to  release  their  hos- 
tages. But  the  truth  is,  that  the  greater  part  had  delivered  up  their 
arms,  though  some  had  concealed  the  best  and  the  most  precious. 
However,  the  English  general,  who  kept  his  word  with  nobody,  would 
have  others  to  observe  the  most  scrupulous  faith.  He  refused,  there- 
fore, for  a  long  time,  all  permission  to  depart.  But,  finally,  the 
scarcity  increasing  more  and  more,  and  all  hope  of  being  able  to 
raise  the  siege  becoming  illusory,  he  found  himself  constrained  to  grant 
passes,  in  order  to  disburthen  himself  of  useless  mouths.  He  stre- 
nuously still  persisted  in  refusing  to  permit  the  inhabitants  who  retired, 
to  remove  their  furniture  and  effects.  Thus,  when  compelled  by 
necessity  to  consent  to  that  which  he  had  no  power  to  prevent,  he 
annexed  to  it  a  rigorous  condition,  the  more  inexcusable,  as  it  was 
altogether  without  utility,  and  even  could  have  none  but  prejudicial 
results.  In  this  manner,  men  who  renounce  all  moderation  of  mind, 
and  abandon  themselves  to  the  violence  of  their  irritated  passions, 
often  take  resolutions,  which,  far  from  approaching  them  to  the  end 
proposed,  powerfully  tend  to  render  its  attainment  hopeless. 

The  dearth  of  provisions  to  which  the  garrison  of  Boston  found 
themselves  reduced,  caused  them  to  endeavor  to  procure  supplies, 
by  falling  suddenly  upon  the  different  islands  of  the  environs.  Hence, 
frequent  rencounters  ensued  between  the  English  and  the  Americans, 
in  which  the  latter  acquired  greater  courage,  and  greater  experience  ; 
while  the  former  became  but  the  more  surprised,  and  the  more  irri- 
tated, at  these  demonstrations  of  prowess.  The  provincials,  perfectly 
conversant  with  the  places,  and  knowing  how  to  avail  themselves  of 
occasions,  generally  had  all  the  advantage,  in  these  collisions. 
Sometimes  they  bore  off  the  stock  which  remained  ;  sometimes  they 
burnt  the  forage,  or  the  houses  which  might  serve  as  a  covert  for  the 
enemy.  In  vain  did  the  English  appear  every  where  with  their  nu- 
merous marine  ;  the  provincials  slid  themselves  sometimes  into  one 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

island,  and  sometimes  into  another,  and  cut  off  the  royalists,  thus  taken 
by  surprise.  In  like  manner  upon  the  coast  frequent  skirmishes  took 
pJace  ;  the  one  party  coming  for  booty,  and  the  other  flying  to  repulse 
them.  This  predatory  warfare  could  have  no  effect  to  incline  the 
balance  more  to  one  side  than  to  the  other  ;  it  served  only  to  envenom 
the  minds  of  men,  and  convert  them  from  partisans,  as  they  were, 
into  viperous  and  irreconcilable  enemies. 

While  these  events  were  passing  within  Boston  and    its  environs, 
the  new  Congress  had  convened  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  month  of  May. 
If  the  first  had  commenced  a  difficult  work,  this  had   it   to  continue; 
and  the  difficulties  were  even  increased.     At  the  epoch  of  the  for- 
mer, war  was  apprehended  ;  now  it  had  commenced  ;    and   it  was 
requisite  to  push  it  with  vigor.     Then,  as  it  usually  happens  in  all 
new  enterprises,  minds  were  full  of  ardor,  and  tende^l,  by  a  certain 
natural  proclivity,  towards  the   object ;  at  present,  though   greatly 
inflamed  by  the  same  sentiments,  it  was  to  be  feared  they  might  cool, 
in  consequence  of  those   vicisitudes   so  common  in  popular   move- 
ments, always  more  easy  to  excite  than  to  maintain.    A  great  number 
.of  loyalists,  believing  that  things  would  not  come  to  the  last  extremi- 
ties, and  that  either  the  petitions  sent  to  England  would  dispose  the 
government  to  condescend  to  the  desires  of  the  Americans,  or  that, 
in  time,  the  latter  would  become  tranquil,  had  hitherto  kept  them- 
selves quiet;  but  it  was  to  be  feared,  that,  at  present,  seeing  all  hope 
of  reconciliation  vanished,  and  war,  no  longer  probable,  but  already 
waged  against  that  king  towards  whom  they  wished  to  remain  faith- 
ful, they  would  break  out,  and  join   themselves  to  the  royal  forces, 
against  the  authors  of  the  revolution.     It  was  even  to  be  doubted,  lest 
many  of  the  partisans  of  liberty,  who  had  placed  great  hope   in  the 
petitions,  should  falter  at  the  aspect  of  impending  losses  and  inevita- 
ble dangers.     All -announced  that  the  contest  would  prove  long  and 
sanguinary.     It  was  little  to  be  expected,  that  a  population,  until  then 
pacific,  and    engaged  in   the   arts  of  agriculture  and   of  commerce, 
could  all  at  once  learn  that  of  war,  and  devote  themselves  to  it  with 
constancy,  and  without  reserve.     It  was  much  more  natural  to  ima- 
gine, that,  upon  the  abating  of  this  first  fervor,  the   softer  image  of 
their  former  life  recurring  lo  their  minds,  they  would  abandon  their 
colors,  to  go   and  implore  the  clemency  of  the  conqueror.     It  was, 
therefore,  an  enterprise  of  no  little  difficulty  for  the  Congress  to  form 
regulations  and  lake  measures,  capable  of  maintaining  the  zeal  of  the 
people,  and  to  impart  to  its  laws  the  influence  which  at  first  had  been 
exercised  by  public  opinion.     What  obstacles  had  they  not  to  sur- 
mount, in  order  to  reduce   a   multitude,  collected  in  haste  and  in 
tumult,  to  that  state  of  rigorous  discipline,  without  which  it  was  not 
permitted  to  hope  for  success  !   Nor  was  it  an  easy  task  to  prevent,  in 
the  conduct  of  the   war,  the   revival  of  those  jealousies  which  had 
heretofore  existed  between  the  different  colonies ;  and  which  might 


19G  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V- 

serve  as  a  motive,  or  a  pretext,   for  some  of  them  to  consent  to  an 
accommodation,  and   thus  desert  the  common  cause.     The  money 
requisite  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war,  was  almost  totally  want- 
ing ;  and  there  was  no  prospect  of   being  able  to  remedy,  for  the 
future,  the  delect  of  this  principal  sinew.     It  was,  on  the  contrary, 
more  rationally  to  be  expected,  that  the  penury  of  the  finances  would 
progressively  increase,  in  consequence  of  the  interruption,  or  rather 
total  cessation,  of  commerce,   produced   by  the   acts  of  the  British 
parliament.     The  want  of  arms  and   munitions  of  war,  was  no  less 
afflicting;  not  that  there  was  absolutely  no  provision  of  military  stores, 
but  it  was  very  far  from  being  adequate  to  the  exigency.     And  fur- 
ther, it  may  be  considered  as  a  thing  very  doubtful,  whether  even  the 
American  chiefs  sincerely  expected   to  be  able,   of  themselves,  to 
resist  the  forces  of  England,  and  to  attain  the  object  of  so  arduous 
an  enterprise.     Nay,  it  is  allowable  to  believe  they  placed  great  de- 
pendence upon  foreign  succours  ;  and  these  were  only  to  be  looked 
for  on  the  part  of  the  princes  of  Europe  ;  who,  if  they  beheld  with 
satisfaction  the  effects  of   the   American  disturbances,  must  at  least 
have  detested  their  causes,  and  the  principles  for  which   the  colo- 
nies combated.     It  was  no  less  evident,  that  these  sovereigns  would 
not  declare  themselves  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  and  would  not  lend 
them  assistance,  until  the  latter  should  have  signalised  their  arms  by 
some  brilliant  achievement,  of  decisive  importance  for  the  eventual 
success  of  the  war.  The  Americans  themselves  were  perfectly  aware, 
that  it  would  be  vain  to  attempt,  at  first,  to  draw  the  European  states 
into  their  quarrel ;  that  the  first  brunt  of  the  war  must  be  borne  by 
themselves  alone  ;  and,  that,  if  they  proved  unfortunate,  all  hope  of 
foreign  aid  must  be  abandoned.     The  prosperity  of  the   enterprise 
was  therefore  precis?ly  so  much  the  less  probable,  as  it  was  the  more 
necessary ;  since  the  means  did  not  exist  for  providing,  in  so  short  a 
time,  the  necessary  preparations  of  war.     So  many  obstacles  demon- 
strated the  little  foundation   there  was  for  expecting  the  support  of 
foreign  nations.     This  consideration  was  calculated  to  damp  the  ardor 
of  the  American  chiefs,  and  to  introduce  a  certain  vacillation  into  all 
their  measures.     Finally,   there  was  an  object  of  primary  interest, 
which  demanded  the  attention  of  Congress  ;  that  of  ascertaining  what 
line  of  conduct  the  Indian  nations  were  likely  to  observe  in  the  pre- 
sent contest.     Their  neutrality,  or  their  adhesion  to  this  party  or  to 
that,  was  of  essential  importance  to  the  issue  of  the  whole  enterprise. 
The  Americans  had  reason  to  fear  the  influence  of  the  English  over 
these  nations  ;  as  they  are  only  to  be  swayed  by  gifts,  and  the  hope  of 
plunder  ;  and  the  English, -in  the  control  of  these  means,  had  greatly 
the  advantage  of  their  adversaries.     The  Indians,  with  much  greater 
assurance,  could  promise  themselves  pillage  in  combating  for  Eng- 
land ;  since  her  arms,  at  this  epoch,  appeared  secure  of  victory,  and 
since  the  American  territory  was  to  be  the  theatre  of  the  war.     Ca- 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  19? 

nada,  also,  presented  to  the  English  a  way  of  communication  with 
the  Indian  tribes, "who  mostly  inhabit  the  banks  of  the  lakes  situated 
behind  the  colonies,  and  in  front  of  this  English  province.  It  was, 
besides,  of  the  last  importance  to  those  who  conducted  the  affairs  of 
America,  to  avoid  exposing  themselves  to  the  least  reproach  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  even  of  such  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  as,  being  either  adverse,  wavering,  or  torpid,  could  not  have 
witnessed  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  without  a  severe  shock. 
Now,  though  it  was  little  difficult  to  undertake  the  justification  of  the 
affairs  of  Lexington  and  of  Breed's  Hill,  in  which  the  colonists  had 
combated  in  their  own  defence  against  an  enemy  who  assailed  them, 
could  the  same  motives  have  been  alleged  in  favor  of  the  expeditions 
upon  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  directed  against  the  fortresses  of  Ti- 
conderoga,  and  of  Crown  Point,  in  which  the  Americans  had  been 
the  aggressors  ?  Not  that  these  hostilities  would  stand  in  need  of 
excuse,  with  men  conversant  in  affairs  of  state  ;  for,  the  war  once 
kindled,  it  was  natural  that  the  Americans  should  endeavor  to  do  the 
enemy  all  the  harm  in  their  power,  and  to  preserve  himself  from  his 
assaults.  But  the  mass  of  people  could  not  see  things  in  the  same 
light ;  and  still  it  was  essentially  the  interest  of  the  patriot  leaders,  to 
demonstrate,  even  to  evidence,  the  justice  of  the  cause  they  defend- 
ed. All  their  force  consisted  in  opinion ;  and  arms  themselves 
depended  on  this  ;  so  dissimilar  was  their  situation  to  that  of  govern- 
ments confirmed  by  the  lapse  of  ages,  in  which,  by  virtue  of  esta- 
blished laws,  whether  the  war  be  just  or  not,  the  regular  troops  hurry 
to  battle,  the  people  pay  the.  cost ;  arms,  ammunition,  provisions,  all, 
in  a  word,  are  forthcoming,  at  the  first  signal  !  But  the  greatest 
obstacle  which  the  Congress  had  to  surmount,  was  the  jealousy  of  the 
provincial  assemblies.  As  all  the  provinces  had  joined  the  league, 
and  taken  part  in  the  war,  it  was  requisite  that  each  should  concur  in 
the  general  counsels,  which  directed  the  administration  ;  and  that  all 
the  movements  of  the  body  politic  should  tend  towards  the  same 
object.  Such  had  been  the  origin  of  the  American  Congress.  But 
this  body  could  not  take  the  government  of  all  parts  of  the  confede- 
racy, without  assuming  a  portion  of  the  authority  which  belonged  to 
the  provincial  assemblies ;  as,  for  example,  that  of  levying  troops,  of 
disciplining  the  army,  of  appointing  the  generals  who  were  to  com- 
mand it  in  the  name  of  America,  and  finally,  that  of  imposing  taxes, 
and  of  creating  a  paper  currency.  It  was  to  be  feared,  if  too  much 
authority  was  preserved  to  the  provincial  assemblies,  they  might 
administer  the  affairs  of  the  union  with  private  views,  which  would 
have  become  a  source  of  the  most  serious  •  inconveniences.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  suspected  that  these  assemblies  were  extremely 
unwilling  to  invest  the  Congress  with  the  necessary  authority,  by 
divesting  themselves  of  a  part  of  their  own  ;  and,  therefore,  that 
either  they  would  oppose  its  deliberations,  or  not  exercise  in  their 


198  THE    AMERICAN    WAJU.  BOOK    V. 

execution  that  exactness  and  promptitude  so  desirable  to  secure  the 
success  of  military  operations. 

From  this  outline  of  the  circumstances  under  which  the  Congress 
assembled,  it  is  seen  how  difficult  was  their  situation.  Others,  per- 
haps, endowed  with  less  force  of  character,  though  with  equal 
prudence,  would  have  been  daunted  by  its  aspect.  But  these  minds, 
inspired  by  the  novelty  and  ardor  of  their  opinions,  either  did  not 
perceive,  or  despised,  their  own  dangers  and  the  chances  of  the  public 
fortune.  It  is  certain,  that  few  enterprises  were  ever  commenced 
with  greater  intrepidity  ;  for  few  have  presented  greater  uncertainty 
and  peril.  But  the  die  was  cast ;  and  the  necessity  itself  in  which 
they  were,  or  believed  themselves  placed,  did  not  permit  them  to 
recede.  To  prevent  accidents,  not  willing  to  wait  for  the  times  to 
become  their  law,  they  resolved  to  have  recourse,  the  first  moment, 
to  the  most  prompt  and  the  most  efficacious  means. 

The  first  thoughts  of  Congress  were  necessarily  turned  towards 
the  army  that  blockaded  Boston,  to  see  that  there  should  be  wanting 
neither  arms,  nor  ammunition,  nor  reenforcements,  nor  able  and 
valiant  generals.  As  for  those  who  were  then  employed,  it  was  to  be 
remarked,  that  having  received  their  authority  from  the  colonial 
assemblies,  they  could  not  pretend  to  command  the  army  in  the  name 
of  the  whole  Union.  If  they  had  all  consented  to  serve  under 
general  Putnam,  it  was  on  account  of  his  seniority  ;  and  the  power  he 
enjoyed,  was  rather  a  sort  of  temporary  dictature,  conferred  by  the 
free  will  of  the  army,  than  an  office  delegated  by  the  general  govern- 
ment. The  new  state  of  things  required  a  new  military  system,  and 
the  confederate  troops  ought,  necessarily,  to  have  a  chief  appointed 
by  the  government,  which  represented  the  entire  confederation.  The 
election  of  a  Generalissimo,  was  an  act  of  supreme  importance  ;  on 
this  alone  might  depend  the  good  or  ill  success  of  the  whole  series 
of  operations.  Among  the  military  men  that  were  then  found  in 
America,  and  had  shown  themselves  not  only  well  disposed,  but 
even  ardent  for  the  cause  of  liberty,  those  who  enjoyed  the  greatest 
esteem,  were  Gates  and  Lee  ;  the  first,  for  his  experience  ;  the 
second,  because,  to  much  experience,  he  joined  a  very  active  genius. 
But  the  one,  and  the  other,  were  born  in  England  ;  and  whatever 
were  their  opinions,  and  the  warmth  with  which  they  had  espoused 
the  cause  of  America  ;  whatever  even  was  the  confidence  the  Con- 
gress bad  placed  in  them,  they  would  have  deemed  it  a  temerity  to 
commit  themselves  to  the  good  faith  of  two  Englishmen,  in  a  circum- 
stance upon  which  depended  the  safety  of  all.  In  case  of  misfortune, 
it  would  have  been  impossible  to  persuade  the  multitude  they  had  not 
been  guilty  of  treason,  or,  at  least,  of  negligence,  in  the  accomplish- 
ment of  their  duties  ;  suspicions  which  would  have  acted  in  the  most 
fatal  manner  upon  an  army  whose  entire  basis  reposed  on  opinion. 
Besides,  Lee  was  a  man  of  impetuous  character,  and,  perhaps. 


BOOK    T.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  190 

rather  hated  tyranny  than  loved  liberty.  These  searching  and  dis- 
trustful spirits  were  apprehensive  that  such  a  man,  alter  having 
released  them  from  the  tyranny  of  England,  might  attempt,  himself, 
to  usurp  their  liberty.  And  further,  the  supreme  direction  of  the 
war,  once  committed  to  the  hands  of  an  individual,  English  born, 
the  latter  would  be  restricted  to  the  alternative,  of  abandoning  the 
colonies,  by  a  horrible  treason,  to  the  absolute  power  of  England,  or 
of  conducting  them  to  a  state  of  perfect  independence.  And  the 
American  chiefs,  though  they  detested  the  first  of  these  conditions, 
were  not  willing  to  deprive  themselves  of  the  shelter  afforded  by  a 
discretion,  with  regard  to  the  second.  It  was  the  same  consideration 
which  determined  the  Congress  against  appointing  one  of  the  generals 
of  the  provinces  of  New  England,  such  as  Putnam  or  Ward,  who 
then  commanded  the  army  of  the  siege,  and  who  had  recently 
demonstrated  such  signal  valor  and  ability,  in  all  the  actions  which 
had  taken  place  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  Both  had  declared  them- 
selves too  openly  in  favor  of  independence  ;  the  Congress  desired, 
indeed,  to  procure  it,  but  withal,  in  a  propitious  time.  Nor  should  it 
escape  mention,  that  the  colonists  of  Massachusetts  were  reproached 
with  a  too  partial  patriotism  ;  showing  themselves  rather  the  men  of 
their  province  than  Americans.  The  provinces  of  the  middle  and  of 
the  south  betrayed  suspicions  ;  they  would  have  seen  with  evil  eye, 
the  cause  of  America  confided  to  the  hands  of  an  individual  who 
might  allow  himself  to  be  influenced  by  certain  local  prepossessions, 
at  a  time  in  which  nil  desires  and  all  interests  ought  to  be  common. 
There  occurred  also  another  reflection,  no  less  just ;  that  the  office 
of  Generalissimo  ought  only  to  be  conferred  upon  a  personage,  who, 
in  the  value  of  his  estate,  should  offer  a  sufficient  guaranty  of  his 
fidelity,  as  well  in  conforming  himself  to  the  instructions  of  Congress, 
as  in  abstaining  from  all  violation  of  private  property. 
.  It  was  too  well  known  that  military  chiefs,  when  they  are  not 
softened  and  restrained  by  the  principles  of  a  liberal  education,  make 
no  scruple  to  glut  thejr  greedy  passions,  and  lay  their  hands  very 
freely,  not  only  upon  the  eifects  of  the  epemy,  but  even  upon  those 
of  their  allies  and  of  their  own  fellow-citizens ;  a  disorder  which  has 
always  been  the  scourge,  and  often  the  ruin  of  armies. 

Accordingly,  after  having  maturely  weighed  these  various  consi- 
derations, the  Congress  proceeded,  on  the  15th  of  June,  to  the  elec- 
tion of  a  Generalissimo,  by  the 'way  of  ballot ;  the  votes,  upon 
scrutiny,  were  found  all  in  favor  of  George  Washington,  one  of  the 
representatives  of  Virginia.  The  delegates  of  Massachusetts  would 
have  wished  to  vote  for  one  of  theirs  ;  but  seeing  their  votes  would 
be  lost,  they  adhered  to  the  others,  and  rendered  the  choice  unani- 
mous. Washington  was  present  ;  he  rose,  and  said  ;  that  he  returned 
his  most  cordial  thanks  to  the  Congress,  for  the  honor  they  had  con- 
ferred upon  him  ;  but  that  he  much  doubted  his  abilities  were  not 


'200  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

equal  to  so  extensive  and  important  a  trust;  that,  however,  he  would 
not  shrink  from  the  task  imposed  for  the  service  of  the  country,  since, 
contrary  10  his  expectation,  and  without  regard  for  the  inferiority  of 
his  merit,  it  had  placed  in  him  so  great  confidence  ;  he  prayed  only, 
that  in  case  any  unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavorable  to  his 
reputation,  it  might  be  remembered,  that  he  had  declared  on  that 
day,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  he  did  not  think  himself  equal  to  the 
command  he  was  honored  with.  He  assured  the  Congress,  that  as 
no  pecuniary  consideration  had  induced  him  to  abandon  his  domestic 
ease  and  happiness,  to  enter  this  arduous  career,  he  did  not  wish  any 
profit  from  it ;  that  pay  he  would  not  accept,  of  any  sort. 

Colonel  Washington,  for  such  was  his  rank  before  his  election,  had 
acquired  the  reputation  of  a  brave  and  prudent  commander,  in  the 
late  wars  against  the  Indians,  and  against  the  French  ;  but  at  the 
peace  of  1763,  he  had  retired  to  private  life,  and  no  longer  exercised 
the  military  profession.  It  is  not,  therefore,  extraordinary,  that  many 
should  have  thought  him  unable  to  sustain  the  burthen  of  so  fierce  a 
war.  But,  however,  the  greater  part  of  the  nation  having  full  confi- 
dence in  his  talents  and  his  courage,  the  Americans  had  no  hesitation 
in  raising  him  to  this  high  dignity.  He  was  not  only  born  in  America, 
but  he  there  had  also  received  hir.  education,  and  there  had  made  a 
continual  residence.  He  was  modest,  reserved,  and  naturally  an 
enemy  to  all  ambition  ;  a  quality  most  of  all  esteemed  by  this  dis- 
trustful and  jealous  people.  He  enjoyed  a  considerable  fortune,  and 
the  general  esteem  due  to  his  worth  and  virtue.  He  was  especially 
considered  for  his  prudence,  and  a  character  of  singular  energy  and 
firmness.  It  was  generally  thought,  that  he  did  not  aim  at  independ- 
ence, but  merely  desired  an  honorable  arrangement  with  England. 
This  opinion  of  his,  well  corresponded  with  the  intentions  of  the 
principal  representatives,  who  had  no  objection  to  advancing  towards 
independence,  but  were  not  yet  prepared  to  discover  themselves. 
They  expected  to  be  able  so  to  manage  affairs,  that  one  day  this 
great  measure  would  become  a  necessity,  and  that  Washington  him- 
self, when  he  should  have  got  warm  in  the  career,  would  easily  allow 
himself  to  be  induced,  by  the  honor  of  rank,  the  force  of  things,  or 
the  voice  of  glory,  to  proceed  with  a  firm  step,  even  though  instead 
of  the  revocation  of  the  oppressive  laws,  the  object  of  his  efforts 
should  become  total  independence.  Thus  in  the  person  of  this 
general,  who  was  then  in  his  forty*fourth  year,  and  already  far  from 
the  illusions  of  youth,  were  found  united  all  the  qualifications  wished 
for  by  those  who  had  the  direction  of  affairs.  Wherefore,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  his  election  gave  displeasure  to  none,  and  was  even 
extremely  agreeable  to  the  greater  number. 

Having  given  a  chief  to  the  Union,  the  Congress,  to  demonstrate 
how  much  they  promised  themselves  from  his  fidelity  and  virtues, 
resolved  unanimously,  that  they  would  adhere  to,  maintain,  and  assist 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  201 

him,  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  to  preserve  and  uphold  American 
liberty.  Then,  wishing  to  place  at  the  head  of  the  army,  other 
experienced  officers,  who  might  second  Washington,  they  appointed 
Artemas  Ward,  first  major-general ;  Charles  Lee,  second  major- 
general  ;  and  Philip  Schuyler,  third  major-general;  Horatio  Gates 
ivas  named  adjutant-general.  A  few  days  after,  they  created  the 
eight  brigadier-generals  following  ;  Selh  Pomeroy,  William  Heath, 
and  John  Thomas,  of  Massachusetts  ;  Richard  Montgomery,  of  New 
York;  David  Wooster  and  Joseph  Spencer,  of  Connecticut ;  John 
Sullivan,  of  New  Hampshire;  and  Nathaniel  Greene,  of  Rhode 
Island.  If  any  thing  demonstrated  the  excellent  discernment  of 
Congress,  it  was,  doubtless,  the  choice  of  the  first  generals ;  all  con- 
ducted themselves,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  as  intrepid  soldiers,  and 
faithful  guardians  of  American  liberty. 

Immediately  on  being  invested  with  the  supreme  command,  Wash- 
ington repaired  to  the  camp,  at  Boston  ;  he  was  accompanied  by 
general  Lee.  He  was  received,  wherever  he  passed,  with  the  great- 
est honors  ;  the  most,  distinguished  inhabitants  formed  themselves  in 
company  to  serve  him  as  an  escort.  The  congresses  of  New  York, 
and  of  Massachusetts,  went  to  compliment  him,  and  testify  the  joy 
his  election  had  given  them.  He  answered  them  with  suavity  and 
modesty;  they  might  be  assured  that  all  his  thoughts,  all  his  efforts, 
as  well  as  those  of  his  companions,  would  be  directed  towards  the 
reesiablishment  of  an  honorable  intelligence  between  the  colonies 
and  the  parent  state  ;  that  as  to  the  exercise  of  the  fatal  hostilities, 
in  assuming  the  character  of  warriors,  they  had  not  laid  aside  that  of 
citizens;  and,  nothing  could  afford  them  a  gratification  so  sincere,  as 
for  the  moment  to  arrive,  when,  the  rights  of  America  secured,  they 
should  be  at  liberty  to  return  to  a  private  condition,  in  the  midst  of 
a  free,  peaceful,  and  happy  country. 

The  general,  having  made  the  review  of  the  army,  found,  exclu- 
sively of  an  almost  useless  multitude,  only  fourteen  thousand  five 
hundred  men,  in  a  condition  for  service  ;  and  these  had  to  defend  a 
line  of  more  than  twelve  miles.  The  new  generals  arrived  at  the 
camp  most  opportunely  ;  for  the  discipline  of  the  army,  having  fallen, 
as  it  were  into  desuetude,  it  was  urgently  necessary  to  introduce  a 
reform.  The  officers  had  no  emulation ;  the  soldiers  scarcely 
observed  'the  regulations,  and  neglected  all  care  of  cleanliness. 
And,  being  mostly  drawn  from -New  England,  they  manifested  a 
refractory  spirit,  impatient  of  all  subordinancy. 

The  generals  of  Congress,  but  not  without  the  most  painful  efforts, 
succeeded  in  repairing  these  disorders.  General  Gates,  who  was 
profoundly  versed  in  all  the  details  of  military  organisation,  contri- 
buted more  than  any  other  to  this  salutary  work.  The  soldiers 
became  gradually  accustomed  to  obedience  ;  the  regulations  were 
observed  ;  each  began  to  know  his  duly:  and,  at  length,  instead  of 
VOL.  i.  26 


202  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

a  mass  of  irregular  militia,  the  camp  presented  the  spectacle  of  a 
properly  disciplined  army.  It  was  divided  into  three  corps  ;  the 
right,  under  the  command  of  Ward,  occupied  Roxbury  ;  the  left, 
conducted  by  Lee,  defended  Prospect  Hill;  and  the  centre,  which 
comprehended  a  select  corps,  destined  for  reserve,  was  stationed  at 
Cambridge,  where  Washington  himself  had  established  his  head- 
quarters. The  circumvallation  was  fortified  by  so  great  a  number  of 
redoubts,  and  supplied  with  so  formidable  an  artillery,  that  it  had 
become  impossible  for  the  besieged  to  assault  Cambridge,  and  spread 
themselves  in  the  open  country.  It  was  believed,  also,  that  they  had 
lost  a  great  many  men,  as  well  upon  the  field  of  battle,  as  in  conse- 
quence of  wounds  and  disease. 

But  the  American  army  was  near  wanting  a  most  essential  article  ; 
the  inventory  of  powder  deposited  at  Roxbury,  Cambridge,  and  other 
places  of  the  vicinity,  represented  a  public  stock  of  only  ninety  bar- 
rels. It  was  known  also,  that  there  existed  but  thirty-six  in  the 
magazines  of  Massachusetts.  Though  to  this  quantity  had  been 
added  all  that  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut  could 
furnish,  the  whole  would  have  fallen  short  of  ten  thousand  pounds  ; 
which  allowed  but  nine  charges  a  man.  In  this  scarcity  and  danger, 
the  army  remained  more  than  fifteen  days ;  and,  if  the  English  had 
attacked  during  the  time,  they  might  easily  have  forced  the  lines, 
and  raised  the  siege.  At  length,  by  the  exertions  of  the  committee 
of  New  Jersey  a  few  tons  of  powder  arrived  at  the  camp,  which 
supplied,  for  the  moment,  the  necessities  of  the  army,  and  averted 
the  evils  that  were  feared. 

There  remained,  also,  an  important  part  to  be  organised  in  the 
American  army  ;  it  had,  as  yet,  no  special  corps  of  riflemen,  which, 
however,  were  extremely  essential  for  sudden  and  desultory  opera- 
tions ;  for  maintaining  discipline  in  the  camp  ;  and  for  protecting  the 
arrival  of  recruits,  of  ammunition,  and  of  provisions.  It  was  neces- 
sary, withal,  to  consider,  that  if  the  war,  as  it  was  probable,  after  the 
arrival  of  reenforcements  from  England,  should  be  established  in  the 
open  country,  light  troops  became  absolutely  indispensable,  in  such  a 
country  as  America,  broken  incessantly  by  ravines  and  waters,  and 
obstructed  by  forests,  hedges,  mountains,  and  almost  impracticable 
defiles.  Accordingly,  the  Congress  resolved  that  there  should  be 
raised,  in  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  a  sufficient  number  of  riflemen  ; 
who,  the  moment  the  companies  should  be  formed,  were  to  com- 
mence their  march  towards  the  camp  of  Boston,  where  they  were 
destined  for  the  service  of  light  infantry.  At  the  news  of  the  battle 
of  Breed's  Hill,  the  Congress  decreed  that  two  companies  more 
should  be  levied  in  Pennsylvania,  and  that  they  should  all  be  united 
in  a  single  battalion,  to  be  commanded  by  such  officers  as  the  pro- 
vincial assembly  or  Congress  might  appoint.  These  companies  of 
riflemen  arrj^ed  at  the  camp  about  the  commencement  of  August; 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  203 

they  formed  a  corps  of  not  far  from  fourteen  hundred  men,  light 
clothed,  and  armed,  for  the  most  part,  with  rifles  of  great  projectile 
power. 

While  the  American  army  that  besieged  Boston  was  thus  daily 
reenforced,  and  furnished  with  all  articles  of  immediate  necessity, 
the  Congress  employed  themselves  with  extreme  activity  in  taking 
such  measures  as  they  thought  best  calculated  to  keep  on  foot  the 
troops  already  assembled  ;  and  even  to  augment  and  equip  them 
more  completely  in  case  of  need.  Accordingly,  it  was  recommended 
by  a  resolution  of  Congress,  that  all  the  colonies  should  put  them- 
selves in  a  state  of  defence,  and  provide  themselves  with  the  greatest 
possible  number  of  men,  of  arms,  and  of  munitions;  and,  especially, 
that  they  should  make  diligent  search  for  saltpetre  and  sulphur,  and 
collect  all  they  could  find  of  these  articles,  without  delay.  An  exact 
scrutiny  was  therefore  commenced,  in  the  cellars  and  in  the  stables, 
in  pursuit  of  materials  so  essential  to  modern  war.  In  every  part, 
manufactures  of  gunpowder,  and  founderies  of  cannon,  were  seen 
rising ;  every  place  resounded  with  the  preparations  of  war.  The 
provincial  assemblies  and  conventions  seconded  admirably  the  ope- 
rations of  the  Congress;  and  the  people  obeyed,  with  incredible 
promptitude,  the  orders  of  these  various  authorities. 

The  Congress,  having  perceived  that  zeal  for  the  liberty  of  Ame- 
rica at  length  prevailed  over  local  partialities,  and  over  the  jealousy 
of  power,  in  the  provincial  assemblies,  took  greater  courage,  and 
resolved  to  introduce  a  general  system,  which  might  serve  to  regulate 
all  the  levies  that  were  about  making  in  each  province.  They  were 
not  ignorant  of  the  extreme  utility  of  uniformity,  in  whatever  relates 
to  war,  as  the  means  of  directing  all  minds  towards  the  same  object, 
and  of  preventing  dissentions.  They  passed,  therefore,  a  resolution, 
by  which  it  was  recommended,  and  their  recommendations  at  this 
epoch  were  received  and  executed  as  laws,  that  all  men  fit  to  bear 
arms,  in  each  colony,  from  sixteen  years  to  fifty,  should  form  them- 
selves into  regular  companies  ;  that  they  should  furnish  themselves 
with  arms,  and  should  exercise  in  wielding  them  ;  that  the  companies 
should  organise  themselves  into  battalions,  upon  the  footing  of  ha- 
bitual defence ;  and,  finally,  that  a  fourth  part  of  the  militia,  in  every 
colony,  should  be  selected  to  serve  as  minute  men,  always  ready  to 
march  wherever  their  presence  might  be  necessary.  Those  who, 
from  their  religious  opinions,  could  not  bear  arms,  were  invited  to 
come  to  the  succour  of  their  country,  at  least  with  all  the  other  means 
in  their  power.  The  military  pay  was  regulated  after  the  rate  of 
twenty  dollars  a  month  to  captains,  thirteen  to  lieutenants  and  en- 
signs, eight  to  sergeants  and  corporals,  six  to  mere  soldiers.  The 
Congress  also  recommended,  that  each  province  should  appoint  a 
committee  of  safety,  to  superintend  and  direct  all  those  things  that 
might  concern  the  public  security,  during  the  recess  o  the  assem- 


204  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

blies  or  conventions.  Also,  that  they  should  make  such  provision  as 
they  might  judge  expedient,  by  armed  vessels  or  otherwise,  for  the 
protection  of  their  coasts  and  navigation  against  all  insults  from 
enemy  ships. 

The  intentions  of  Congress  were  fulfilled,  in  all  parts  of  the  Union, 
with  the  utmost  cheerfulness  ;  but  no  where  with  more  ardor  than  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  particularly  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The 
militia  of  this  city  were  divided  into  three  battalions  of  fifteen  hun- 
dred men  each,  with  an  artillery  company  of  one  hundred  and  fifty, 
and  six  pieces  of  cannon.  It  comprehended,  besides,  a  troop  of 
light  horse,  and  a  few  companies  of  light  infantry,  riflemen,  and 
pioneers.  This  corps  assembled  often  ;  and,  exhibiting  the  sem- 
blance of  battle,  manoeuvred  in  the  presence  of  Congress,  and  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  thronged  to  the  spectacle  from  all  parts.  The 
dexterity  and  precision  of  the  movements  excited  a  general  surprise 
and  joy.  There  were,  at  least,  eight  thousand  men,  of  these  excel- 
lent troops,  and  in  their  ranks  were  seen  a  great  number  of  persons 
distinguished  for  their  education  and  condition.  The  same  thing 
was  done  in  the  country  towns  of  Pennsylvania.  It  appeared  that 
the  number  of  all  the  men  who  had  taken  arms  therein,  and  exercised 
themselves  in  handling  them,  amounted  to  upwards  of  sixty  thousand. 
So  active,  this  year,  was  the  zeal  of  the  colonists  for  their  cause, 
that  even  a  great  number  of  Quakers,  however  their  religious  opi- 
nions forbid  them  to  take  arms,  and  to  shed  human  blood,  and  not- 
withstanding their  discipline  is  all  of  patience  and  of  submission, 
allowing  themselves  to  be  transported  by  the  general  ardor,  also 
joined  the  companies  of  the  Philadelphians.  They  said,  that 
although  their  religion  prohibited  them  from  bearing  arms  in  favor  of 
a  cause  the  object  of  which  should  be  either  ambition,  cupidity,  or 
revenge,  they  might,  nevertheless,  undertake  the  defence  of  national 
rights  and  liberty.  Thus  there  exist  no  opinions,  however  rigorous, 
but  what  find  evasions — no  minds,  however  pacific,  but  kindle  in 
great  political  convulsions. 

A  spectacle,  no  less  extraordinary,  attracted  the  eyes  of  all  the 
inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  ;  whether  it  was  reality,  or  merely  an 
artifice,  with  a  view  of  exciting  others.  The  German  emigrants 
who  inhabited  the  city,  were  almost  all  very  aged,  and  had  seen 
service  in  Europe/  At  the  name  of  liberty,  they  also  were  fired  ; 
and,  what  was  little  to  have  been  expected  from  their  years  and 
decrepitude,  formed  themselves  into  a  body,  which  was  called  the 
Old  Men's  Company  ;  resuming  the  profession  of  arms,  which  they 
had  already  relinquished  so  long,  they  resolved  to  bear  a  part  in  the 
common  defence.  The  oldest  of  all  was  elected  captain,  and  his 
age  wanted  not  much  of  a  century  of  years.  Instead  of  a  cockade 
in  their  hats,  they  wore  a  black  crape,  to  denote  their  concern  at 
those  unfortunate  causes  that  compelled  them,  in  the  decline  of  life, 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  205 

to  take  up  arms,  in  order  to  defend  the  liberty  of  a  country  which 
had  afforded  them  a  retreat  from  the  oppression  which  had  forced 
them  to  abandon  their  own. 

Even  the  women  became  desirous  to  signalise  their  zeal  in 
defence  of  country.  In  the  county  of  Bristol,*  they  resolved  to 
raise  a  regiment,  at  their  own  cost ;  to  equip  it  entirely,  and  even  to 
arm  such  as  were  unable  to  afford  that  expense  of  themselves.  With 
their  own  hands  they  embroidered  the  colors  with  mottos  appropriate 
to  the  circumstances.  The  gentlewoman  who  presented  them  to 
the  regiment,  made  an  eloquent  discourse  upon  public  affairs.  She 
earnestly  exhorted  the  soldiers  to  be  faithful,  and  never  to  desert  the 
banners  of  the  American  ladies. 

All  these  things,  though  of  little  importance  in  themselves,  served, 
however,  admirably  to  inflame  the  minds,  and  render  them  invincibly 
resolute.  The  public  papers  contributed  incessantly  to  the  same 
end,  by  a  multitude  of  harangues,  of  examples,  and  of  news.  The 
battles  of  Lexington  and  of  Breed's  Hill,  were  the  subjects  upon 
which  the  American  writers  chiefly  delighted  to  exercise  their 
talents.  Every  circumstance,  all  the  minutest  details  of  these  engage- 
ments, were  accurately  described  ;  and  those  who  had  lost  life  in 
them,  were  commemorated  with  exalted  praises.  But  doctor  War- 
ren, especially,  was  the  object  of  the  most  touching  regrets,  of  the 
most  unaffected  homage.  They  called  him  the  Hampden  of  their 
age  ;  they  proposed  him  as  a  model  of  imitation,  to  all  who,  like 
him,  were  ready  to  devote  themselves  for  the  public.  The  eulogium 
published  in  the  papers  of  Philadelphia,  was  particularly  pathetic, 
and  calculated  to  act  powerfully  upon  the  minds  of  the  multitude  ; 

'  What  spectacle  more  noble,'  said  the  encomium,  '  than  this,  of  a 
hero  who  has  given  his  life  for  the  safety  of  country  !  Approach, 
cruel  ministers,  and  contemplate  the  fruits  of  your  sanguinary  edicts. 
What  reparation  can  you  offer  to  his  children  for  the  loss  of  such  a 
father,  to  the  king  for  that  of  so  good  a  subject,  to  the  country  for 
that  of  so  devoted  a  citizen  ?  Send  hither  your  satellites  ;  come, 
feast  your  vindictive  rage  ;  the  most  implacable  enemy  to  tyrants  is 
no  more.  We  conjure  you  respect  these  his  honored  remains. 
Have  compassion  on  the  fate  of  a  mother  overwhelmed  with  despair 
and  with  age.  Of  him,  nothing  is  left  that  you  can  still  fear.  His 
eloquence  is  rnute  ;  his  arms  are  fallen  from  his  hand  ;  then  lay 
down  yours  ;  what  more  have  you  to  perpetrate,  barbarians  that 
you  are  f  But,  while  the  name  of  American  liberty  shall  live,  that  of 
Warren  will  fire  our  breasts,  and  animate  our  arms,  against  the  pest 
of  standing  armies. 

*  Approach,  senators  of  America  !  Come,  and  deliberate  here, 
upon  the  interests  of  the  united  colonies.  Listen  to  the  voice  of  this 

*  Pennsylvania. 


206  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     V. 

illustrious  citizen  ;  he  entreats,  he  exhorts,  he  implores  you  not  to 
disturb  his  present  felicity  with  the  doubt  that  he  perhaps  has  sacri- 
ficed his  life  for  a  people  of  slaves. 

4  Come  hither,  ye  soldiers,  ye  champions  of  American  liberty,  and 
contemplate  a  spectacle  which  should  inflame  your  generous  hearts 
with  even  a  new  motive  to  glory.  Remember,  his  shade  still  hovers 
unexpiated  among  us.  Ten  thousand  ministerial  soldiers  would  not 
suffice  to  compensate  his  death.  Let  ancient  ties  be  no  restraint ; 
foes  of  liberty  are  no  longer  the  brethren  of  freemen.  Give  edge  to 
your  arms,  and  lay  them  not  down  till  tyranny  be  expelled  from  the 
British  empire  ;  or  America,  at  least,  become  the  real  seat  of  liberty 
and  happiness. 

( Approach  ye  also,  American  fathers  and  American  mothers ; 
come  hither,  and  contemplate  the  first  fruits  of  tyranny  ;  behold  your 
friend,  the  defender  of  your  liberty,  the  honor,  the  hope  of  your 
country  ;  see  this  illustrious  hero,  pierced  with  wounds,  and  bathed 
in  his  own  blood.  But  let  not  your  grief,  let  not  your  tears  be  steril. 
Go,  hasten  to  your  homes,  and  there  teach  your  children  to  detest 
the  deeds  of  tyranny  ;  lay  before  them  the  horrid  scene  you  have 
beheld  ;  let  their  hair  stand  on  end  ;  let  their  eyes  sparkle  with 
fire  ;  let  resentment  kindle  every  feature  ;  let  their  lips  vent  threats 
and  indignation  ;  then — then — put  arms  into  their  hands,  send  them 
to  battle,  and  let  your  last  injunction  be,  to  return  victorious,  or  to 
die,  like  Warren,  in  the  arms  of  liberty  and  of  glory  ! 

'And  ye  generations  of  the  future,  you  will  often  look  back  to  this 
memorable  epoch.  You  will  transfer  the  names  of  traitors  and  of 
rebels  from  the  faithful  people  of  America,  to  those  who  have  merit- 
ed them.  Your  eyes  will  penetrate  all  the  iniquity  of  this  scheme 
of  despotism,  recently  plotted  by  the  British  government.  You  will 
see  good  kings  misled  by  perfidious  ministers,  and  virtuous  ministers 
by  perfidious  kings.  You  will  perceive  that  if  at  first  the  sovereigns 
of  Great  Britain  shed  tears  in  commanding  their  subjects  to  accept 
atrocious  laws,  they  soon  gave  themselves  up  to  joy  in  the  midst  of 
murder,  expecting  to  see  a  whole  continent  drenched  in  the  blood 
of  freemen.  O,  save  the  human  race  from  the  last  outrages,  and 
render  a  noble  justice  to  the  American  colonies.  Recall  to  life  the 
ancient  Roman  and  British  eloquence  ;  and  be  not  niggardly  of 
merited  praises  towards  those  who  have  bequeathed  you  liberty.  It 
costs  us  floods  of  gold  and  of  blood  ;  it  costs  us,  alas  !  the  life  of 
Warren.' 

The  Congress,  wishing  to  uphold  this  disposition  of  minds,  and  to 
render  it,  if  possible,  still  more  ardent  and  pertinacious,  had  recourse 
to  the  power  of  religious  opinions  over  the  human  affections.  At 
their  instigation,  the  synod  of  Philadelphia  and  of  New  York  publish- 
ed a  pastoral  letter,  which  was  read,  to  crowded  congregations,  in 
all  the  churches.  They  affirmed,  that  unwilling  to  be  the  instru- 


BOOK  T.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  207 

ments  of  discard  and  of  war  between  men  and  brethren,  they  had 
hitherto  observed  a  scrupulous  silence  ;  but  things  were  now  come 
to  such  a  height,  that  they  were  resolved  to  manifest  their  senti- 
ments ;  that  they  exhorted  the  people,  therefore,  to  go  foith  as 
champions  in  their  country's  cause  ;  and  to  be  persuaded,  that  in  so 
doing,  they  would  march  in  the  ways  of  the  Master  of  the  kings  of 
the  earth,  and  find,  in  battle,  either  victory  or  inevitable  death.  The 
letter  concluded  with  certain  moral  considerations  and  precepts,  well 
adapted  to  stimulate  the  zeal  of  these  religious  minds,  and  to  satisfy 
them  that  the  cause  of  America  was  the  cause  of  God.  It  was 
recommended  to  the  soldiers  to  approve  themselves  humane  and 
merciful ;  and  to  all  classes  of  citizens,  to  humble  themselves,  to  fast, 
to  pray,  and  to  implore  the  divine  assistance,  in  this  day  of  trouble 
and  of  peril.  The  Congress  recommended  that  the  20th  of  July 
should  be  kept  as  a  day  of  fasting,  in  all  the  colonies  ;  which  was 
religiously  observed,  but  more  solemnly  at  Philadelphia  than  else- 
where. The  Congress  attended  the  divine  services  in  a  body  ; 
and  discourses  adapted  to  the  occasion,  were  pronounced  in  the 
church. 

On  the  same  day,  as  the  Congress  were  about  to  enter  the  temple, 
the  most  agreeable  despatches  were  received  from  Georgia.  They 
announced  that  this  province  had  joined  the  confederation,  and 
appointed  five  delegates  for  its  representation  in  Congress.  This 
news  was  accepted  by  all  as  a  happy  augury  ;  and  the  joy  which  its 
importance  excited,  was  heightened  in  consideration  of  the  moment 
at  which  the  government  and  people  were  apprised  of  it.  The 
loyalists  had  long  prevailed  in  this  colony  ;  and  thus  it  had  hitherto 
continued  in  a  state  of  immobility,  and  apparent  neutrality.  But  the 
extremity  to  which  affairs  were  come,  the  battles  of  Lexington  and 
of  Breed's  Hill,  the  cruelties,  real  or  supposed,  committed  by  the 
royal  troops,  the  probabilities  of  the  success  of  the  war  in  favor  of 
the  Americans,  the  union  and  concord  of  the  other  colonies,  and  the 
efficacious  movements  of  the  friends  of  liberty,  among  whom  Dr. 
Zubly  distinguished  himself  especially,  were  at  length  the  cause  that 
a  provincial  convention  adhered  to  all  the  resolutions  of  the  general 
Congress,  and  took  several  very  energetic  measures  against  England  ; 
either  as  a  compensation  for  their  former  coldness,  or  that  the 
patriots,  heretofore  repressed,  were  thus  animated  with  greater  fury. 
They  declared,  that  the  exception  made  of  Georgia,  in  the  acts  of 
parliament  against  America,  ought  rather  to  be  considered  as  an 
injury  than  a  favor,  since  this  exemption  was  only  an  artifice  to 
separate  them  from  their  brethren.  They  resolved,  also,  that  they 
would  admit  no  merchandise  which  should  have  been  shipped  in 
England,  after  tbfe  1st  of  July  ;  and  that,  dating  from  the  lOih  of 
September,  none  should  be  exported  from  Georgia  for  England  ; 
and,  besides,  that  all  commerce  should  cease  with  the  English  islands 


208  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V. 

of  the  West  Indies,  and  with  those  parts  of  the  American  continent 
which  had  not  accepted  the  resolutions  of  Congress.  These  deci- 
sions were  of  great  importance  ;  Georgia  being,  though  not  one  of 
the  most  considerable  provinces,  extremely  fertile  in  grain,  and  prin- 
cipally in  rice.  It  was  determined  also  to  abstain  from  all  superfluity, 
and  to  banish  luxury  ;  to  give  encouragement  to  the  farmers  who 
should  rear  the  most  numerous  flocks.  Nor  was  it  forgotten  to  ad- 
dress a  petition  to  the  king,  very  eloquent,  and  full  of  the  accustomed 
protestations  of  loyalty  ;  which  were  lavished,  perhaps,  the  more 
prodigally,  as  they  were  intended  no  pledges  of  the  reality. 

The  general  Congress  cast  an  anxious  eye  upon  the  province  of 
New  York,  as  well  because  the  loyalists  abounded  there,  as  because 
it  is  naturally,  much  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  an  enemy  strong  in 
naval  forces.  To  obviate  these  dangers,  it  was  ordained,  that  five 
thousand  infantry  should  be  stationed  in  the  environs  of  New  York  ; 
and,  in  order  to  secure  the  soldiers  the  succours  they  might  need,  in 
case  of  wounds  and  sickness,  that  a  hospital  should  be  established, 
with  accommodations  for  the  invalids  of  an  army  of  twenty  thousand 
men.  It  was  placed  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Benjamin  Church, 
principal  physician  of  the  army. 

Considering,  also,  of  how  great  importance  was  the  prompt  trans- 
mission of  letters,  and  desirous  that  the  service  of  the  post  should  be 
confided  to  zealous  and  faithful  men,  the  Congress  appointed  Dr. 
Benjamin  Franklin  director-general  of  this  establishment.  He  had 
filled  the  same  office  in  England,  for  the  letters  of  America  ;  and 
had  lost  it,  for  having  shown  too  much  attachment  to  the  privileges 
of  the  colonies.  Regular  mails  were  established  upon  the  route 
from  Falmouth,  in  New  England,  to  the  city  of  Savannah,  in  Georgia. 

But,  as  the  Congress  could  not  forget  that  the  principal  sinew  of 
war  is  money,  they  soon  turned  their  attention  to  this  object,  no  less 
important  than  men  and  arms  themselves,  especially  in  a  defensive 
war,  as,  from  the  very  nature  of  things,  this,  which  had  broken  out 
in  America,  was  to  be,  In  offensive  wars,  where  the  enemy  is 
assailed  in  his  own  country,  by  ravaging  his  territory,  men  and  arms 
can  obtain  money  with  victory  ;  whereas,  in  a  war  of  defence,  it  is 
money  that  must  procure  men  and  arms.  In  the  present  circum- 
stances, however,  it  could  not  be  obtained,  but  with  the  greatest 
difficulties  ;  since  the  only  resources  were  loans  or  taxes.  Both 
presented  not  only  many  obstacles,  but  almost  an  absolute  impossi- 
bility. For  several  years,  the  misunderstanding  which  had  arisen 
with  England  had  greatly  diminished  the  quantity  of  specie  that 
circulated  in  the  colonies.  The  provinces  of  New  England  had 
always  been  rather  sparingly  supplied  with  it ;  and  the  prohibitory 
acts  of  parliament,  of  the  last  ten  years,  had  excessively  attenuated 
this  slender  mass.  In  the  southern  provinces,  though,  from  the 
fertility  of  their  lands,  the  most  opulent,  this  scarcity  of  coin  was  stil! 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  209 

increased,  not  only  by  the  above  mentioned  causes,  but  also  by  a 
numerous  importation  of  negroes,  which  had  taken  place  within  the 
few  last  years.  To  draw  money  from  these  provinces,  by  way  of 
loans  or  taxes,  would  have  been  an  imprudent  and  dangerous  opera- 
tion, or  rather  a  thing  impracticable,  at  least  in  the  quantity  exacted 
by  the  wants  of  the  state.  It  should  be  added,  as  to  loans,  that 
whether  the  rich  should  furnish  their  money  or  not,  they  could 
always,  however,  lend  their  credit  ;  and  the  employment  of  the 
second  means  offered  more  advantages  than  the  first  ;  for,  if  the 
wealthy  could  aid  the  state  with  their  funds  and  their  credit  at  the 
sante  time,  men  of  moderate  or  narrow  fortune  had  not  the  same 
faculty  ;  thus  partial  loans  of  money  could  not  have  been  effected  ; 
while,  on  the  contrary,  a  partial  loan  of  credit  might  be  used,  which, 
though  made  collectively,  in  the  name  of  all,  would  in  fact  be  sup- 
ported partially,  in  general  opinion,  by  the  powerful  means  of  the 
rich.  In  respect  to  taxes,  this  way  offered  only  inconveniences  ; 
the  people  of  the  colonies  being  little  accustomed  to  assessments, 
this  sudden  stroke  at  their  property,  in  the  outset,  would  infallibly 
have  produced  the  most  pernicious  effects.  The  people  inflamed 
for  a  common  cause  more  willingly  make  the  sacrifice  of  their  exist- 
ence than  of  thx3ir  property  ;  because  to  the  first  of  these  sacrifices 
is  annexed  a  glory  which  is  foreign  to  the  other,  and  that  honor  is 
more  frequently  found  among  the  brave  than  among  the  rich.  Hence 
the  Congress  found  themselves  placed,  with  respect  to  this  business, 
in  a  situation  of  singular  difficulty.  This  will  easily  be  conceived, 
when  it  is  considered  that  they  could  indeed  recommend,  but  not 
command  ;  and  that  the  obedience  of  the  people  was  more  voluntary 
than  constrained.  It  was  much  to  be  feared  they  would  refuse  it,  if 
it  were  attempted  to  subject  them  to  contributions. 

It  was  also  greatly  to  be  apprehended,  that  the  provincial  assem- 
blies, extremely  jealous  of  the  right  of  establishing  public  burthens, 
would  consent  with  repugnance,  if  not  absolutely  refuse,  that  the 
Congress  should  assume  the  power  of  taxation.  How,  besides, 
could  the  latter  hope  to  assess  the  tax  in  a  just  proportion,  with 
respect  to  each  colony,  when  their  means,  founded,  in  great  part, 
upon  commerce,  and  consequently  subject  to  all  the  variations  result- 
ing from  the  disturbances,  could  not  be  appreciated  upon  any  certain 
principle  ?  It  would  have  been  necessary  to  undertake  this  operation, 
without  basis,  and  without  rule  ;  and  even  the  semblance  of  partial- 
ity, however  imaginary,  would  have  sufficed  to  excite  general  clamors, 
and  the  most  prejudicial  dissentions. 

Such  were  the  shoals  the  Congress  had  to  encounter,  in  their, 
efforts  to  obtain  the  money  necessary  to  the  wants  of  the  state  and 
of  war.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  avoid  them,  in  resorting  to 
loans  of  credit,  by  an  emission  of  bills  which  should  have  for  gua- 
ranty the  faith  of  the  united  colonies.  It  was  hoped  that  the  abun- 
VOL.  i.  27 


210  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

dance  of  provisions,  the  ardor  and   unanimity  of  the  people,  and 
particularly  of  the  rich,  for  the  most  part  favorable  to  the  new  order 
of  things,  would  support  the  public  credit,  and  prevent  a  depreciation 
of  the  bills.     It  seems,   however,   that  what  had   happened   in  the 
northern  provinces,  where  the  paper  money  had  fallen  very  seriously, 
should  have  served  as  an  example  and  a  warning.     Besides,  prudent 
men   plainly  foresaw  that  the  facility  of  the  thing,  and   the   always 
increasing  multiplicity  of  wants,  would   lead   to  the  emission  of  so 
great  a  quantity  of  this  paper,  that  even  its  superabundance   must 
'deprive   it  of  much  of  its  value.     Indeed,   could    this    have   been 
doubted,   considering    the   Congress   would   not  have   an   exclusive 
authority  to  emit  bills  of  credit,  and  that  the  provincial  assemblies 
might  as  freely  exercise  the  same  right?     The  cause  of  the  evil  was 
too  evident  for  the  most  prejudicial  consequences  not  to  have  been 
anticipated.     It  was  also  to  be  considered,  that  the  chances  of  war, 
always  uncertain,  might  prove   favorable  to  the  English,  and  open 
them  a  passage  into  the  interior  of  the  provinces  ;   the  inevitable 
result  of  which  would  be,  the  total  ruin  of  credit,  and  the  annihilation 
of  the  bills.     It  is  known  by  experience,  that  in  similar  cases,   the 
distrust  of  the  people  admits  of  no  remedy.     Such  were  the  motives 
of  hesitation  and  of  fear,  which  perplexed  the  minds  of  the  thought- 
ful, relative  to  the   emission  of  bills  of  credit.     But  there  was  no 
yoom  for  option  ;  and  the  Congress  found  themselves  reduced  to  an 
extremity  so  imperious,  that  any  resource  became   desirable.     Ac- 
cordingly, they  had  no  scruple  in  adopting  the  present,  which,  if  not 
good,  was  at  least  necessary.     They  decreed,  in  the  month  of  June, 
that  the  sum  of  two  millions  of  Spanish  dollars  should  be  issued,  in 
bills  of  credit;  and   that  the  faith  of  the  united  colonies  should  be 
the  .guaranty  of  their   redemption.      Some  time   after,   they  made 
another  emission  of  bills,   to  the  value  of  one   million  of  dollars,  in 
bills  of  thirty  dollars  each.     They  were  received,  in  this  first  ardor, 
with  universal  promptitude* 

Having  provided  men,  arms,  and  money,  the  Congress  took  into 
consideration  the  means  of  gaining  the  Indian  nations,  respecting 
whose  dispositions  they  were  not  without  a  certain  anxiety.  It  was 
known  that  general  Gage  had  despatched  from  Boston  one  of  his 
emissaries,  named  John  Stuart,  to  the  nation  of  the  Cherokees,  who 
inhabit  the  countries  bordering  upon  South  Carolina  ;  and  that 
general  Carleton,  governor  of  Canada,  had  sent  colonel  Johnson  to 
the  Indians  of  St.  Francis,  and  others  belonging  to  the  Six  Tribes, 
that  were  nearer  to  this  province.  Their  object  was,  to  induce  these 
nations  with  promises,  with  money,  and  with  presents,  to  take  arms 
against  the  colonies  ;  an  expedient  which  could  barely  have  been 
tolerated,  if  every  other  hope  had  been  lost,  and  England  had  been 
reduced  to  the  necessity  either  of  employing  the  Indians,  or  of 
receiving  conditions  from  the  Americans.  But  how  is  it  possible  not 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  211 

to  condemn  it,  not  to  view  it  with  abhorrence,  when  other  soldiers, 
and  other  arms,  offered  themselves  from  all  parts  in  abundance,  to 
prosecute  the  war  successfully  against  the  colonies  ?  Posterity 
cannot  fail  to  execrate  the  counsels  of  those  who,  without  the  least 
necessity,  were  capable  of  preferring  the  barbarous  Indians  to  the 
disciplined  troops  of  England.  This  act  of  detestable  ferocity, 
moreover,  turned  at  length  to  the  confusion  of  its  own  authors  ;  but 
the  rnind  of  man  is  blind,  his  character  often  cruel,  and  civil  fury 
implacable.  The  Congress,  consequently,  thought  of  opposing,  by 
the  most  efficacious  means,  these  English  attempts.  In  order  to 
proceed  with  more  method,  they  made  an  ideal  division  of  the 
Indian  tribes  into  as  many  districts  as  there  were  tribes,  and  stationed 
with  each  an  agent,  who,  knowing  the  language,  customs,  and  coun- 
try of  these  savages,  should  observe  their  motions,  satisfy  their 
reasonable  desires,  and  provide  for  their  wants  ;  in  a  word,  these 
emissaries  were  to  neglect  no  means  of  conciliating  the  benevolence 
of  the  Indians,  in  order  that  they  might  give  no  aid  to  the  royal 
arms,  and  observe  a  strict  neutrality.  It  has  been  attempted  to 
insinuate,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  Congress  had  instructed  its  agents 
to  use  all  their  endeavors  to  engage  the  Indians  on  the  American 
side.  But  this  accusation  appears  to  want  probability ;  for  it  was 
evident  that  the  war  was  to  be  carried  on  upon  the  American  terri- 
tory, and  it  was  well  known  that  the  Indians  plunder  and  massacre- 
friends  as  well  as  enemies.  Besides,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
the  Americans  could  have  had  the  design  to  sully  with  a  stain  of 
barbarity,  in  the  very  outset,  a  cause  which  they  wished  might  be 
reputed  by  the  universe  both  just  and  holy. 

We  will  not,  however,  omit  to  relate,  that  in  Philadelphia  it  was 
believed,  and  was  announced  as  a  happy  event,  that  the  Mohawk 
Indians,  having  sent  the  belt  to  those  of  Stockbridge,  which,  with 
these  nations,  was  the  token  of  alliance,  were  ready  to  march  with 
the  colonists  against  the  English.  It  was  in  like  manner  published 
in  Massachusetts,  that  the  Senecas,  another  Indian  nation,  were 
prepared  to  take  arms  in  favor  of  America.  In  addition  to  this,  an 
Indian  chief,  named  Swashan,  accompanied  by  four  other  chiefs  of 
the  tribe  of  St.  Francis,  was  conducted,  in  the  month  of  August,  to 
the  camp  at  Cambridge,  by  a  certain  Reuben  Colburn.  They 'came 
to  offer  themselves  as  ready  to  undertake  the  defence  of  American 
liberty  ;  they  were  well  received,  and  pay  was  assigned  them. 
Swashan  boasted  that  he  would,  if  required,  produce  a  good  band 
of  his  people.  He  added,  that  the  Indians  of  Canada,  and  the 
French  themselves,  were  disposed  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  and 
were  ready  to  join  them.  These  reports  were  circulated,  and  gene- 
rally believed.  But,  whatever  were  the  wishes  of  the  people,  the 
Congress  desired  merely  to  maintain  the  savages  in  neutrality.  This 
moderation  did  not  prevent  the  English  from  availing  themselves  of 


212  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V. 

these  first  demonstrations;  affirming-,  that  they  had  employed  the 
Indians  in  their  army,  because  the  Americans  had  first  endeavored 
to  gain  them  for  auxiliaries. 

The  Congress  having  arranged  the  business  of  the  Indians,  which 
had  caused  them  great  perplexity,  and  imboldened  by  the  affairs  of 
Lexington  and  Breed's  Hill,  they  resolved  to  manifest  the  dignity  of 
their  cause,  and  justify  their  appeal  to  arms,  in  the  sight  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  world ;  in  doing  which,  they  employed  the  style  of 
independent  nations.  They  published  a  declaration,  wherein  they 
recited,  in  a  strain  of  singular  energy,  the  toils,  the  hardships,  the 
perils,  which  had  been  the  portion  of  the  first  colonists,  when  they 
went  to  seek  refuge  in  these  foreign  and  distant  regions ;  their  cares 
to  promote  the  increase  and  prosperity  of  their  establishments ;  their 
compacts  made  with  the  crown ;  the  advantages  and  wealth  which 
England  had  derived  from  them.  After  having  mentioned  the  long 
fidelity  and  uniform  promptitude  of  the  Americans,  in  coming  to  the 
succour  of  the  mother  country,  they  proceeded  to  speak  of  the  new 
measures  taken  by  the  ministers  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war ; 
and  made  an  exact  enumeration  of  the  laws  which  had  been  the 
subject  of  complaints,  so  often,  and  always  so  fruitlessly,  repeated. 
They  glanced  at  the  iniquitous  conditions  of  accommodation  proposed 
in  parliament  by  lord  North,  insidiously  calculated  to  divio^  them,  to 
establish  an  auction  of  taxations,  where  colony  should  bid  against 
colony,  all  uninformed  what  ransom  would  redeem  their  lives.  They 
described  the  hostile  occupation  of  the  city  of  Boston,  by  the  troops 
under  the  command  of  general  Gage ;  the  hostilities  of  Lexington, 
commenced  by  the  royal  soldiers,  and  the  cruelties  committed  in  this 
expedition ;  the  violation  of  faith  on  the  part  of  this  general,  in  the 
refusal  of  permissions  to  pass  out,  and  by  permissions  more  cruel 
than  refusal,  in  having,  with  barbarous  inhumanity,  separated  wives 
from  their  husbands,  children  from  their  parents,  the  aged  and  sick 
from  their  relations  and  friends,  who  wished  to  attend  and  comfort 
them ;  the  proprietors  from  their  furniture  and  most  valuable  effects. 
They  related  the  butchery  of  Breed's  Hill,  the  burning  of  Charles- 
town,  the  seizure  of  their  vessels,  the  ravage  of  provisions, 'and  the 
menaced  ruin  and  destruction  of  all  things.  The  attempts  of  the 
governor  of  Canada  to  excite  the  ferocious  savages  of  that  province 
against  the  colonists,  were  not  omitted ;  and  they  accused  the  minis- 
ters of  a  determination  to  inflict  upon  an  innocent  and  unhappy 
country,  the  complicated  calamities  of  fire,  sword,  and  famine  ; 

'We  are  reduced,'  they  exclaimed,  'to  the  alternative  of  choosing 
an  unconditional  submission  to  the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or 
resistance  by  force.  We  have  counted  the  cost  of  this  contest,  and 
find  nothing  so  dreadful  as  voluntary  slavery.  Honor,  justice,  and 
humanity,  forbid  us  tamely  to  surrender  that  freedom  which  we 
received  from  our  gallant  ancestors,  and  which  our  innocent  posterity 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  213 

have  a  right  to  receive  from  us.  We  cannot  endure  the  infamy  of 
resigning  succeeding  generations  to  that  wretchedness  which  inevita- 
bly awaits  them,  if  we  basely  entail  hereditary  bondage  upon  them. 
Our  cause  is  just.  Our  union  is  perfect.  Our  resources  are  great ; 
and,  if  necessary,  foreign  assistance  is  undoubtedly  attainable.  We 
gratefully  acknowledge,  as  signal  instances  of  the  divine  favor  towards 
us,  that  his  providence  would  not  permit  us  to  be  called  into  this 
severe  controversy,  until  we  were  grown  up  to  our  present  strength, 
had  been  previously  exercised  in  warlike  operations,  and  possessed 
of  the  means  of  defending  ourselves.  With  hearts  fortified  with 
these  animating  reflections,  we  most  solemnly,  before  God  and  the 
world,  declare,  that,  exerting  the  utmost  energy  of  those  powers 
which  our  beneficent  Creator  hath  graciously  bestowed  upon  us,  the 
arms  we  have  been  compelled  by  our  enemies  to  assume,  we  will,  in 
defiance  of  every  hazard,  with  unabating  firmness  and  perseverance, 
employ  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties  ;  being,  with  one  mind, 
resolved  to  die  freemen  rather  than  to  live  slaves.  Lest  this  decla- 
ration should  disquiet  the  minds  of  our  friends  and  fellow  subjects 
in  any  part  of  the  empire,  we  assure  them  that  we  mean  not  to 
dissolve  that  union  which  has  so  long  and  so  happily  subsisted  between 
us,  and  which  we  sincerely  wish  to  see  restored.  Necessity  has  not 
yet  driven  us  into  that  desperate  measure,  or  induced  us  to  excite 
any  other  nation  to  war  against  them.  We  have  not  raised  armies, 
with  ambitious  designs  of  separating  from  Great  Britain,  and  esta- 
blishing independent  states.  We  fight  not  for  glory  or  for  conquest. 
We  exhibit  to  mankind  tlie  remarkable  spectacle  of  a  people  attacked 
by  unprovoked  enemies,  without  any  imputation  or  even  suspicion  of 
offence.  They  boast  of  their  privileges  and  civilisation,  and  yet 
proffer  no  milder  conditions,  than  servitude  or  death. 

1  In  our  native  land,  in  defence  of  the  freedom  that  is  our  birth- 
right, and  which  we  ever  enjoyed  till  the  late  violation  of  it, — for 
the  protection  of  our  property,  acquired  solely  by  the  honest  industry 
of  .our  forefathers  and  ourselves,  against  violence  actually  offered, 
we  have  taken  up  arms.  We  shall  lay  them  down,  when  hostilities 
shall  cease  on  the  part  of  the  aggressors,  and  all  danger  of  their 
being  renewed  shall  be  removed, — and  not  before. 

'  With  an  humble  confidence  in  the  mercies  of  the  supreme  and 
impartial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the  universe,  we  most  devoutly  implore 
his  divine  goodness  to  protect  us  happily  through  this  great  conflict, 
to  dispose  our  adversaries  to  reconciliation  on  reasonable  terms,  and 
thereby  to  relieve  the  empire  from  the  calamities  of  civil  war.' 

This  manifesto,  which  was  generally  received  with  great  eulogium, 
was  subscribed  by  John  Hancock,  who  had  been  elected  president 
of  Congress  in  place  of  Rutledge,  and  countersigned  by  the  secre- 
tary, Charles  Thomson. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

The  Congress,  in  this  occurrence  also,  omitted  not  to  employ  the 
means  of  religion.  The  declaration  was  sent  into  every  part  of  the 
continent,  and  read  from  the  pulpits  by  the  ministers  of  religion, 
.with  suitable  exhortations.  In  the  carnp  of  Boston  it  was  read  with 
particular  solemnity.  Major-general  Putnam  assembled  his  division 
upon  the  heights  of  Prospect  Hill,  to  hear  it.  It  was  followed  by  a 
prayer  analogous  to  the  occasion  ;  the  general  having  given  the  signal, 
all  the  troops  cried  three  times,  Amen  ;  and,  at  the  same  instant,  the 
artillery  of  the  fort  fired  a  general  salute ;  the  colors,  recently  sent 
to  general  Putnam,  were  seen  waving,  with  the  usual  motto,  '  Jin 
appeal  to  Heaven  ;'  and  this  other,  '  Qwi  transulit  sustinetS  The 
same  ceremony  was  observed  in  the  other  divisions.  The  joy  and 
enthusiasm  were  universal.  At  Cambridge,  the  manifesto  was  read 
in  the  presence  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  Massachusetts, 
and  of  an  immense  multitude  that  were  assembled  upon  this  occasion. 
There  resulted  from  it,  in  all  minds,  no  little  increase  of  constancy, 
fortified  by  religious  zeal.  All  this  was  done  in  imitation  of  what 
had  been  practised  by  the  patriots  in  the  times  of  Charles  I.  It 
seemed  as  if  this  same  war  was  renewed,  in  which  the  Protestant 
religion  served  as  a  motive  or  a  pretext  to  the  defenders  of  liberty, 
or  to  the  promoters  of  anarchy ;  and  the  Catholic  religion,  as  a  title, 
or  a  veil,  to  the  partisans  of  limited  monarchy,  or  to  the  supporters 
of  despotism — so  powerful  is  the  voice  of  religion  over  human  hearts! 
And  such  has  always  been  the  propensity  of  those  who  govern  nations, 
to  profit  by  it !  Hence  religion  itself  sustains  an  incalculable  injury  ; 
hence  that  coldness  towards  it,  which,  to  the  regret  of  prudent  men, 
has  been  observed  at  certain  periods.  The  generality  of  people  have 
discovered  that  politic  men  make  use  of  religion  as  an  instrument  to 
arrive  at  their  worldly  ends.  Man,  being  naturally  a  foe  to  restraint, 
and  inordinate  in  his  desires,  instead  of  restricting  himself  within  the 
limits  of  good,  is  too  often  precipitated  into  its  contrary.  Thus  reli- 
gion, which  should  always  be  holy  and  spotless,  too  often  has  favored 
culpable  enterprises,  to 'the  great  scandal  of  the  people,  and  manifest 
diminution  of  its  own  authority,  and  of  good  habits.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  it  is  quite  certain,  that  if  the  semblance  of  religion,  with  which 
the  Americans  endeavored  to  color  their  enterprise,  produced  greater 
unanimity  and  ardor  among  themselves,  it  engendered  also  more 
obstinacy  and  rigor  on  the  part  of  the  English  government,  in  the 
conduct  of  the  war.  In  their  contemplation,  state  policy  was  coupled 
with  the  remembrance  of  the  obstacles  which  the  ancient  British 
monarchs  were  forced  to  contend  with  ;  which,  mingled  with  a  cer- 
tain terror,  excited  them  to  greater  bitterness  and  fury. 

The  Congress  having  thus  attempted  to  justify  their  conduct  before 
the  tribunal  of  the  world,  they  employed  their  thoughts  in  protesting 
to  the  English  people,  that  the  intention  of  the  Americans  was  to 
maintain  those  ancient  relations  which  had  been,  and  still  were  their 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  215 

glory,  their  happiness,  and  the  first  of  their  desires.  They  admon- 
ished them,  in  a  grave  and  pathetic  style,  to  remember  the  ancient 
friendships,  the  glorious  and  common  achievements  of  their  ancestors, 
and  the  affection  towards  the  heirs  of  their  virtues,  which  had  hitherto 
preserved  their  mutual  connexion.  '  But  when,'  they  added,  '  that 
friendship  is  violated  by  the  grossest  injuries  ;  when  the  pride  of 
ancestry  becomes  our  reproach,  and  we  are  no  otherwise  allied  than 
as  tyrants  and  slaves  ;  when  reduced  to  the  melancholy  alternative 
of  renouncing  your  favor  or  our  freedom  ;  our  choice  cannot  be 
doubtful.'  After  some  lines  upon  their  merits  towards  the  mother 
country,  and  expatiating  upon  the  pernicious  laws,  they  concluded, 
by  saying,  that  victory  would  prove  equally  fatal  to  England  and  to 
America  ;  that  soldiers  who  had  sheathed  their  swords  in  the  boXvels 
of  the  Americans,  would  have  as  little  reluctance  to  draw  them  against 
Britons;  that  they  entreated  heaven  to  avert  from  their  friends, 
brethren  and  countrymen,  for  by  these  names  they  would  still  address 
them,  before  the  remembrance  of  former  kindness  was  obliterated, 
the  destruction  and  ruin  that  threatened  them. 

They  also  drew  up  an  address  to  the  king,  which  commenced 
with  a  recital  of  the  services  rendered  by  the  colonists,  of  their  fide- 
lity towards  the  crown,  and  of  the  calamities  that  now  oppressed 
them.  They  supplicated  his  majesty,  that  he  would  deign  to  inter- 
pose his  authority,  to  procure  them  relief  from  their  present  condition  ; 
that  he  would  be  pleased  to  direct  some  mode,  by  which  the  united 
applications  of  the  colonists  to  the  throne,  might  be  improved  into  a 
happy  and  permanent  reconciliation.  »They  implored  also,  that  arms, 
in  the  meantime,  might  cease  ;  and  thai  such  statutes  as  more  imme- 
diately distressed  them,  might  be  repealed  ;  affirming,  that,  having 
done  them  this  justice,  the  king  would  receive  such  proofs  of  the 
good  disposition  of  the  colonists,  as  would  soon  restore  them  to  his 
royal  favor  ;  whilst,  on  their  part,  they  should  neglect  nothing  to  testify 
their  devotion  to  their  sovereign,  and- affection  towards  the  parent 
state. 

The  Congress  had  motives  for  wishing  to  render  the  Irish  nation 
favorable  to  their  cause  ;  a  great  number  of  useful  citizens  annually 
emigrated  from  Ireland  to  America  ;  and  thus,  among  the  soldiers, 
and  even  among  the  American  generals,  were  found  some  Irish. 
They  were  apprehensive  that  the  people  of  Ireland  might  receive 
impressions  unfavorable  to  the  colonists,  in  consequence  of  the  asso- 
ciations against  commerce,  which  were  seriously  prejudicial  to  that 
country.  They  were  not  ignorant,  besides,  that  the  Irish  were,  for 
many  reasons,  dissatisfied  with  the  English  government,  and  that, 
notwithstanding  the  concessions  which  had  recently  been  made  them, 
no  little  animosity  still  rankled  in  their  minds.  The  Congress  pur- 
posed to  avail  themselves  of  this  misunderstanding,  and  to  irritate 
the  wounds  already  festering  in  the  breast  of  the  Irish.  It  would  be 


216  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     V. 

difficult  to  prove  this  conduct  strictly  consistent  with  loyalty.  But  the 
war  was  now  commenced,  and  the  Americans  were  disposed  to  use 
all  means  to  carry  it  on  with  advantage ;  and  none  are  more  sanc- 
tioned by  usage,  than  those  of  feigning  to  desire  peace,  and  of  exciting 
and  exasperating  the  minds  of  the  enemy's  subjects,  against  lawful 
authority.  To  this  intent,  the  Congress  addressed  a  very  eloquent 
letter  to  the  Irish  people.  '  They  were  desirous,'  they  affirmed,  *  as 
injured  and  innocent,  of  possessing  the  good  opinion  of  the  virtuous 
and  humane ;  however  incredible  it  might  appear,  that,  in  so  enlight- 
ened a  period,  the  leaders  of  a  nation,  which  in  every  age  had  sacri- 
ficed hecatombs  of  her  bravest  patriots  on  the  altar  of  liberty,  should 
attempt  to  establish  an  arbitrary  sway  over  the  lives,  liberties,  and 
property  of  their  fellow  subjects  in  America  ;  it  was,  nevertheless,  a 
most  deplorable  and  indisputable  truth.'  The  battles  of  Lexington 
and  Breed's  Hill,  the  burning  of  Charlestown,  and  the  imprisonments 
of  Boston,  were  mentioned  in  suitable  terms.  *  Who  can  blame  us,' 
they  added,  '  for  endeavoring  to  restrain  the  progress  of  so  much 
desolation  ?  for  repelling  the  attacks  of  such  a  barbarous  band  ?  We 
have  no  doubt,  with  the  divine  assistance,  of  rising  superior  to  the 
usurpations  of  evil  and  abandoned  ministers.  We  already  anticipate 
the  golden  period,  when  liberty,  with  all  the  gentle  arts  of  peace  and 
humanity,  shall  establish  her  mild  dominion  in  this  western  world,  and 
erect  eternal  monuments  to  the  memory  of  those  virtuous  patriots  and 
martyrs,  who  shall  have  fought,  and  bled,  and  suffered,  in  her  cause. 

4  Accept  our  most  grateful  acknowledgments  for  the  friendly  dis- 
position you  have  always  shown  towards  us.  We  know  that  you  are 
not  without  your  grievances.  WTe  sympathise  with  you  in  your  dis- 
tress, and  are  pleased  to  find,  that  the  design  of  subjugating  us,  has 
persuaded  administration  to  dispense  to  Ireland  some  vagrant  rays  of 
ministerial  sunshine.  Even  the  tender  mercies  of  government  have 
long  been  cruel  towards  you.  In  the  rich  pastures  of  Ireland,  many 
hungry  parricides  have  fed  and  grown  strong,  to  labor  in  its  destruc- 
tion. We  hope  the  patient  abiding  of  the  meek  may  not  always  be 
forgotten  ;  and  God  grant  that  the  iniquitous  schemes  of  extirpating 
liberty  from  the  British  empire  may  be  soon  defeated.  We  have 
taken  up  arms  to  defend  it ;  and  with  it,  our  property,  our  honor,  our 
existence ;  all,  in  a  word,  that  is  dearest  to  man  upon  earth.  For 
the  success  of  our  efforts,  we  confide  in  the  good  offices  of  our  fellow 
subjects  beyond  the  Atlantic,  aware  as  they  must  be,  that  they  have 
no  other  favor  to  expect  from  the  same  common  enemy,  than  that  of 
being  last  devoured.' 

With  the  same  view,  the  Congress  wrote  a  letter  to  the  city  of 
London,  to  return  thanks  for  the  part  it  had  taken  in  favor  of  Ame- 
rica ;  a  conduct,  they  said,  which  well  became  the  first  city  in  the 
world,  that,  in  all  ages,  had  approved  itself  the  defender  of  liberty 
and  just  government,  against  lawless  tyranny  and  oppression. 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  217 

In  the  midst  of  these  cares,  the  Congress  had  not  forgotten  how 
important  it  was  to  the  success  of  their  enterprises,  to  conciliate  the 
friendship  of  the  Canadians,  in  order  that  they  might  either  make 
common  cause  with  the  Americans,  or,  at  least,  stand  neutral.  They 
knew  that  the  first  letter  had  not  been  without  effect,  and  they  resolv- 
ed to  confirm  it  with  a  second.  The  situation  of  affairs  was  favora- 
ble to  their  hopes  ;  the  act  of  Quebec  had,  in  this  province,  produced 
effects  altogether  contrary  to  those  its  authors  had  anticipated.  The 
greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  had  received  it  with  evident  marks  of 
displeasure,  and,  by  all  except  the  nobles,  it  was  considered  tyran- 
nical, and  tending  to  oppression.  And  although  it  could  not  be  ex- 
pected that  the  Canadians,  long  accustomed,  under  the  French,  to  a 
more  rigid  rein,  should  be  as  much  inclined  to  resistance  as  the  Eng- 
lish colonists,  habituated  to  live  under  the  laws  of  a  milder  govern- 
ment, yet  there  was  ground  to  hope,  that  from  aversion  to  the  English 
domination,  they  might  be  induced  to  take  part  in  the  quarrel,  and 
unite  their  arms  to  those  of  their  neighbors.  It  was  known,  however, 
that  a  part  of  the  Canadians,  and  especially  those  of  Montreal,  and 
other  places  nearer  to  the  colonies,  had  manifested  great  displeasure 
at  the  occupation  by  the  colonists  of  Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  and 
the  lakes  which  lead  from  the  colonies  to  Canada.  The  Congress 
wished  to  dissipate  entirely  these  suspicions  and  jealousies  ;  but,  what 
was  more  worthy  of  their  consideration,  is,  that  they  had  positive 
intelligence  of  the  exertions  which  the  English  governor  was  conti- 
nually making,  to  dispose  the  Canadians  to  take  arms,  and  march 
under  the  British  banners.  The  agents  of  the  king  spared  neither 
gold  nor  promises,  to  attain  their  object.  General  Carleton,  who  was 
then  governor,  though  of  a  character  naturally  severe,  derived  great 
facility  in  this  point  from  the  extensive  influence  ha  enjoyed  with  the 
inhabitants,  and  the  reputation  he  had  deservedly  acquired,  of  a  good 
chieftain,  a  humane  man,  and  an  upright  citizen.  It 'was  known,  that 
he  was  arrived  in  the  province  with  very  ample  powers.  He  could 
appoint  or  dismiss,  at  will,  all  the  members  of  the  council ;  compel 
as  many  Canadian  subjects  as  he  should  see  fit.  to  inarch  against 
whatever  enemy  he  might  deem  it  expedient  to  combat  ;  construct 
forts  and  dismantle  them  ;  in  a  word,  take  all  the  measures  he  might 
think  necessary  for  the  security  of  the  province.  He  was,  besides, 
not  a  man  to  hesitate  how  to  exercise  the  authority  which  had  been 
confided  to  him.  He  had  already  made  use  of  it,  in  proclaiming  that 
the  Canadians  who  should  present  themselves,  should  be  received  as 
volunteers,  into  the  king's  pay,  and  formed  into  a  regiment.  The 
Americans  had  learned,  besides,  that  the  government  had  resolved 
to  expedite,  for  Canada,  fifteen  thousand  muskets,  in  order  to  arm  the 
Roman  Catholics  of  that  country.  All  announced,  that  it  was  intended 
to  assemble  a  strong  force,  with  a  view  of  attacking  the  colonies  in 
the  rear,  and  of  cooperating  with  general  Gage.  Lord  North  hirn- 
VOL.  i.  28 


218  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

self,  in  his  discourse  to  parliament,  had  intimated  that  such  was  the 
design  of  the  government.     The  moment  was  critical ;  and,  without 
a  prompt  remedy,  it  was  to  be  feared  the  Canadians  would  take  their 
resolution  to  act  against  the  colonies.     The  Congress,  therefore,  de- 
cided to  address  them  a  letter,  entitling  it,  '  To  the  oppressed  Inha- 
bitants of  Canada.'     It  was  strong  in  thoughts,  expressed  in  a  style 
as  elegant  as  it  was  spirited.     They  reminded  the  Canadians,  that,  by 
their  late  address,  they  had  already  apprised  them  of  the   designs  in 
agitation  to  extirpate  the  rights  arid  liberties  of  all  America  ;  they  had 
now  to  condole  with  them   most  sincerely,  that  these  schemes  were 
about  to  be  carried  into  execution  ;  or  rather,  that,  by  the  new  form 
of  government  given  to  the  province  of  Canada,  were  already  intro- 
duced ;  that  thus  its  inhabitants,  their  wives,  and  their  children,  were 
made  slaves  ;  that  thus  they  had  nothing  they  could  any  longer  call 
their  own  ;   that  all  the  fruits  of  their   labor  and  industry  might  be 
taken  from  them,  whenever  an  avaricious  governor  and  a  rapacious 
council  might  incline   to  demand   them  ;  that  they  were  liable  to  be 
transported  into  foreign  countries,  to  fight  battles  in  which  they  had  no 
interest ;  that  the  enjoyment  of  their  very  religion   depended  on  a 
legislature  in  which  they  had  no  share  ;  that  their  priests  were  expos- 
ed to  expulsion,   banishment,   and  ruin,  whenever  their  wealth  and 
possessions  should  furnish  sufficient  temptations  ;  that  they  could  not 
be  sure  that   a   virtuous  prince  would   always  fill  the  throne  ;  and, 
should  a  wicked  or  a  careless  king  concur  with  a  wicked  ministry,  in 
extracting  the  treasure  and  strength  of  their  country,  it  was  impossi- 
ble to  conceive  to  what  variety,  and  to  what  extremes  of  wretchedness 
they  might,  under  the  present  establishment,  be   reduced  ;  that  the 
Americans  knew  full  well  that   every  exertion  was  made,  that  every 
artifice  was  employed,  to  arm  their  brethren  of  Canada  against  them; 
but  should  they,  by  complying  in  this  instance,  assent  to  their  new 
establishment,  and  a  war  break  out  with  France,  let  them  recollect, 
their  wealth  and  their  sons   might  be   sent  to   perish  in  expeditions 
against  the  French  Islands  in  the  West  Indies ;  that  as  to  the  colo- 
nists, they  were  determined  to  live  free  or  not  at  all ;  that  they  were 
the  friends,  and  not  the  enemies,  of  the  Canadians  ;  that  the  taking 
of  the  fortresses  and  armed  vessels  on  the  lake,  was  dictated  by  ne- 
cessity ;  but  that  they  might  place  full  trust  in  the  assurance  that  the 
colonies  would  pursue  no  measures  whatever,  but  such  as  friendship, 
and  a  regard  for  the  mutual  interests  of  the  two  people,  might  suggest ; 
and,  finally,  that  they  still  hoped  the  Canadians  would  unite  with  the 
colonists  in  defence  of  their  common  liberty. 

This  address  had  the  effect  its  authors  desired,  at  least  in  that  it 
produced  the  neutrality  of  the  Canadians.  In  answer  to  the  instances 
of  the  governor,  they  said,  that  without  regret  they  found  themselves 
under  the  English  government,  and  that  they  should  always  deport 
themselves  peaceably  and  loyally  :  but  that  being  entirely  strangers 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  219 

to  the  controversy  arisen  between  the  government  and  the  colonies,  it 
was  not  for  them  to  undertake  to  be  the  judges  of  it ;  that  consequently 
it  would  in  no  shape  become  them  to  take  any  part  in  the  quarrel ; 
that  if  the  government  thought  proper  to  arm  the  militia  of  the  pro- 
vince, in  order  to  defend  it  in  case  of  attack,  they  should  give  it  their 
cordial  assent ;  but  that  to  march  beyond  the  frontiers,  and  attack  the 
neighboring  people,  they  could  not  consent.  These  favorable  dispo- 
sitions of  the  Canadians  were  a  guaranty  to  the  Congress  of  their 
security  on  the  part  of  the  north. 

General  Carleton,  finding  the  Canadians  so  decided  in  their  oppo- 
sition, had  recourse  to  the  authority  of  religion.  He  therefore  solicited 
Brand,  the  bishop  of  Quebec,  to  publish  a  mandarnent,  to  be  read  from 
the  pulpit,  by  the  curates,  in  time  of  divine  service.  He  desired 
the  prelate  should  exhort  the  people  to  take  arms,  and  second  the 
soldiers  of  the  king,  in  their  enterprises  against  the  colonies.  But 
the  bishop,  by  a  memorable  example  of  piety  and  religious  modera- 
tion, refused  to  lend  his  ministry  in  this  work  ;  saying,  that  such  con- 
duct would  be  too  unworthy  of  the  character  of  the  pastor,  and  too 
contrary  to  the  canons  of  the  Roman  church.  However,  as  in  all 
professions  there  are  individuals  who  prefer  their  interest  to  their  duty, 
and  the  useful  to  the  honest,  a  few  ecclesiastics  employed  themselves 
with  great  zeal  in  this  affair ;  but  all  their  efforts  were  vain ;  the 
Canadians  persisted  in  their  principles  of  neutrality.  The  nobility, 
so  well  treated  in  the  act  of  Quebec,  felt  obligated  in  gratitude  to 
promote  in  this  occurrence  the  views  of  the  government,  and  very 
strenuously  exerted  themselves  with  that  intention,  but  without  any 
better  success.  The  exhortations  of  Congress  did  not  contribute 
alone  to  confirm  the  inhabitants  in  these  sentiments ;  they  flattered 
themselves,  also,  that  their  pacific  conduct  in  so  urgent  a  crisis,  and 
when  their  junction  with  the  colonies  might  have  been  so  prejudicial 
to  the  interests  of  England,  would  determine  the  government  to  exer- 
cise greater  mildness  towards  them,  and  grant  them  favors  which 
otherwise  they  could  have  had  no  expectation  of  obtaining. 

General  Carleton,  perceiving  that  he  could  make  no  calculation 
upon  being  able  to  form  Canadian  regiments,  and  knowing,  withal, 
that  there  existed  in  the  province  certain  loyalists,  who  would  have 
no  repugnance  to  taking  arms,  and  other  individuals  whom  interest 
might  easily  induce  to  enlist  as  volunteers,  resolved  to  employ  a  new 
expedient.  He  caused  the  drums  to  beat  up,  in  Quebec,  in  order 
to  excite  the  people  to  enrol  themselves  in  a  corps  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  the  Royal  Highland  Emigrants.  He  offered  the  most 
favorable  conditions.  The  term  of  service  was  limited  to  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  disturbances  ;  each  soldier  was  to  receive  two  hun- 
dred acres  of  land,  in  any  province  of  North  America  he  might 
choose  5  the  king  paid  himself  the  customary  duties  upon  the  acqui- 
sition of  lands  ;  for  twenty  years,  the  new  proprietors  were  to  be 


220  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

exempted  from  all  contribution  for  the  benefit  of  the  crown  ;  every 
married  soldier  obtained  other  fifty  acres,  in  consideration  of  his  wife, 
and  fifty  more  for  account  of  each  of  his  children,  with  the  same  pri- 
vileges and  exemptions,  besides  the  bounty  of  a  guinea  at  the  time  of 
enlistment.  In  this  manner,  Carleton  succeeded  in  gleaning  up  some 
few  soldiers;  but  he  was  reduced  to  attach  much  more  importance 
to  the  movements  of  the  Indians.  The  governor,  and  the  agents 
of  the  king  with  these  savage  nations,  had  pushed  their  negotiations 
with  so  much  zeal,  that  they  had  at  length  accomplished  a  part  of  their 
wishes  ;  having  persuaded  some  of  them  to  take  arms  in  favor  of  the 
English  party,  notwithstanding  they  had  so  many  times  sworn  to  ob- 
serve an  absolute  neutrality  ;  but  savage  nations  are  not  more  scrupu- 
lous in  keeping  faith  than  the  civilised  ;  and  gold,  the  love  of  rapine, 
and  thirst  of  blood,  are  with  them  omnipotent.  Towards  the  last  of 
July,  arrived,  however,  in  Montreal,  colonel  Guy  Johnson,  intendant- 
general  of  the  king  for  Indian  affairs,  accompanied  by  a  great  num- 
ber of  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Tribes.  A  solemn  assembly 
was  formed,  where  they  appeared  as  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the 
confederate  Indians ;  their  troop  was  considerable.  They  swore, 
according  to  their  custom,  and  in  the  presence  of  general  Carleton, 
to  support  the  cause  of  the  king.  Such  was  the  first  origin  of  the 
Indian  war.  These  were  the  barbarians,  who,  having  joined  the 
troops  of  general  Burgoyne,  exercised,  two  years  after,  such  ravages, 
and  perpetrated  such  cruelties,  as  we  shall  be  constrained  to  relate, 
in  the  sequel  of  this  history. 

Meanwhile,  the  Congress  could  not  overlook  in  silence  the  act  of 
conciliation  of  lord  North,  without  manifesting  too  great  an  inflexi- 
bility, and  avowing  that  the  Americans  would  listen  to  no  accommo- 
dation. They,  nevertheless,  were  not  disposed  to  take  a  precipitate 
resolution  on  this  point,  and  reflected  upon  it  for  the  space  of  full  two 
months.  By  this  delay,  they  intended  to  show  either  a  great  matu- 
rity of  judgment,  or  perhaps  their  indifference  towards  the  act. 
But  what  appears  more  certain,  is  that  the  war  being  commenced, 
they  desired  to  wait  the  event  of  the  first  actions.  The  answer 
could  not,  in  effect,  be  the  same,  if  victory  had  crowned  their  efforts, 
as  in  case  fortune  had  favored  the  English  arms.  When  the  conci- 
liatory act  arrived  in  America,  the  30th  of  May,  it  is  true  the  affair 
of  Lexington  had  taken  place,  and  the  Americans  had  acquired  in  it 
a  reputation  for  incontestable  courage  ;  but  it  was  no  more,  in  fact, 
than  a  warm  brush  between  militia  collected  in  haste,  and  a  detach- 
ment of  regular  troops  ;  not  a  set  battle,  from  which  any  prognostic 
could  be  drawn  relative  to  the  final  issue  of  the  war.  The  Congress 
saw  perfectly  well,  that  it  would  always  be  time  to  enter  into  a  nego- 
tiation of  arrangement ;  and,  in  case  of  any  disastrous  event,  they 
wished  to  reserve  a  way  open  to  accept  the  conditions  which  Eng- 
land herself  had  offered.  Victory  would  become  of  no  utility  to  the 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICA!*    WAR.  221 

Americans,  if  they  had  commenced  by  submitting  to  the  terms  pro- 
posed; and  ill  fortune  would  have  made  the  conditions  of  accord  no 
worse.  No  risk,  therefore,  was  incurred  by  temporising ;  and  there 
might  result  from  it  great  advantages.  But  the  battle  of  Breed's 
Hill  entirely  changed  the  state  of  things.  The  ardor  with  which 
the  Americans  pressed  the  siege  of  Boston,  their  activity  in  procur- 
ing themselves  arms  and  ammunition,  the  constancy  and  even  alacri- 
ty they  discovered  in  supporting  the  hardships  of  war,  and  evils 
produced  by  the  late  acts  of  parliament,  rendered  their  situation 
much  less  desperate.  If  the  event  might  still  appear  dubious  to  indif- 
ferent men,  minds  strongly  excited  must  have  conceived  more  hope 
than  fear.  Accordingly,  the  members  of  Congress,  encouraged  by 
the  favorable  aspect  of  affairs,  delayed  their  answer  under  pretext  of 
dignity.  But  at  length  they  proceeded  to  the  examination  of  the 
conditions  of  accord,  with  a  full  determination  to  reject  them.  This 
resolution,  however,  was  not  without  inconvenience  ;  for,  at  the  very 
moment  they  refused  all  arrangement,  they  wished  to  retain  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  desire  for  the  return  of  concord.  It  was  requisite  to 
color  this  refusal,  and  to  demonstrate  to  the  eyes  of  the  world,  that 
they  rejected  not  all  conditions,  but  only  such  as  were  offered  them. 
They  declared  themselves  of  opinion,  that  the  colonies  of  America 
were  entitled  to  the  sole  and  exclusive  privilege  of  giving  and  granting 
their  own  money  ;  that  this  involved  the  right  of  deliberating  whether 
they  would  make  any  gift,  for  what  purposes  it  should  be  made,  and 
what  should  be  its  amount ;  which  privileges  were  taken  from  the 
colonists  altogether,  by  the  resolution  of  lord  North  ;  that,  as  the 
colonies  possessed  a  right  of  appropriating  their  own  gifts,  so  were 
they  entitled  to  inquire  into  their  application,  to  see  that  they  were 
not^wasted  among  the  venal  and  corrupt,  for  the  purpose  of  under- 
mining the  civil  rights  of  the  givers,  nor  diverted  to  the  support  of 
standing  armies,  inconsistent  with  their  freedom,  and  subversive  of 
their  quiet ;  which  right  was  violated  by  the  resolution  in  question, 
since  it  placed  the  money  voted  at  the  disposal  of  parliament ;  that 
this  proposition  was  unreasonable,  because  it  could  not  be  known 
what  sum  the  parliament  would  exact ;  and  insidious,  because  the  par- 
liament itself  might  accept  the  trivial  grants  of  one  colony,  and  refuse 
the  considerable  offers  of  another,  thus  maintaining  a  good  intel- 
ligence with  some,  and  reducing  the  others  to  a  state  of  enmity,  in 
order  to  compel  their  compliance  with  harder  conditions,  and  by  the 
division  of  the  colonies,  thus  prepare,  at  its  pleasure,  the  slavery  of 
all ;  that  the  suspension  of  the  right  of  taxing  the  colonies,  being 
expressly  made  commensurate  with  the  continuance  of  the  gifts, 
these,  at  the  will  of  parliament,  might  become  perpetual ;  a  thing  that 
would  aim  a  fatal  blow  at  public  liberty  ;  that  the  parliament  itself 
was  in  the  established  practice  of  granting  their  supplies  from  year 
to  year  only  ;  that  even  upon  the  supposition  that  the  proffered 


222  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

terms  had  been  as  fair  and  reasonable  as  tbey  were  unjust  and 
insidious,  the  din  of  arms  resounding  from  all  parts,  the  armies,  the 
fleets  that  infested  and  surrounded  America,  were  alone  sufficient 
to  render  them  odious  and  inadmissible  ;  that  they  thought  the 
attempt  unnecessary  to  draw  from  their  hands  by  force  their  propor- 
tional contributions  to  the  common  defence,  since  they  had  always 
contributed  freely ;  that  they  only  were  competent  judges  of  the 
measures  proper  to  be  taken  in  regard  to  this  point,  and  that  they  did 
not  mean  the  people  of  America  should  be  burthened  to  furnish  sine- 
cures for  the  idle  or  the  wicked,  under  color  of  providing  for  a  civil 
list ;  that  while  the  parliament  pursued  its  plan  of  civil  government 
within  the  limits  of  its  own  jurisdiction,  they  hoped  also  to  pursue 
theirs  without  molestation ;  that  the  proposition  was  altogether  unsa- 
tisfactory; because  it  imported  only  the  suspension,  and  not  a  renun- 
ciation, of  the  pretended  right  of  taxation,  and  because  it  did  not 
propose  to  repeal  the  odious  acts  of  parliament ;  that  the  minister 
wished  to  have  it  believed  there  was  nothing  in  dispute  but  the  mode 
of  levying  taxes,  whereas,  in  truth,  their  adversaries  still  claimed 
the  right  of  demanding  arbitrarily,  and  of  taxing  the  colonies  for  the 
full  amount  of  their  demand,  if  not  complied  with, ;  that  the  English 
government  even  claimed  a  right  to  alter  their  charters  and  funda- 
mental laws  ; 

4  But,  when  the  world  reflects,'  they  added,  c  how  inadequate  to 
justice  are  these  vaunted  terms ;  when  it  attends  to  the  rapid  and 
bold  succession  of  injuries,  which,  during  a  course  of  eleven  years, 
have  been  aimed  at  these  colonies ;  when  it  reviews  the  pacific  and 
respectful  expostulations,  which,  during  that  whole  time,  were  the 
sole  arms  we  opposed  to  them  ;  when  it  observes  that  our  complaints 
were  either  not  heard  at  all,  or  were  answered  with  new  and  accu- 
mulated injuries  ;  when  it  recollects  that  the  minister  himself,  on  an 
early  occasion,  declared,  that  '  he  would  never  treat  with  America 
till  he  had  brought  her  to  his  feet,'  and  that  an  avowed  partisan  of 
ministry  has  more  lately  denounced  against  us,  the  dreadful  sentence, 
'  delenda  est  Carthago,'  that  this  was  done  in  presence  of  a  British 
senate,  and,  being  unreproved  by  them,  must  be  taken  to  be  their 
own  sentiment ;  when  it  considers  the  great  armaments  with  which 
they  have  invaded  us,  and  the  circumstances  of  cruelty  with  which 
they  have  commenced  and  prosecuted  hostilities  ;  when  these  ^things, 
we  say,  are  laid  together,  and  attentively  considered,  can  the  world 
be  deceived  into  an  opinion  that  we  are  unreasonable  ?  or  can  it 
hesitate  to  believe,  with  us,  that  nothing  but  our  own  exertions  may 
defeat  the  ministerial  sentence  of  death,  or  abject  submission  ?' 

Such  were  the  conclusions  of  the  Congress,  relative  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  adjustment  of  lord  North  ;  they  caused  them  to  be  published, 
and  distributed  in  all  places.  No  one  can  observe  the  acrimonious 
style,  and  the  new  pretensions  of  the  Americans,  without  perceiving 


HOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

how  little  they  were  inclined  to  concord.  Wishing,  however,  to 
remove  the  prejudice  resulting  to  their  cause,  from  the  opinion, 
which  began  to  be  general,  that  they  already  aimed  at  independence, 
they  resolved  to  clear  themselves  of  the  blame  of  not  having  deigned 
from  the  commencement  of  the  controversy,  to  bring  forward  any 
conciliatory  proposition  ;  and  intending,  perhaps,  to  reserve  a  free 
access  with  the  conqueror,  in  case  of  disaster,  or  perhaps  also  to 
preclude  the  propositions  of  lord  North,  which  they  were  determined 
not  to  accept,  the  Congress  had  it  in  contemplation  to  offer  the 
following  conditions  ;  the  colonies  should  not  only  continue  to  grant 
extraordinary  subsidies  in  time  of  war,  but,  besides,  if  allowed  a  free 
commerce,  they  were  to  pay  into  the  sinking  fund,  such  sum  annually, 
for  the  space  of  an  hundred  years,  as  at  that  period  would,  if  faith- 
fully appropriated,  suffice  to  extinguish  the  present  debt  of  Great 
Britain.  In  case  this  condition  was  not  accepted,  they  proposed  to 
stipulate  with  Great  Britain,  a  compact,  by  virtue  of  which,  that 
kingdom  should  be  authorised,  for  the  same  term  of  an  hundred 
years,  to  make  such  laws  as  it  might  judge  necessary,  to  regulate 
commerce,  and  direct  it  towards  the  general  utility  of  the  empire  ; 
but  in  such  rase,  no  other  pecuniary  contribution  could  be  required 
of  them.  This  proposition,  as  is  seen,  implied  no  new  concession  ; 
since,  on  the  contrary,  this  was  precisely  the  subject  in  controversy. 
Some  believed,  also,  that  they  would  have  proposed  that  the  parlia- 
ment should  impose  a  general  tax  upon  all  the  empire,  meaning, 
upon  England,  Scotland,  and  the  American  colonies,  of  which  tax 
each  of  these  countries  should  bear  its  proportion,  according  to  its 
faculties.  They  imagined  that  this  mode  of  imposition  would  render 
"the  parliament  extremely  circumspect  upon  this  point,  since  it  could 
no  longer  charge  America,  without  charging  England  at  the  same 
time,  and  in  the  same  proportion.  But  the  action  of  Breed's  Hill, 
the  rigorous  siege  of  Boston,  the  ardor  of  the  people,  and  perhaps 
the  hope,  already  more  probable,  of  foreign  succours,  so  wrought, 
that  these  propositions  were  soon  consigned  to  oblivion,  and  the 
whole  mind  was  given  to  thoughts  of  war. 

Hitherto  the  Congress  had  made  all  the  dispositions  which  related 
either  to  the  support  of  the  war,  to  the  negotiations  of  alliance  with 
the  neighboring  nations,  or  to  the  justification  of  their  cause  with  the 
inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  and  of  Ireland  ;  they  now  applied  them- 
selves to  the  business  of  establishing  the  bases  of  their  authority  ;  of 
ascertaining  how  far  its  limits  ought  to  extend  ;  and  what  were  its 
relations  with  the  authority  of  the  provincial  assemblies.  This  fixa- 
tion of  powers  was,  with  good  reason,  considered  as  an  operation  of 
the  first  necessity.  For,  until  then,  the  transactions  of  the  Congress 
were  supported  rather  upon  the  opinion  of  the  people,  than  upon 
statutes  approved  by  them,  or  by  the  assemblies  of  their  representa- 
tives. They  were  obeyed,  because  such  was  the  general  inclination. 


.224  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

but  not  because  the  constitutional  laws  required  it.  It  was  even 
because  it  was  intended  to  conduct  America  to  the  state  of  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  having  its  own  government,  and  a  supreme  magis- 
trate, that  it  was  desired  to  direct  things  gradually  towards  this 
object,  and  to  withdraw,  little  by  little,  the  management  of  affairs 
from  the  local  administrations,  in  order  to  concentrate  it  in  one  only 
and  common  point.  It  was  also  an  efficacious  mean  of  providing 
that  no  province,  individually,  should  ever  think  of  detaching  itself 
from  the  Union,  as,  in  such  case,  it  would  become  not  only  unfaith- 
ful to  the  others,  but  also  rebellious  towards  the  general  government 
of  America.  Notwithstanding  considerations  of  such  moment,  this 
affair  could  not  be  managed  without  extreme  difficulty,  on  account 
of  the  reciprocal  jealousies  of  the  provincial  assemblies,  which  were 
not  likely  to  renounce,  but  with  the  utmost  repugnance,  a  part  of 
their  ancient  authority,  to  be  vested  in  a  new  and  unusual  adminis- 
tration. If  the  impulsion  of  the  people  had  been  less  general,  if  the 
necessity  of  pursuing  the  career  in  which  they  were  already  so  far 
advanced,  had  been  less  imperious,  perhaps  the  total  plan  of  the  en- 
terprise would  have  been  marred  by  these  partial  ambitions.  But 
the  die  was  cast,  and  it  was  requisite  either  to  move  onward  farther 
than  would  have  been  wished,  or  to  return  back,  much  farther  than 
would  have  been  apprehended.  It  was  therefore  in  the  midst  of 
these  hopes,  and  of  this  necessity,  that  the  Congress  drew  up  and 
published  the  articles  of  confederation  ;  thus  establishing  invariably 
their  authority,  no  longer  upon  the  momentary  impetus  of  popular 
feeling,  but  upon  laws  approved  and  sanctioned  by  the  general  will. 

In  the  first  place,  the  colonists  bound  themselves  and  their  poste- 
rity, for  the  common  defence  against  enemies,  for  the  protection  of 
their  liberty  and  property,  as  also  of  their  persons,  and  of  the  pros- 
perity of  America.  Each  colony  retained  its  jurisdiction  entire 
within  its  own  limits,  the  right  of  regulating  its  internal  administra- 
tion, and  an  independent  sovereignty  in  respect  to  all  its  domestic 
affairs.  But,  for  the  more  convenient  direction  of  public  transactions, 
each  colony  was  to  elect  deputies,  who  should  convene  in  Congress 
at  the  time  and  place  which  should  be  appointed  by  the  preced- 
ing Congress.  In  ordinary  circumstances,  the  Congress  should 
hold  their  session  successively  in  each  colony,  observing  a  regular 
rotation.  This  body  should  have  power  to  make  war  and  peace,  to 
contract  alliances,  to  adjust  controversies  between  the  different  pro-* 
vinces,  and  to  establish  colonies  wherever  it  should  be  thought 
necessary.  The  Congress  should  be  authorised  to  make  laws  of 
general  utility,  and  for  which  the  provincial  assemblies  should  not  be 
competent,  as,  for  example,  all  those  concerning  the  forces  of  the 
Union,  and  the  affairs  relating  to  commerce  and  the  mint  ;  the  Con- 
gress should  appoint  all  the  officers,  civil  and  military,  of  the  Union, 
such  as  generals,  admirals,  ambassadors,  and  others  ;  the  charges  of 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  225 

the  war,  and  other  expenses  of  the  Union,  should  be  supported  by 
the  public  treasure,  which  should  be  replenished  by  each  colony,  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  male  inhabitants,  from  the  age  of  sixteen 
to  sixty  years  ;  the  number  of  delegates  per  colony,  should,  in  like 
manner,  be  determined  by  that  of  the  male  citizens,  so  that  there 
should  be  one  representative  for  every  five  thousand, male  individuals  ; 
the  deliberations  of  Congress  should  be  enacted  with  half  the  suf- 
frages, and  it  should  be  allowable  to  vote  by  proxy  ;  there  should  be 
an  executive  council,  composed  of  twelve  persons,  elected  without 
Congress,  four  of  whom  should  be  succeeded  every  year  ;  the  coun- 
cil, during  the  recess  of  Congress,  should  superintend  the  execution 
of  its  laws  ;  the  executive  decisions  being  always  to  be  taken  by  two 
thirds  of  the  votes  ;  the  same  council  should  be  charged  with  the 
direction  of  general  affairs,  both  internal  and  external  ;  it  should 
receive  all  despatches  coming  from  princes  and  foreign  governments ; 
should  prepare  matters  to  be  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the 
next  Congress  ;  should  fill,  during  the  interval  of  its  sessions,  all  the 
offices  which  should  have  become  vacant ;  and  should,  besides,  have 
power  to  draw  money  from  the  public  treasury.  It  was  also  regulated, 
that  no  colony  should  make  war  upon  the  Indian  tribes,  without  the 
consent  of  Congress  ;  that,  consequently,  the  frontiers  and  territory 
of  every  Indian  nation  should  be  acknowledged  theirs  and  respected  ; 
that  agents  should  be  established  on  the  part  of  Congress  among  the 
Indian  nations,  in  suitable  places,  with  instructions  to  prevent  frauds 
and  impositions  in  the  traffic  with  them.  It  was  established  as  a 
principle,  that  the  Union  should  subsist  until  the  terms  of  arrange- 
ment proposed  to  the  king,  by  the  preceding  Congress,  should  be 
accepted  by  England,  the  acts  prohibitory  of  American  commerce 
repealed,  an  indemnity  granted  for  the  shutting  of  the  port  of  Boston, 
for  the  burning  of  Charlestown,  and  for  the  expenses  of  the  war  ; 
finally,  until  the  British  troops  should  have  entirely  evacuated  the 
territory  of  America.  It  was  added,  that  when  the  British  govern- 
ment should  have  accomplished  the  foregoing  conditions,  the  colonies 
would  resume  their  ancient  relations  of  friendship  with  Great  Britain; 
but  that  otherwise  the  confederation  should  be  perpetual.  Space 
was  left  to  accede  to  the  league  for  the  provinces  of  Quebec,  of 
St.  John's,  of  Nova  Scotia,  of  the  two  Floridas,  and  the  Bermudas. 
Thus  the  Congress  laid  the  foundations  of  American  greatness. 

Meanwhile,  the  colonies  hesitated  to  accept  the  articles  of  confe- 
deration. North  Carolina  absolutely  refused.  Things  were  not  yet 
arrived  at  the  point  of  muturity,  desirable  for  the  establishment  of  a 
perfect  union.  The  people  suffer  themselves  too  often  to  be  guided 
by  vain  fears,  or  by  vain  hopes  ;  and,  at  this  epoch,  the  greater  part 
of  the  colonists  still  flattered  themselves  with  the  possibility  of  return- 
ing, some  day  or  other,  upon  honorable  terms,  to  their  ancient 
footing  with  Great  Britain.  It  was,  indeed,  quite  evident,  to  what 
VOL.  i.  20 


226  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

object  the  Congress  was  tending.  They  considered  reconciliation, 
if  not  as  absolutely  impossible,  at  least  as  extremely  improbable. 
And,  besides,  if  there  had  existed  any  hope  of  arrangement,  the 
articles  of  Union  would  have  enfeebled  it  greatly,  not  to  say  totally 
extinguished  ;  and  therefore,  perhaps,  the  Congress  had  proposed 
them.  For,  omitting  the  offensive  declarations,  the  menaces,  and 
the  laws  contrary  alike  to  the  English  constitution  and  to  the  tenor 
of  charters,  this  new  pretension  of  indemnities  would  alone  have 
sufficed  to  interrupt  all  approach  to  reconciliation  ;  for  it  could  not 
be  presumed  that  the  British  government  would  stoop  to  such  igno- 
minious conditions.  It  was  therefore  manifest,  that  while  the  two 
parties  protested  their  desire  to  meet  each  other,  they  were  both 
exerting  all  their  efforts  to  render  it  impossible.  It  was  no  less 
evident,  that  when  in  parliament  the  adversaries  of  the  ministers 
proposed  concessions  and  terms  of  arrangement,  it  was  with  reason 
the  latter  rejected  them,  saying,  that  all  these  conciliatory  measures 
would  not  only  be  useless,  but  even  detrimental,  because  they  would 
encourage  the  colonists  to  new  demands,  less  admissible  still.  If  the 
ministers  themselves  proposed,  afterwards,  and  carried  an  act  of 
conciliation,  it  was  only  a  pretext  to  divide,  and  not  to  reunite. 
They  were  therefore  in  the  right,  when  they  resolved  to  continue  the 
war,  at  all  hazards  ;  but  they  were  in  the  wrong,  not  to  carry  it  on 
with  sufficient  means. 

I  have  no  doubt,  but,  in  reading  this  history,  it  will  be  observed 
with  extreme  surprise,  that,  while  the  people  in  all  the  colonies  flew 
to  arms,  subverted  all  public  order,  and  exercised  every  species  of 
hostile  demonstrations  against  the  authority  of  the  king,  the  govern- 
ors, who  represented  him,  preserving  the  calm  of  immobility,  took 
no  resolutions  proper  to  reestablish  obedience.  But  if  no  one  of 
these  governors  is  seen  acting  in  a  manner  conformable  to  the  import- 
ance of  circumstances,  it  should  be  considered  that  none  of  them 
had  regular  troops  at  his  disposal,  to  constrain  the  inhabitants  to  sub- 
mission. The  only  force  to  which  they  could  have  rec.ourse,  to 
maintain  the  public  tranquillity,  and  carry  the  laws  into  execution, 
was  composed  of  the  militia  of  the  country,  themselves  a  part  of  the 
insurgent  people,  and  consequently  favorable  to  their  cause.  It  was 
not  in  America  as  in  Europe,  where  a  militia,  which  no  longer 
makes  part  of  the  people,  but  which  controls  them,  and  with  arms 
continually  in  hand,  is  always  ready  to  execute  the  orders  of  the 
prince.  In  the  English  colonies,  on  the  contrary,  the  militia  was 
not  distinct  from  the  people  themselves  ;  and  if  this  support  was 
wanting  to  the  government,  it  found  itself,  of  necessity,  to  have  none. 
The  governors,  however,  did  what  was  in  their  power  to  defend  the 
authority  of  the  king,  each  according  to  his  character,  and  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  he  was  placed.  Their  efforts  had  memorable 
effects,  as  will  be  seen  by  what  follows ;  they  produced  the  absolute 
extinction  of  the  royal  government. 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  227 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  misunderstanding  which  prevailed 
between  the  governor,  lord  Dunmore,  and  the  assembly,  and,  gene- 
rally, all  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Virginia.  New  disgusts 
broke  out,  upon  the  arrival  of  the  news  from  England,  of  lord  North's 
resolution  of  accord.  It  may  be  said,  that  an  instrument  invested 
with  the  names  of  peace  and  concord,  was  the  occasion,  on  the 
contrary,  not  only  of  discord,  but  of  open  war.  The  governor, 
having  convoked  the  assembly,  placed  this  act  before  their  eyes, 
enlarging  greatly  upon  the  goodness  of  parliament.  He  also  hinted, 
that  the  fruit  of  their  compliance  would  be  the  abrogation  of  the 
laws  complained  of.  But  soft  words  had  little  influence  over  the 
jealous  and  exasperated  minds  of  the  Virginians.  The  assembly, 
wishing  to  broach  the  quarrel,  instead  of  entering  into  the  discussion 
of  the  matter  proposed,  immediately  took  up  the  affair  of  the  arsenal, 
and  demanded  its  restitution  ;  but  the  intervention  of  the  governor 
being  here  necessary,  they  sent  him  a  message,  importing  that  he 
would  be  pleased  to  permit  the  entrance  of  this  magazine.  The 
altercation  now  became  vehement ;  and  during  the  wordy  conflict, 
the  people  forced  the  gates  of  the  arsenal,  and  bore  off  the  arms. 
The  state  in  which  they  found  them,  carried  their  fury  to  extremity. 
The  powder  was  spoiled,  the  muskets  without  locks,  the  cannon, 
without  carriages ;  every  thing  had  been  plundered  or  destroyed,  in 
the  late  disturbances. 

The  governor,  on  seeing  the  revolt,  retired,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  on  board  a  ship  of  war,*  anchored  near  Yorktown,  in  the 
river  of  this  name.  Previous  to  his  departure,  he  addressed  a  mes- 
sage to  the  assembly,  by  which  he  announced,  that  in  order  to  with- 
draw from  the  danger  to  which  himself  and  his  family  were  exposed 
on  the  part  of  a  furious  multitude,  he  had  thought  prudent  to  take 
refuge  in  a  place  of  security ;  he  invited  them  to  continue  their  busi- 
ness, while,  on  his  part,  he  should  continue  his  functions ;  and  to 
send  him  a  deputation  on  board  his  vessel,  whenever  they  should 
think  it  necessary  to  confer  with  him  upon  the  affairs  of  the  time. 
The  assembly  answered,  that  they  did  not  believe  there  existed, 
among  the  Virginians,  any  individual  capable  of  perpetrating  the 
excesses  the  governor  apprehended ;  they  expressed  their  regrets 
that  he  had  not  made  them  acquainted  with  his  fears,  before  aban- 
doning the  seat  of  government ;  assuring  him,  that  they  would  have 
taken  all  the  measures  he  might  himself  have  propbsed,  for  his  own 
security  and  that  of  his  family.  Finally,  considering  the  little  facility 
afforded,  in  such  a  place,  for  the  transaction  of  affairs  with  the  requi- 
site convenience  and  promptitude,  they  earnestly  requested  him  to 
return ;  to  yield  to  the  impatience  of  the  inhabitants,  and  dispose 
them,  by  this  proof  of  confidence,  to  order  and  tranquillity. 

*  The  Fowey  man  of  war. 


228  THE    AMERICAN    WAfe.  BOOK  V. 

The  governor  replied  with  much  bitterness,  as  the  popular  move- 
ments had  agitated  his  mind  beyond  all  reason.  He  concluded  his 
letter,  however,  by  glancing  afresh  at  the  conciliatory  resolution,  and 
with  the  assurance  that  he  should  esteem  it  his  felicity  to  be  the 
instrument  of  concord  between  the  jarring  parts  of  the  British 
empire. 

This  bland  conclusion  was  not  sufficient  to  mitigate  the  irritation 
created  by  the  menacing  commencement  of  the  letter.  Accordingly, 
the  answer  of  the  assembly  was  more  acrimonious  still ;  as  to  the 
act  of  accord,  they  replied,  it  was  a  vain  and  insidious  measure, 
which  only  changed  the  mode  of  oppression,  without  tending  to 
relieve  it ;  that,  consequently,  they  would  not  accept  it.' 

Such  a  temper  of  mind,  in  both  the  parties,  precluded  every 
glimpse  of  a  better  understanding.  The  assembly,  having  finally 
ma'tured  the  bills  and  resolves  before  them,  invited  the  governor  to 
repair  to  Williamsburgh,  in  order  to  pass  them.  Lord  Dunmore 
replied,  that  he  would  not  expose  his  person  in  the  midst  of  a  mad 
populace ;  that  they  might  send  him  the  bills  for  examination  ;  that 
he  should  be  ready  to  receive  the  house,  at  his  present  residence,  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  his  assent  to  such  acts  as  he  should  approve 
of.  Here  ended  all  correspondence  between  the  governor  and  the 
colony  of  Virginia.  If  he  would  not  trust  himself  with  the  Virginians, 
they  were  as  little  disposed  to  trust  themselves  with  him.  It  might, 
besides,  appear  strange  enough,  that,  in  the  midst  of  so  many  suspi- 
cions, the  chief  citizens  of  an  entire  province  should  go  to  immure 
themselves  on  board  a  ship  of  war,  completely  in  the  power  of  a 
person  they  looked  upon  as  their  enemy,  and  who  might  have 
retained  them  as  hostages  for  the  execution  of  his  ulterior  designs. 

The  assembly,  when  informed  of  the  sentiments  of  the  governor, 
declared  publicly,  that  they  suspected  the  existence  of  a  sinister 
conspiracy  against  the  people  of  the  colony ;  they  consequently 
warned  the  inhabitants  to  stand  prepared  to  defend  their  property, 
and  their  rights,  still  more  precious  ;  they  renewed  their  protestations 
of  fidelity  towards  the  king,  of  affection  for  the  mother  country  ; 
and,  adjourning  themselves  to  the  month  of  October,  separated. 
Thus  ceased  to  exist,  about  the  middle  of  July,  the  royal  govern- 
ment in  Virginia,  after  having  lasted  during  more  than  two  hundred 
years,  with  the  tranquillity  and  happiness  of  all. 

But  arduous  toils,  and  numerous  dangers,  still  awaited  the  pro- 
vince. 

The  inroads  of  an  enemy  so  superior  in  naval  force,  were  to  be 
feared  upon  the  coasts,  and  upon  the  borders  of  all  the  great  rivers 
which  bathe  it.  Nor  were  the  inhabitants  without  disquietude,  in 
regard  to  the  slaves,  who  were  extremely  numerous,  and  whom  lord 
Dunmore  had  given  out,  he  should  instigate  to  revolt  against  their 
masters.  If  this  cruel  race,  and  cruelly  treated,  had  joined  the 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  229 

loyalists  in  these  first  moments,  when  the  Virginian  government 
was  still  so  recent,  the  most  terrible  consequences  might  have  re- 
sulted, and  perhaps  the  total  extermination  of  the  province.  This 
consideration  decided  the  Virginians  to  form  a  convention,  in  which 
they  placed  great  confidence.  They  proceeded  immediately  to  levy 
troops,  provide  munitions,  and  raise  money  ;  in  a  word,  to  take  all 
the  measures  they  believed  proper  to  secure  the  success  of  their 
cause. 

Lord  Dun  more,  finding  himself  thus  expelled  from  his  own 
government,  as  well  by  his  personal  obstinacy  as  by  the  force  of 
things,  would  not,  however,  being  versed  in  arms,  abandon  the  hope 
of  recovering  his  authority.  Independent  of  his  character,  (pertina- 
cious, and  capable  of  the  greatest  resolutions)  he  was  also  animated 
by  a  desire  to  perform  some  brilliant  achievement  for  the  service  of 
his  king,  and  encouraged  by  the  idea  that  some  violent  movement 
would  inevitably  discover  itself  among  the  slaves.  He  likewise 
believed,  that  the  number  of  the  loyalists  was  considerable  ;  and  that 
their  party  would  not  fail  to  put  themselves  in  motion,  when  he 
should  make  his  appearance  upon  the  coasts,  and  even  in  the  heart 
of  the  province,  with  a  formidable  squadron.  This  hope,  if  not 
absolutely  chimerical,  was  at  least  very  slightly  founded ;  but  it  is  an 
error  common  to  all  times,  and  to  all  generals,  to  build  extravagantly 
upon  the  intestine  divisions  of  revolted  subjects.  All  the  auxiliaries 
that  joined  the  governor,  consisted  in  those  individuals,  who,  having 
incurred  the  suspicion  of  the  people,  could  no  longer  reside  with 
safety  in  the  province,  and  a  certain  number  of  slaves,  of  a  profligate 
stamp. 

With  this  troop,  and  with  the  frigates  upon  that  station,  he  flattered 
himself  he  should  be  able  to  make  some  impression  of  importance 
in  the  adjacent  country.  He  omitted  no  exertion  to  increase  the 
strength  of  his  squadron,  and  the  number  of  his  men  ;  and  especially 
to  approach  nearer  to  the  land.  Having  accomplished  this  purpose, 
by  joining  to  his  frigates  a  great  number  of  light  vessels,  he  began  to 
move,  atone  time  showing  himself  in  this  part,  at  another  in  that ;  but 
of  himself  he  was  not  able  to  produce  any  considerable  effect.  He 
expected,  but  in  vain,  that  the  people  would  rise,  and  take  arms  in 
favor  of  the  king.  Reduced  to  his  own  forces,  he  commenced  hos- 
tilities which  more  resembled  the  attacks  of  pirates,  than  a  fair  and 
regular  war.  It  was,  in  truth,  a  shocking  spectacle,  to  see  the 
governor  of  a  province  rushing  upon  all  points  to  lay  it  waste,  and  to 
wrest  by  violence  the  provisions  of  which  he  had  need  ;  while  the 
people,  who  recently  had  obeyed  his  orders,  endeavored  to  repulse 
him.  But  the  Virginians  alleged,  that  their  conduct  was  sufficiently 
authorised  by  that  of  the  royal  troops,  who  under  pretext  of  self- 
preservation,  meditated  the  destruction  of  the  whole  province.  They 
complained,  that  persons  obnoxious  to  the  governor  was  seized,  and 


230  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  T. 

confined  on  board  ships  ;  that  their  plantations  were  ravaged,  their 
houses  fired,  their  negroes  carried  off;  devastations  that  were  never 
executed  without  effusion  of  blood.  The  Virginians  marched  for 
the  protection  of  the  rivers  and  coasts,  a  few  corps  of  militia,  re- 
cently taken  into  pay  by  the  provincial  convention.  The  war  that 
ensued  was  the  more  cruel,  as  it  was  useless,  and  could  have  no 
other  effect  but  that  of  still  more  inflaming  and  exasperating  the 
minds  on  both  sides. 

The  governor,  having  surprised  the  town  of  Hampton,  situated 
upon  the  bay  of  the  same  name,  devoted  it  to  the  flames.  His  wish 
had  been  to  take  up  his  quarters,  and  assemble  a  considerable  force 
at  that  point ;  but  the  Virginians  came  up  in  multitude,  and  forced 
him  to  reembark. 

Lord  Dunmore  proclaimed  martial  law  ;  the  effect  of  which  would 
have  been  to  suspend  all  civil  authority  in  the  province.  He  exhorted 
the  loyalists  to  repair  to  the  royal  standard ;  to  retain  in  their  hands 
the  contributions  due  to  the  crown,  as  well  as  other  taxes,  until  the 
reestablishment  of  peace.  Moreover,  he  declared  free  all  slaves  or 
servants,  black  or  white,  belonging  to  rebels,  provided  they  should 
take  arms  and  join  the  royal  troops. 

This  proclamation,  and  especially  the  clause  concerning  slaves, 
proved  that  lord  Dunmore  was  a  man  extremely  deficient  in  prudence 
and  moderation,  but  produced  none  of  the  effects  he  had  expected. 
In  the  colonies,  and  even  in  all  other  countries,  an  universal  cry 
arose  against  a  measure  which  tended  to  disturb  society  in  its  very 
foundations,  to  destroy  domestic  security,  to  engender  mortal  suspi- 
cions, and  to  excite  a  race,  naturally  ferocious,  to  vengeance  and  to 
murder.  In  fact,  this  step  of  the  governor  was  not  merely  useless,— 
it  was  pernicious ;  it  irritated  the  minds  of  the  greater  number,  and 
gained  over  none. 

Meanwhile,  lord  Dunmore  again  came  on  shore,  and  occupied 
Norfolk,  an  important  city,  situated  upon  the  banks  of  Elizabeth 
river.  In  this  place  and  its  vicinity,  a  great  number  of  loyalists 
resided.  Some  hundreds  of  these,  and  of  the  negroes,  joined  the 
governor,  and  gave  him,  in  this  part,  the  superiority  over  the  enemy. 
Some  of  the  provincial  militia,  having  made  a  show  of  resistance,  were 
routed  without  difficulty.  He  had  already  conceived  the  hope  of 
reconquering  the  province,  and  of  replacing  it  under  the  authority  of 
the  king. 

The  administration  of  the  state  of  Virginia  directed  all  their 
attention  upon  this  point,  where  they  perceived,  with  reason,  the 
germ  of  a  war  more  formidable ;  and  resolved  to  avert  the  evil,  by 
a  prompt  remedy.  They  despatched,  therefore,  with  all  speed,  for 
Norfolk,  a  regiment  of  militia,  and  a  detachment  of  minute-men, 
under  the  command  of  colonel  Woodford.  The  governor,  apprised 
of  this  movement,  very  prudently  occupied  a  strong  position  upon 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  231 

the  north  bank  of  Elizabeth  river,  called  Great  Bridge,  a  few  miles 
from  Norfolk.  This  point  was  situated  upon  the  direct  route  of  the 
provincial  troops.  Here  he  promptly  threw  up  works  on  the  Norfolk 
side,  and  furnished  them  with  a  numerous  artillery.  The  imreuch- 
ments  were  surrounded  on  every  part  with  water  and  marshes,  and 
were  only  accessible  by  a  long  dfke.  As  to  the  forces  of  the 
governor,  they  were  little  formidable ;  he  had  only  two  hundred 
regulars,  and  a  corps  of  Norfolk  volunteers  ;  the  residue  consisted 
in  a  shapeless  mass  of  varlets  of  every  color.  The  Virginians  took 
post  over  against  the  English,  in  a  small  village,  at  cannon  shot 
distance.  Before  them  they  had  a  long  narrow  dike,  the  extremity 
of  which  they  also  fortified.  In  this  state,  the  two  parties  remained 
for  several  days,  without  making  any  movement.  Lord  Dunmore, 
having  at  length  perceived  that  this  delay  was  prejudicial  to  him,  as 
well  as  beneficial  to  the  Americans,  who  abounded  in  provisions,  and 
received  every  day  new  reenforcements,  found  a  motive  in  his  per- 
sonal courage,  and  perhaps  in  his  contempt  for  the  enemy,  sufficient 
to  order  the  attack.  He  hoped  to  be  able  thus  to  open  himself  a 
passage  into  the  heart  of  the  country.  Accordingly,  the  9th  of 
December,  before  day,  he  directed  captain  Fordyce  to  assault  the 
enemy,  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  grenadiers. 

They  marched  boldly  towards  the  American  works,  captain  For- 
dyce leading  the  vanguard,  and  lieutenant  Bathurst  the  forlorn  hope. 
Captain  Leslie  followed,  with  a  detachment  of  three  hundred  blacks 
and  whites,  and  two  hundred  soldiers  of  the  line.  All  the  American 
camp  instantly  flew  to  arms,  and  prepared  to  defend  themselves. 
The  action  continued  for  a  good  space  of  time,  with  incredible  obsti- 
nacy. At  length,  captain  Fordyce  having  been  killed,  at  a  few  paces 
from  the  intrenchments,  after  exhibiting  prodigies  of  valor,  and  a 
great  part  of  his  troop  being  either  wounded  or  slain,  the  British  fell 
back  upon  the  bridge.  The  artillery  of  the  redoubt  prevented  the 
Americans  from  pursuing.  The  negroes  behaved  very  shabbily,  and 
saved  themselves  by  flight.  The  Americans  treated  the  English 
fallen  into  their  power  with  humanity,  but  the  loyalists  with  rigor. 
This  feat,  on  the  part  of  lord  Dunrnore,  savored  more  of  the  rash 
general,  than  the  soldier  of  courage. 

Experience  having  convinced  the  governor  that  he  could  not  hope 
to  make  progress  in  this  part,  he  abandoned  Great  Bridge,  and  retired 
to  Norfolk,  leaving  a  few  pieces  of  cannon  in  the  power  of  the  enemy. 
Finally,  not  thinking  himself  secure  in  this  city  and  the  adjacent 
country,  he  took  the  resolution  to  repair  to  his  ships  again,  the  number 
of  which  was  increased  by  the  junction  of  all  those  that  were  found 
in  the  port  of  Norfolk.  He  could  not,  in  fact,  have  too  many  ;  for 
many  of  the  loyalists,  forced  to  quit  their  country,  sought  refuge  on 
board  the  fleet,  bringing  with  them  their  furniture  and  most  valuable 
effects.  The  provincials  occupied  Norfolk,  which  they  iound  almost 


232  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V. 

deserted ;  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  having  departed  in  the 
squadron  of  the  governor. 

While  these  events  were  passing  upon  the  coasts  of  Virginia,  a 
project  of  great  importance  was  planned  ;  this  was  to  raise  in  arms 
the  inhabitants  of  the  parts  situated  in  the  west  of  the  colonies,  but 
particularly  of  Virginia  and  of  the  two  Carolinas,  which  were  known 
to  be  well  affected  towards  the  royal  cause.  It  was  also  hoped  that 
the  Indians  would  take  the  field,  and  not  only  harass  the  rear  of  the 
provincials,  but  even  that,  increasing  in  number  and  force,  they  would 
be  able  to  traverse  the  provinces,  and  coalesce  with  lord  DUD  more 
upon  the  coasts.  A  certain  John  Connelly,  an  enterprising,  audacious 
man,  born  in  the  county  of  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  was  consi- 
dered a  fit  instrument  for  the  execution  of  thrs  project.  Having  con- 
ferred,.with  lord  Dunmore,  he  received  from  him  the  most  brilliant 
promises,  and  the  most  ample  authority,  to  enable  him  to  accomplish 
the  objects  of  the  mission  which  was  confided  to  him.  In  pursuance 
whereof,  he  repaired  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  in  order  to  sound  the 
dispositions  of  the  Indians,  and  of  the  loyalists  who  inhabited  this 
part  of  the  frontiers.  Having  succeeded  beyond  his  hopes,  he 
returned  to  make  report  to  the  governor.  It  was  arranged,  that  the 
garrisons  of  the  vicinity,  and  principally  those  of  Detroit  and  fort 
Gage,  in  the  country  of  the  Illinois,  should  lend  him  assistance  ;  and 
it  was  expected,  also,  that  the  officers  of  the  garrisons  of  Canada 
would  second  him.  It  was  understood,  that  whenever  his  troops 
should  have  made  their  preparations,  they  were  to  assemble  at  Pitts- 
burgh, and  thence,  passing  the  Alleganies,  scour  Virginia,  and  effect 
their  junction  with  lord  Dunmore  at  the  city  of  Alexandria,  situated 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  Fortune  had  shown  herself  propi- 
tious to  these  first  essays.  Connelly  had  passed  several  times  without 
accident  from  one  place  to  another,  and  kept  his  correspondence  with 
the  loyalists  and  Indians  a  profound  secret.  On  his  way  to  Detroit, 
he  had  already  reached  the  extreme  -frontier  of  Maryland,  near  the 
town  of  Tamar,  rejoicing  within  himself  at  having  escaped  so  many 
perils,  when  he  was  detected,  and  arrested.  The  papers  of  which 
he  was  the  bearer  were  published  by  order  of  Congress.  Thus  this 
mysterious  plot,  which  lord  Dunmore,  for  want  of  open  arms,  had 
been  reduced  to  concert,  proved  like  several  others,  completely 
abortive ;  its  sole  results  were  greater  animosity  on  the  part  of  the 
colonists,  and  the  annihilation  of  his  own  influence. 

Meanwhile,  Norfolk  was  menaced  with  a  disastrous  event. 
Although  the  greater  part  of  the  loyalists  of  this  city  and  its  environs, 
had  sought  refuge  in  the  governor's  fleet,  there  had,  nevertheless, 
remained  a  considerable  number  of  them  ;  either  on  account  of  their 
reluctance  to  leave  their  properties,  or  their  dread  of  the  sea  and  of 
famine,  or  perhaps  because  they  hoped  to  find  more  lenity  on  the 
part  of  their  fellow-citizens,  who  made  profession  of  liberty,  than 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  233 

they  had  shown  towards  them,  when  they  had  been  superior  in  this 
country. 

But  it  is  certain  that  the  patriots,  on  acquiring  the  ascendency, 
made  them  feel  it  cruelly,  and  overwhelmed  them  with  all  those  vexa- 
tions of  which  there  are  so  many  examples  in  civil  wars,  between 
men  of  different  parlies.  The  governor,  transported  with  rage,  and 
touched  by  the  piteous  cries  of  the  loyalists,  panted  to  avenge  them. 
This  reciprocal  hatred  was  daily  exasperated  by  the  rencounters 
which  took  place  very  frequently  between  the  two  parties ;  the  pro- 
vincials watching  at  all  the  points  of  the  shore  to  prevent  the  royal 
troops  from  landing,  in  order  to  forage  in  the  country,  and  the  latter, 
on  the  contrary,  eagerly  spying  every  means  to  plunder  provisions 
upon  the  American  territory.  The  multitude  of  mouths  to  be  fed, 
kept  them  continually  in  a  famishing  state.  A  ship  of  war  arrived 
in  the  meantime,  in  the  bay  of  Norfolk.  Lord  Dunmore  sent  a  flag 
on  shore  to  apprise  the  inhabitants,  that  they  must  furnish  provisions, 
and  cease  firing,  otherwise  he  should  bombard  the  town.  The  pro- 
vincials answered  only  by  a  refusal.  The  governor  then  resolved  to 
drive  them  out  of  the  city  with  artillery,  and  to  burn  the  houses 
situated  upon  the  river.  He  sent  in  the  morning  to  give  notice  of 
his  design,  in  order  that  the  women,  children,  and  all  except  com- 
batants, might  retreat  to  a  place  of  safety.  The  first  of  January, 
1776,  the  frigate  Liverpool,  two  corvettes,  and  the  governor's  armed 
sloop,  opened  a  terrible  fire  upon  the  city,  and  at  the  same  time  a 
detachment  of  marines  landed  and  set  fire  to  the  houses.  The 
flames  spread  with  rapidity,  the  conflagration  became  general,  all  was 
consumed.  Finally,  the  provincials  themselves  fired  all  the  adjacent 
country,  that  nothing  might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  to 
deprive  the  royal  troops  of  this  position. 

Such  are  the  effects  of  civil  fury  ;  such  the  results  of  human 
discords.  But  man  is  too  often  ambitious  or  deceived  ;  and  if  all 
ages  are  fertile  in  the  authors  of  tumults  and  wars,  these  artisans  of 
mischief  are  no  less  fertile  in  expedients  to  clothe  their  projects  with 
plausible  pretexts;  and  thus  the  unfortunate  people,  victims  of  every 
calamity,  are  frequently  ignorant  of  the  real  origin  of  the  woes  that 
overwhelm  them.  In  this  manner  was  destroyed  one  of  the  most 
opulent  and  flourishing  cities  of  Virginia. 

Having  described  the  state  of  the  province  of  Virginia,  after  the 
royal  government  had  ceased,  the  order  of  history  requires  that  we 
should  relate  what  took  place  at  this  epoch  in  the  other  provinces. 
We  have  already  mentioned  the  ardor  manifested  by  the  inhabitants 
of  South  Carolina,  on  their  receiving  intelligence  of  the  affair  of  Lex- 
ington, that  a  provincial  convention  was  formed,  that  its  members 
entered  into  a  confederation,  and  organised  corps  of  infantry  and 
cavalry,  for  the  defence  of  the  colony. 
VOL.  i.  30 


234  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  T. 

In  the  midst  of  this  general  movement,  governor  Campbell  arrived 
in  the  province,  who,  notwithstanding  the  public  agitation,  was  received 
with  the  attentions  due  to  his  rank.  He  conceived  the  idea  of  employ- 
ing the  militia,  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  regiments  on  pay,  which  had 
been  levied  by  the  convention  or  congress  of  the  province,  and  to 
oppose  against  the  convention  itself,  the  provincial  assembly.  He 
hoped  by  this  management  to  divide  the  patriots,  and  overturn  their 
projects.  Accordingly,  of  his  own  authority,  he  issued  commissions 
to  the  officers  of  the  militia,  and  convoked  the  assembly  according  to 
ancient  forms.  But  in  both  these  measures  he  failed  of  success  ;  the 
militia  continued  firm  in  the  cause  of  the  people,  and  the  assembly 
refused  all  his  propositions  so  rigidly,  that  he  was  necessitated  to  dis- 
solve it.  He  appeared  disposed  to  remain  peaceable  for  some  time; 
but  it  was  known  that  he  maintained  a  secret  intelligence  with  the 
loyalists,  who  were  very  numerous,  and  principally  upon  the  frontiers, 
towards  the  mountains  and  lakes.  To  unmask  him,  the  patriots  resort- 
ed to  the  agency  of  a  certain  Adam  Macdonald,  captain  in  a  provin- 
cial regiment,  a  man  entirely  devoted  to  their  interests.  He  pre- 
sented himself  to  the  governor  under  the  name  of  Dick  Williams,  and 
in  the  character  of  an  emissary  of  the  loyalists,  commissioned  to  pro- 
test their  fidelity,  and  receive  his  orders. 

The  governor,  delighted  at  this  overture,  answered  with  unrestrict- 
ed confidence.  Macdonald  came  to  make  full  report  before  the 
general  council ;  the  agitation  was  vehement.  The  council  deputed 
to  the  governor  some  of  its  members,  and  with  them  Macdonald  him- 
self, to  request  that  he  would  show  them  the  despatches  he  had 
received  from  England.  Campbell  firmly  refused.  A  motion  was 
made  to  arrest  him,  but  it  was  not  adopted.  The  governor  became 
intimidated,  and  retired  on  board  a  corvette  at  anchor  in  the  port. 
He  took  with  him  the  seal  of  the  province.  The  council  sent  a  mes- 
sage, entreating  him  to  return  ;  he  would  not.  Thus  ceased  the  royal 
government  in  South  Carolina  ;  all  public  authority  was  transferred 
from  the  ancient  administrations,  to  the  provincial  convention,  the 
committee  of  safety,  and  other  popular  establishments,  to  whose  power, 
the  people  fixed  no  other  limits,  except  that  they  should  protect  the 
republic  from  all  detriment. 

But  in  the  meantime,  governor  Campbell  was  not  inactive.  He 
knew  the  royalists  were  numerous  in  certain  parts  of  the  province, 
and  he  hoped  that  by  exciting  them,  and  erecting  a  standard,  round 
which  they  could  rally,  he  should  be  able  to  profit  essentially  by  their 
succours.  In  the  interior  of  the  country,  there  existed  a  set  of  men 
called  regulators.  They  had  arrogated,  in  1770,  the  right  of  executing 
the  laws  against  malefactors;  and  they  exercised  their  functions  so 
openly,  that  of  their  own  authority  they  inflicted  corporal  punishments 
upon  such  as  incurred  their  animadversion.  Lord  Montague  was 
seat  to  repress  so  odious  an  enormity,  and  his  severity  effectually  re- 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  233 

established  the  authority  of  the  laws  among  this  unruly  generation. 
But  the  regulators  had  not  forgotten  the  chastisements  their  unlawful 
combination  had  drawn  down  upon  them,  nor  would  they  ever  consent 
to  adhere  to  the  Congress  and  other  popular  administrations,  which 
they  deemed  equally  as  irregular  and  illegal.  In  the  same  places  were 
found  many  Dutch  and  Irish,  who  held  their  lands  from  the  bounty 
and  liberality  of  the  king.  Either  out  of  gratitude,  or  the  fear  of 
losing  their  estates,  if  they  should  join  the  patriots,  they  stood  firm  in 
their  loyally,  and  were  strenuously  opposed  to  the  new  government. 
Their  number  was  increased  by  certain  other  Irish,  who  had  retired 
from  the  disturbances  in  the  northern  provinces,  into  this. 

Governor  Campbell  had  it  in  mind,  to  employ  these  individuals  for 
the  accomplishment  of  his  designs.  He  circulated  arnona;  them  that 
the  American  colonies  were  altogether  too  feeble  to  resist  the  power 
of  Great  Britain  ;  that  the  whole  question  turned  upon  a  trivial  duty 
on  tea,  which  they  were  not  accustomed  to  use  ;  that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  coast  opposed  this  impost,  in  order  to  have  tea  at  a  low 
price,  without  regarding  that  their  obstinacy  deprived  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  upper  country  of  a  multitude  of  articles  the  most 
necessary  to  life  ;  that  the  single  expense  of  maintaining  the  provin- 
cial regiments,  greatly  exceeded  the  amount  of  all  the  taxes  imposed 
by  the  parliament.  The  ill  humor  of  these  foreigners  was  still  in- 
creased by  the  violences  of  the  patriots,  who  insisted,  whether  will- 
ing or  not,  that  they  should  accede  to  the  confederation.  And  thus 
a  great  number  that  would  have  remained  neutral,  were  constrained 
to  throw  themselves  into  the  opposite  party.  In  no  part  of  the  pro- 
vince were  the  loyalists  so  numerous,  as  in  the  space  comprehended 
between  the  Broad  and  Saluda  rivers.  They  refused  to  execute  the 
resolutions  of  Congress,  to  subscribe  the  league,  and  to  make  levies 
of  soldiers.  The  patriots,  desiring  to  proceed  peaceably,  sent  into 
those  places  two  men  of  the  greatest  authority,  William  Henry  Dray- 
ton  and  William  Tennent.  All  their  efforts  and  arguments,  to  dissi- 
pate the  suspicions  which  had  arisen  among  these  people,  produced 
little  effect,  if  any.  The  rivalship  between  the  two  parties  became 
every  day  more  rancorous.  At  length,  they  flew  to  arms  ;  and  they 
were  soon  encamped,  the  one  in  front  of  the  other.  The  wiser  citi- 
zens interposed,  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood  ;  and,  after  some 
days  of  negotiation,  a  compact  was  concluded,  by  which  the  loyalists 
pledged  themselves  to  remain  neuter.  But  these  hopes  of  tranquillity 
were  soon  destroyed,  by  a  certain  Robert  Cunningham,  a  turbulent 
spirit,  and  one  of  the  most  influential  leaders  of  the  loyalists ;  he 
industriously  scattered  the  elements  of  discord.  From  all  parts  they 
rushed  to  arms  anew.  The  Congress,  wishing  to  smother  these  first 
sparks,  ordered  major  Williamson,  commanding  the  militia,  to  march 
against  the  seditious ;  but  the  latter  were  superior  in  number.  The 
moment  was  critical ;  the  Carolinian  congress,  having  in  front  a  Bri- 


* 


36  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V. 


tish  fleet  and  army,  and  a  party  of  disaffected  citizens  in  rear,  could 
have  no  hope  of  victory.  Nevertheless,  to  disconcert  the  plan  of 
their  adversaries,  they  marched  towards  the  suspected  places  detach- 
ments of  militia  and  of  troops,  under  the  command  of  colonels  Rich- 
ardson and  Thompson  ;  who  were  joined  by  colonels  Rutherford  and 
Polk,  at  the  head  of  the  militia  of  North  Carolina.  The  loyalists, 
scattered,  without  a  ralying  point,  and  without  leaders  of  reputation, 
transacting  every  thing  with  fear  and  hesitation,  were  forced  to  receive 
the  terms  of  their  conquerors. 

This  first  expedition  kept  them  quiet  for  a  long  time  ;  they  made 
no  further  movement  until  the  English  arms  acquired  the  superiority 
in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  latter  province  being  totally  decided  for 
war,  all  their  attention  was  given  to  making  the  preparations  that  might 
enable  them  to  carry  it  on  with  success.  They  resolved,  in  the  first 
place,  to  provide  themselves  with  powder,  of  which  they  were  almost 
entirely  destitute.  They  knew  that  an  English  vessel,  laden  with  a 
great  quantity  of  it,  was  then  at  anchor  upon  the  bank,  called  the 
bar  of  St.  Jlugustine,  upon  the  coast  of  East  Florida.  Some  fear- 
less patriots,  accustomed  to  the  sea,  made  for  the  ship  with  extreme 
celerity,  boarded  her,  and  became  possessed  of  fifteen  thousand 
pounds  of  powder ;  which,  with  equal  good  fortune,  they  transported 
safe  into  Charleston.  This  acquisition  was  of  singular  utility  in  their 
great  need.  They  supplied,  from  it,  the  militia  of  Massachusetts,  as 
well  as  the  army  which  soon  after  undertook  the  expedition  of  Ca- 
nada. 

But,  there  was  still  in  the  power  of  the  king,  fort  Johnson,  erected 
upon  James's  Island,  which  is  situated  in  front  of  Charleston;  this 
fortress,  therefore  commanded  the  city.  Colonel  Motte  having  landed 
upon  the  island  in  the  night  with  a  strong  detachment  of  new  levies, 
occupied  the  fort  without  obstacle  ;  the  garrison,  as  too  feeble  to 
resist,  had  retired  on  board  the  ships  of  war. 

The  chiefs  of  the  people  prohibited  all  persons  whatsoever  from 
supplying  water  or  provisions  to  the  ships  of  the  king,  otherwise  than 
from  day  to  day.  The  English  blockaded  the  port,  and  made  a  great 
number  of  prizes,  to  the  infinite  prejudice  of  the  city.  This  induced 
colonel  Moultrie  to  occupy  Point  Huddrel,  with  a  detachment  of  pro- 
vincial troops.  He  planted  there  a  battery  of  heavy  cannon,  which 
constrained  the  English  to  retire  from  this  position  and  gain  the  open 
sea.  Thus  the  city  was  liberated  for  the  present,  from  the  block- 
ade of  the  British  squadron.  But  to  prevent  its  renewal,  it  was 
resolved  to  erect  fortifications  upon  Point  Huddrel,  which  defends  the 
entrance  to  Charleston,  by  the  channel  of  Hog  Island  ;  and  to  strength- 
en the  works  of  fort  Johnson,  which  secures  the  port  on  the  side  of 
James's  Island.  A  new  fort  was  also  constructed  in  this  Island,  west 
of  fort  Johnson  ;  then  another  upon  Sullivan's  Island,  which  received 
the  name  of  Moultrie. 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  237 

The  provincial  militia  exercised,  and  the  regiments  upon  pay  in- 
creased their  numbers  every  day.  In  all  parts  of  the  province  pre- 
parations were  made  to  repulse  the  attacks  of  the  enemy. 

However  sincere  was  the  zeal  of  the  inhabitants  to  defend  their 
country,  it  was  stimulated,  also,  by  the  resolutions  of  the  general 
Congress.  They  had  resolved,  that  if  Charleston  was  attacked  by  the 
English,  three  regiments  of  infantry  should  be  maintained  in  the  pro- 
vince at  the  expense  of  the  Union  ;  that  if  the  convention  or  committee 
of  safety  should  judge  it  necessary  to  seize  or  destroy  any  vessel  what- 
soever, it  might  do  so,  and  rely  upon  the  approbation  of  Congress. 
They  recommended  also,  the  erection  of  forts  and  batteries,  in  such 
places  as  should  be  thought  most  suitable. 

Some  agitation  also  began  to  manifest  itself  about  this  time  in  North 
Carolina,  a  province  in  which  the  loyalists  were  perhaps  more  nume- 
rous than  in  any  other,  with  the  exception,  however,  of  New  York. 
The  governor,  Martin,  was  an  active  man,  who  studied  continually  to 
devise  new  expedients  to  increase  the  party  of  the  king.  The  patri- 
ots were  especially'  solicitous  with  respect  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
upper  countries  of  the  colony,  all  Scotch  and  Highland  emigrants, 
with  whom  it  was  ascertained  that  the  governor  held  continual  cor- 
respondence. The  Congress  had  not  neglected  to  take  all  proper 
measures  to  disconcert  these  projects.  They  had  exhorted  the  par- 
tisans of  liberty  to  form  themselves  into  corps  of  militia,  which,  in 
case  the  provincial  convention  should  see  fit  to  order  levies,  should 
be  considered  as  making  part  of  the  general  army,  and  received  into 
the  pay  of  the  Union. 

The  desires  of  the  Congress  were  accomplished,  if  not  with  unani- 
mous consent,  at  least  with  all  requisite  promptitude.  A  provincial 
convention  was  formed,  which  assumed  the  authority  of  the  ordinary 
assembly  of  representatives.  The  committees  of  safety,  and  other 
popular  institutions,  were  created  as  usual.  The  governor  took 
umbrage  at  these  measures,  although  he  was  not  intimidated  by 
them  ;  and,  in  order  to  be  able  to  sustain  a  first  attack,  and  to  give 
time,  in  case  of  emergency,  for  the  loyalists  of  the  upper  parts  to 
come  to  his  assistance,  he  fortified,  and  furnished  with  artillery,  his 
residence  at  Newbern.  The  people  rose  and  seized  six  pieces  of 
these  cannon ;  the  governor  then  fled  precipitately  for  refuge  to  fort 
Johnson,  upon  Cape  Fear  river.  The  provincials,  fearing  he  might 
fortify  himself,  and  rally  his  forces  at  this  point,  in  order  to  keep  an 
open  communication  for  the  troops  which  should  be  sent  against  the 
colony,  resolved  to  dislodge  him.  It  also  appears  that  they  were 
apprehensive,  lest  the  governor  should  proclaim  the  liberty  of  the 
negroes,  in  order  to  employ  them  for  the  reestablishment  of  the  royal 
authority.  Time  was  precious.  They  assembled  their  forces  at 
Wilmington,  an  important  city  of  the  province,  and  gave  the  com- 
mand of  the  expedition  to  colonel  Ashe,  who  had  passed  from  the 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     V. 

service  of  the  king,  into  that  of  the  people.  They  marched  imme- 
diately to  fort  Johnson  ;  but  the  governor,  not  choosing  to  await  so 
formidable  an  attack,  had  retired  on  board  a  ship  of  war.  The  fol- 
lowing night,  colonel  Ashe  entered  the  fort  and  reduced  it  to  ashes. 
He  afterwards  ravaged  the  country,  that  it  might  furnish  nothing  to 
his  adversary.  The  governor  was  declared  an  enemy  to  America, 
and  accused  of  a  design  to  raise  the  blacks  against  their  masters. 
This  imputation  was  not  without  foundation.  He  answered  with  a 
writing  of  excessive  length,  which  he  caused  to  be  circulated  in  the 
province.  But  the  provincial  Congress  pronounced  this  proclama- 
tion an  infamous  libel,  and  caused  it  to  be  publicly  burnt  by  the  hand 
of  the  executioner. 

They  drew  up,  about  the  same  time,  a  long  address  to  the  people 
of  Great  Britain,  full  of  the  usual  protestations.  All  these  events 
singularly  agitated  the  people  ;  but  a  new  incident  soon  carried  their 
fury  to  extremity.  In  the  garden  and  cellars  of  the  governor,  it  was 
discovered  that  he  had  secreted  arms,  powder,  balls,  and  other  mu- 
nitions. The  provincial  Congress  decreed  a  levy  of  one  thousand 
regular  troops,  and  another  of  three  thousand  minute-men.  They 
created  bills  of  credit  for  their  support.  The  general  Congress, 
wishing  to  give  more  stability  to  their  authority,  and  knowing  of  what 
importance  it  was  to  propitiate  the  regulators  and  mountaineers  that 
inhabited  the  upper  countries,  sent  them  two  ministers  of  the  gospel, 
'to  expound  the  nature  of  the  present  controversy  between  Great' 
Britain  and  the  colonies.  The  chiefs  of  the  people  neglected  no 
means  proper  to  forward  their  cause.  Arms  and  money  were  pro- 
vided, soldiers  were  exercised,  the  militia  were  organised,  the  torpid 
or  lukewarm  were  stimulated  and  encouraged.  The  popular  leaders 
in  this  province,  surrounded  by  enemies,  manifested  an  activity 
always  increasing  with  the  obstacles  they  had  to  surmount. 

In  Pennsylvania,  affairs  were  transacted  with  greater  moderation  ; 
either  because  the  character  of  the  inhabitants  was  more  pacific,  or 
that  the  governor  was  endowed  with  greater  prudence.  However, 
the  provincial  assembly,  which  continued  to  sit  in  Philadelphia,  and 
all  the  inhabitants  generally,  appeared  not  to  want  activity,  in  their 
preparations  for  defence  ;  the  militia  were  exercised  with  great  dili- 
gence and  success.  It  was  perceived  that  the  breadth  and  depth  of 
the  Delaware,  which  bathes  the  walls  of  Philadelphia,  exposed  the 
city  to  imminent  danger.  The  English  ships  might  come  thus  far  up 
the  river,  and  cause  infinite  mischief  hot  only  to  the  city  and  pro- 
vince, but  even  to  the  entire  confederation.  It  was  therefore  resolv- 
ed to  obstruct  the  passage,  by  sinking  in  the  channel  a  construction 
of  heavy  timber,  called  a  chevaux-de-frise.  It  consisted  in  two 
immense  beams,  laid  across  the  bed  of  the  river,  parallel-wise,  and 
at  a  suitable  distance  apart ;  they  were  locked  with  traverse  timbers  ; 
and  upon  their  upper  surface,  rose,  with  a  certain  inclination  towards 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  239 

the  current  of  water,  two  other  heavy  beams,  armed  on  the  top  with 
tusks  of  iron,  to  pierce  the  vessels  that  should  attempt  to  ascend. 
All  these  frames,  ponderous  of  themselves,  and  charged  besides 
with  enormous  stones,  could  not  be  easily  broken,  subverted,  or  dis- 
placed. Ingeniously  contrived,  as  well  as  skilfully  executed,  they 
were  of  no  little  utility,  in  the  course  of  the  war.  The  Pennsylva- 
nians  were  also  very  diligent  in  providing  themselves  with  arms  and 
ammunition.  The  provincial  assembly  had  appointed  a  committee 
of  superintendence,  to  see  that  the  arms  were  made  with  a  desirable 
promptitude,  and  the  requisite  perfection.  The  gunsmiths,  and 
o'her  armorers,  were  continually  watched  and  stimulated.  The 
assembly  also  decided,  that  several  battalions  should  be  levied  and 
completely  equipped.  A  great  quantity  of  powder  was  manufactured 
in  the  environs  of  Philadelphia  ;  a  single  mill  supplied  five  hundred 
pounds  a  week.  Every  thing,  in  brief,  tended  towards  war.  The 
governor  was  unable  to  resist  an  inclination  so  universal  ;  he  had  no 
royal  troops  at  his  disposal. 

The  province,  and  particularly  the  city,  of  New  York,  found 
themselves  in  a  painful  situation.  They  were  exposed  on  all  parts, 
to  the  insults  of  the  British  fleet  ;  the  city  had  even  still  a  garrison, 
though  feeble,  of  royal  troops.  New  reenforcements  were  expected 
from  England  ;  and  it  was  known  that  all  the  corps  that  arrived  in 
America,  landed  at  New  York,  as  their  destined  place  of  arms. 
The  delegates  of  the  province  were  therefore  instructed,  to  move 
the  Congress  to  prescribe  the  course  to  be  pursued,  in  case  of  the 
arrival  of  the  troops  that  were  already  embarked  from  Ireland  for 
America.  The  Congress  answered,  they  should  stand  upon  the 
defensive,  allow  the  English  to  land,  and  permit  them  to  occupy  the 
barrarks,  provided  they  should  behave  themselves  peaceably  ;  not, 
however,  to  suffer  that  they  should  erect  fortifications,  to  interrupt 
the  communication  between  the  city  and  country;  if  they' should 
employ  force,  to  resist  them  with  force  ;  to  transport  the  munitions 
of  war  into  the  interior  of  the  province  ;  to  designate  places  of 
refuge  for  the  women  and  children  ;  finally,  the  Congress  exhorted 
all  the  inhabitants  to  arm,  and  hold  themselves  in  preparation  for , 
every  event. 

But  it  was  not  long  before  they  were  relieved  from  these  anxious 
apprehensions.  The  royal  troops  arrived  ;  but,  instead  of  landing 
at  New  York,  they  went  on  shore  at  Sandy  Hook,  whence,  by  the 
orders  of  general  Gage,  they  reembarked  for  Boston.  The  battle 
of  Breed's  Hill  had  enfeebled  the  garrison  of  that  city,  and  new 
soldiers  were  needed  to  fill  up  the  companies.  At  length,  the 
detachment  itself,  which  for  so  long  a  time  had  been  stationed  at 
New  York,  retired  on  board  a  ship  of  war  which  was  anchored  in 
the  port.  The  city,  thus  delivered  entirely  from  the  presence  of 
the  royal  troops,  was  replaced  absolutely  at  its  own  discretion. 


240  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V* 

At  this  epoch,  governor  Tryon  arrived  from  London  at  New  York. 
He  was  a  man  of  an  active  genius,  an  ardent  character,  and  possess- 
ed of  great  influence  in  the  province.  He  was  received  with  mark- 
ed respect.  His  continual  efforts  in  favor  of  the  royal  cause,  were 
generally  crowned  with  success.  Tranquillity,  for  a  certain  time, 
remained  undisturbed.  Then  followed  a  quarrel,  in  which  a  royal 
ship  fired  upon  the  city  with  balls  and  grape-shot,  because  the  inha- 
bitants had  seen  fit  to  transport  artillery  from  one  place  to  another.  A 
great  number  took  refuge  in  the  country.  The  governor  demanded 
a  conference  with  the  convention,  the  committee  of  safety,  and  the 
officers  of  the  militia.  It  was  granted.  He  expressed  the  deepest 
concern  at  the  present  discord  ;  he  begged  they  would  use  prudently 
the  power  which  they  had  entire  ;  he  observed,  that  violent  mea- 
sures would  only  widen  the  breach,  and  hazard  the  destruction  of  the 
city.  This  example  shows  clearly  to  what  terms  was  reduced,  and 
upon  how  frail  a  basis  reposed,  the  royal  authority  at  that  time  in 
America  ;  since  even  in  the  province  of  New  York,  that  of  all  which 
numbered  the  most  loyalists,  the  governor  was  driven  to  such  extre- 
mity, that,  instead  of  commanding,  he  was  constrained  to  pray. 
Hence  also  it  is  manifest,  that  Tryon  had  been  sent,  not  to  govern  a 
province  that  would  no  longer  obey  him,  but  to  intrigue  clandestinely, 
to  sow  division,  to  corrupt  the  good,  and  dispense  to  the  wicked 
their  hire. 

How  opposite  such  conduct  was  to  the  dignity  of  a  powerful 
nation,  and  how  proper  to  render  it  contemptible  in  the  estimation 
of  the  universe,  every  one  can  imagine  for  himself.  It  would  have 
been  a  much  more  seemly  resolution,  if  the  governor,  upon  ascer- 
taining the  situation  of  affairs,  should  have  withdrawn  from  the  pro- 
vince, and  left  it  altogether  in  the  power  of  the  patriots  ;  for  to 
govern  without  commanding,  and  to  command  without  being  obeyed, 
was  a  degradation  of  his  rank,  and  of  the  royal  authority  itself. 

The  general  Congress  had  become  greatly  alarmed  at  the  artifices 
of  governor  Tryon.  They  feared  he  would  at  length  succeed  in 
exciting  such  malignant  humors,  as  might  issue  in  fatal  results.  They 
thought  it  expedient  to  prevent  the  evil ;  and  accordingly  recom- 
mended, that,  in  all  the  colonies,  every  person,  of  whatever  name  or 
condition,  whose  opinions  afforded  motives  of  suspicion,  should  be 
arrested,  and  detained  under  a  sufficient  guard  ;  this  was  the  law  of 
suspected  persons.  The  deputies  of  New  York  sent  copies  of  it 
into  their  province.  At  this  news,  gpvernor  Tryon,  having  doubts  of 
some  strange  resolution,  promptly  took  refuge  on  board  an  English 
vessel  moored  in  the  port ;  he  carried  off  the  seal  of  the  province. 
But,  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  with  the  approbation  of  the  king, 
he  addressed  a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  to 
apprise  them  of  the  dispositions  of  the  prince,  and  the  earnest  desire 
he  entertained  that  some  honorable  way  of  reconciliation  between  the 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  .         241 

two  parties  might  be  devised.  Thus  vanished  even  the  shadow  of 
royal  authority  in  this  colony,  after  its  action  had  in  reality  ceased 
long  since.  Such  was  the  success  of  the  hopes  the  ministers  had 
placed  in  the  manoeuvres  and  intrigues  of  governor  Try  on,  whom 
they  had  considered  as  the  most  proper  instrument  to  act  upon  a 
province  of  such  principal  importance. 

It  had  recently  been  divided  by  the  provincial  convention  into  a 
certain  number  of  districts,  each  destined  to  furnish  a  company.  The 
organisation  of  these  companies  was  the  object  of  a  special  regulation. 
But  this  appearance  of  ardor  was  in  many  far  from  being  sincere. 
Even  members  of  the  provincial  Congress  presumed  to  say,  openly, 
that  they  would  not  receive  the  bills  of  credit ;  and  that,  when  the 
English  troops  should  have  arrived,  they  would  join  the  royal  standard. 
The  provincial  soldiers  themselves  were  emulous  in  deserting.  So 
efficacious  had  been  the  whispers  of  Tryon  ;  or,  perhaps,  so  great 
were  the  avarice,  the  fear,  or  the  loyalty,  of  the  inhabitants.  Admit- 
ting only  the  latter  reason,  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  colonists  of 
New  York  to  clear  themselves  of  the  reproach  of  hypocrisy  and  of 
cowardice,  for  not  having  dared  openly  to  follow  the  royal  banners, 
and  for  having,  on  the  contrary,  pretended  a  flaming  zeal  for  the 
cause  which  the  greater  part  of  the  Americans  had  espoused.  But 
simulation  and  perfidy  are  never  more  frequent  than  in  the  political 
revolutions  of  empires.  Those  who  lately  served  kings,  afterwards 
serve  republics  ;  and  ardent  republicans  become  all  at  once  royalists, 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  ambition  or  their  avarice.  Such  is 
the  miserable  condition  of  human  nature,  that  it  is  never  consistent 
with  itself;  and  when  a  rnan  abandons  one  party  to  coalesce  with 
another,  he  is  often  more  actuated  by  a  culpable  motive  than  a  virtu- 
ous conviction. 

Maryland  followed  the  example  of  the  other  provinces.  The 
authority  of  the  ordinary  assembly  was  here  also  transferred  to  a  con- 
vention, which  assembled  in  the  city  of  Annapolis.  It  proposed  the 
articles  of  a  league,  to  be  composed  of  its  own  members,  and  all  the 
freemen  of  the  province.  They  pledged  their  faith  reciprocally,  and 
all  towards  America,  to  persist,  according  to  their  power,  in  opposition, 
whether  with  arms  or  with  commercial  restrictions.  They  decreed, 
that  forty  companies  of  minute-men  should  be  levied ;  and  that  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  freemen,  from  sixteen  to  fifty  years, 
except  only  the  ministers  of  religion,  and  physicians  exercising  their 
profession,  individuals  in  the  service  of  the  governor,  minute-men, 
artillery-men,  and  those  prevented  by  their8  religious  opinions  from 
bearing  arms,  should  attach  themselves  to  some  one  company  of 
militia.  Hence  it  appears  how  calm,  how  remote  from  all  blind 
transport,  was  this  people  ;  since,  in  such  a  crisis,  individuals,  reputed 
most  essential  to  the  general  utility,  were  exempted  from  military 
service;  and  since  religious  opinions  were  also  perfectly  respected, 

VOL.    I.  31 


242  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

• 

The  regular  organisation  of  the  militia  ascertained  the  pay  of  the 
officers  and  that  of  the  soldiers.  A  cornmitte  of  safety  was  invested 
with  the  direction  of  affairs  relating  to  the  militia  and  rninute-men  ; 
and  even  with  the  power  of  taking,  dining  the  recess  of  the  conven- 
tion, the  measures  deemed  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  province. 
Subaltern  committees  were  established,  for  local  superintendence 
upon  every  point,  and  for  the  reciprocal  transmission  of  useful  intelli- 
gence. Finally,  the  convention  created  two  hundred  and  sixty-six 
thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  dollars,  in  bills  of  credit,  in  order 
to  defray  the  charges  of  the  militia.  Meanwhile,  the  people  had 
already  forced  the  gates  of  the  provincial  arsenal,  and  seized  the 
arms  and  ammunition,  which  were  found  there  in  considerable 
quantity. 

In  New  Jersey,  the  royal  authority  still  subsisted  in  its  ancient 
forms  ;  but  it  was  without  power,  since  it  was  without  arms.  Accord- 
ingly, the  real  directing  authority  was  that  of  the  people  ;  which  had, 
for  its  support,  both  arms  and  the  general  opinion.  The  militia 
organised  and  exercised  themselves,  according  to  the  regulations 
published  by  the  provincial  Congress.  The  people  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  public  chest ;  a  sum  of  twenty  to  thirty  thousand 
pounds  sterling  it  contained,  was  appropriated  to  pay  the  militia. 
Besides  the  provincial  militia,  the  general  Congress  invited  the  con- 
vention of  New  Jersey  to  levy,  without  delay,  two  battalions,  at  the 
expense  of  the  public  treasure  ;  the  officers  were  to  have  the  same 
pay  as  those  of  the  confederate  army,  and  the  soldiers  to  be  engaged 
but  for  one  year.  In  the  meantime,  governor  Franklin  convoked  the 
provincial  assembly.  In  the  speech  he  addressed  them,  he  expressed 
his  grief  at  the  present  troubles  ;  and  announced,  that  the  command- 
ers of  the  British  fleets  upon  all  the  American  coasts  had  orders  to 
act  offensively  against  every  port  or  place  whatsoever,  in  which  the 
officers  of  the  king  should  be  insulted,  or  in  which  troops  should  be 
levied,  forts  erected,  or  the  public  magazines  plundered.  He  spoke 
also  of  the  desire  of  independence  ;  and  added,  that,  as  to  the  safety 
of  his  own  person,  he  would  refer  it  to  their  good  faith.  The  assem- 
bly, in  their  answer,  expressly  denied  any  thought  of  independence  ; 
they  assured  the  governor,  that  he  might  be  tranquil  with  respect  to 
his  safety  ;  and,  finally,  that  as  to  the  disturbances,  they  deplored 
them  sincerely,  but  could  no  nothing  to  remedy  them,  since  their 
cause  was  in  the  acts  of  parliament. 

The  two  provinces  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  were  inha- 
bited by  men  naturally  the  zealots  of  liberty  ;  and,  not  having  the 
restraint  of  a  royal  governor,  as  by  their  charters  they  had  the  pri- 
vilege of  electing  their  own,  they  had  long  since  provided  themselves 
with  men,  arms,  and  munitions.  These  measures  of  safety  were  the 
more  essential,  as  the  vicinity  of  the  English  troops  of  Boston  alarm- 
ed their  suspicions  ;  and  they  saw  enemy  vessels  continually  upon 


BOOK    Y.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  243 

• 

the  coasts,  employed  in  carrying  off  provisions,  not  only  for  their 
own  use,  but  also  for  that  of  the  garrison  besieged  in  that  city.  Be- 
sides this,  captain  Wallace,  commanding  a  ship  of  the  king,  with 
some  other  armed  vessels,  greatly  harassed  their  commerce,  captur- 
ing daily  merchant  vessels  belonging  to  one  or  other  of  these  pro- 
vinces. At  length,  he  made  a  furious  attack  upon  the  town  of 
Bristol.  The  houses,  the  stores,  the  churches,  suffered  excessively 
from  the  fire  of  his  artillery  ;  which  continued  till  the  inhabitants,  at 
evening,  consented  to  supply  with  fresh  meat  this  man  without. pity. 
But  these  hostilities  committed  by  the  vessels  of  the  king  against  a 
defenceless  town,  did  but  increase  the  already  too  violent  disgusts  of 
the  Americans,  who  complained  of  them  with  much  asperity,  in  a 
multitude  of  writings,  both  public  and  private. 

But  Wallace  was  not  of  a  character  to  allow  himself  lightly  to  be 
diverted  from  his  resolutions  ;  and  perhaps  he  was  also  spurred  on 
by  necessity.  The  blarne  should  not  be  imputed  to  him,  but  to  those 
ministers  who  by  their  rigorous  counsels  had  provoked  the  war,  with- 
out having  prepared  the  requisite  means  to  sustain  it  ;  consequently, 
as  it  was  impossible  to  fight  in  the  open  field,  to  conquer,  it  became 
necessary  to  pillage,  in  order  to  live.  Captain  Wallace,  therefore, 
employed  himself  with  great  activity,  in  ravaging,  by  his  piracies, 
the  coasts  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  The  army  of  Massa- 
chusetts sent  to  the  succour  of  the  Rhode  Islanders  a  detachment  of^ 
soldiers,  under  the  command  of  general  Lee.  This  man,  of  a  violent 
character,  and  little  accustomed  to  respect  the  laws  and  public  order, 
when  it  was  in  question  to  favor  the  American  revolution,  immediate- 
ly compelled  the  people  he  came  to  defend,  to  bind  themselves,  by 
the  most  terrible  oaths,  to  break  off  all  communication  with  the 
instruments  of  ministerial  tyranny,  vulgarly  called,  said  the  words  of 
the  oath,  the  troops  and  fleets  of  the  king  ;  not  to  lend  them  any 
assistance  whatever  ;  to  denounce  traitors  before  the  public  authori- 
ties ;  and  to  take  arms  for  the  defence  of  American  liberty,  as  often 
as  it  should  be  required  of  them  by  the  general  Congress,  or  the 
provincial  magistrates.  The  Congress  disapproved  this  conduct  of 
general  Lee  ;  at  which  he  gave  himself  little  concern.  He  declared 
it  pusillanimous  to  respect  the  civil  laws,  in  the  midst  of  arms  ;  and, 
in  times  of  revolution,  he  considered  all  means  legitimate,  by  which 
he  might  attain  his  ends  ;  a  manner  of  acting,  which,  if  it  conducts 
one  revolution  to  its  object,  leaves,  and  even  prepares,  as  experience 
demonstrates,  all  the  elements  of  another  to  follow  it. 

The  assembly  of  Rhode  Island  decreed,  that  those  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  colony  who  should  hold  intelligence  with  the  British 
ministers  or  with  their  agents,  or  should  supply  the  armies  or  fleets 
with  arms  or  military  or  naval  stores,  or  should  serve  as  pilots  to  the 
English  ships,  should  incur  the  pain  of  death,  and  the  confiscation  of 
their  lands  and  effects.  They  pronounced  the  confiscation  of  the 


244  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     V. 

estates  of  some  individuals,  whom  they  declared  enemies  to  the 
liberties  of  America.  They  emitted  the  sum  of  twenty  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  in  bills  of  credit.  These  measures,  and  the  pre- 
sence of  general  Lee,  secured  the  tranquillity  of  Rhode  Island. 

Governor  Wentworth  still  continued  in  New  Hampshire  ;  but, 
little  by  littlevthe  patriots  acquired  the  superiority,  and  his  authority 
declined  in  proportion.  Fearing,  at  length,  some  vexatious  acci- 
dent, he  withdrew  into  the  castle  denominated  William  and  Mary. 

The  popular  administrations  had  also  succeeded  the  ancient  autho- 
rities, in  Georgia.  The  partisans  of  the  king  were,  however,  the 
prevailing  number ;  and  the  general  Congress  had  sent  thither?  by 
way  of  precaution,  a  battalion  armed  at  the  expense  of  the  Union. 
But,  before  it  had  reached  its  destination,  a  very  sanguinary  action 
had  happened  in  the  city  of  Savannah,  between  the  patriots,  who 
occupied  the  fort,  and  the  royal  troops,  who  assaulted  and  retook  it. 
The  capitulation  was  observed,  and  the  vanquished  had  not  to  com- 
plain of  any  cruelty.  The  patriots  were,  however,  predominant  in 
the  rest  of  the  province ;  and  gallantly  prepared  themselves  to 
recapture,  by  storm,  the  citadel  of  Savannah.  They  were  better 
armed,  and  more  united,  than  their  enemies,  who  were  unprovided 
with  munitions,  and  found  themselves  dispersed  in  different  places. 

Thus  ceased,  as  we  have  related,  the  royal  authority  in  the  differ- 
ent provinces.  It  was  replaced,  progressively,  by  that  of  the 
people ;  that  is,  by  the  congresses  dr  conventions  extraordinary, 
that  were  formed  in  each  colony.  But  this  was  deemed  insufficient, 
by  those  who  directed  the  affairs  of  America.  Their  real  object 
being  independence,  and  the  present  state  of  things,  as  irregular 
and  precarious  by  its  very  nature,  leaving  a  way  open  of  arrange- 
ment with  England,  and  of  return  to  the  ancient  connexion  and 
dependence,  they  desired  that  such  a  syste'm  should  be  established 
in  each  province  as  should  have  the  appearance  of  a  permanent  con- 
stitution, in  order  to  satisfy  the  world  that  the  Americans  were 
capable  of  governing  themselves  by  their  own  laws.  But  the  chiefs 
of  the  popular  party  had  many  difficulties  to  surmount  in  the  execu- 
tion of  this  design,  notwithstanding  the  ardor  which  manifested  itself 
in  all  parts  to  second  their  operations.  The  greater  number  approv- 
ed resistance,  but  were  opposed  to  independence,  or  at  least  shud- 
dered at  the  idea  of  openly  asserting  it.  For  this  reason,  those  who 
had  the  supreme  direction  of  affairs,  fearful  of  injuring  their  cause 
by  too  much  precipitation,  resolved  to  proceed  with  extreme  circum- 
spection ;  and  marched  up  to  their  object,  always  protesting  that 
their  efforts  were  aimed  in  quite  another  direction. 

It  was  highly  important  to  commence  the  execution  of  this  plan, 
with  the  provinces  which  discovered  the  greatest  aversion  towards 
England.  It  was  hoped,  that  when  it  should  be  accomplished  in 
one  or  more,  the  others  would  soon  imitate  the  example.  No  pro- 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  245 

vince  appeared  more  suitable  to  give  it  than  that  of  Massachusetts. 
The  provincial  Congress  of  this  colony  issued  circulars,  for  the  elec- 
tion of  representatives,  authorised  to  constitute  the  form  of  govern- 
ment. Two  hundred  delegates  assembled  at  Watertown,  and  adopt- 
ing the  ancient  forms  of  the  British  constitution,  resolved  themselves 
into  an  ordinary  assembly,  or  house  of  representatives,  and  assumed 
all  the  authority  attributed  by  the  ancient  statutes  to  these  assemblies. 
They  afterwards  established  a  permanent  council,  to  assist  the  go- 
vernor in  his  deliberations.  Thus  the  royal  authority  was  converted 
at  first  into  tumultuary  popular  authority,  and  at  length  into  regular 
popular  authority.  All  these  operations  were  performed,  as  they 
said,  not  with  any  view  to  independence,  but  in  order  to  induce  the 
English  to  consent  to  a  just  and  honorable  arrangement.  One  of 
the  first  acts  of  this  house  was  to  raise  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  by  means  of  a  tax  ;  which  excited  a  dudgeon  the 
more  intense,  as  the  people  had  persuaded  themselves  that  since 
they  were  in  insurrection  to  avoid  paying  taxes  to  England,  they 
ought  at  least  to  be  excused  from  paying  any  to  their  own  govern- 
ment. But  the  other  colonies  discovered  great  backwardness  to 
follow  the  route  marked  out  by  Massachusetts  ;  either  because  its 
views  appeared  too  manifestly  aimed  at  independence,  or,  that,  being 
placed  in  peculiar  circumstances,  the  other  colonies,  differently 
situated,  did  not  think  proper  to  tread  in  its  steps.  But  the  Ameri- 
can chiefs,  far  from  being  'discouraged,  resolved  to  employ  the 
authority  of  the  general  Congress.  They  procured  from  New 
Hampshire  new  instructions  to  the  delegates  of  that  province,  requir- 
ing them  to  take  the  sense  of  Congress  respecting  the  mode  of 
administering  justice,  and  the  internal  government  of  the  colony. 
This  discussion  excited  violent  debates  ;  many  members  perceived 
the  scope  of  it  but  too  distinctly.  The  patriots,  however,  aided  by 
circumstances,  and  their  own  intrepidity,  at  length  prevailed.  It 
was  decided,  that  the  provincial  convention  of  New  Hampshire 
should  be  invited  to  convene  representatives  of  the  people,  from  all 
the  towns,  that  they  might  take  such  measures,  and  pass  such  laws, 
as  they  should  judge  best  calculated  to  secure  peace  and  order  in 
the  province,  during  the  present  contest.  But  the  provincial  con- 
vention, either  from  impatience,  or  in  order  to  inspire  greater  interest, 
by  a  demonstration  of  glowing  zeal,  had  anticipated  the  resolution, 
and  the  circulars  for  the  election  of  representatives  were  already 
expedited.  They  assembled  at  Exeter,  took  the  name  and  cha- 
racter of  the  house  of  representatives,  and  established  the  usual 
council. 

The  example  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire,  appeared 
still  not  sufficient  to  decide  the  other  provinces  to  take  the  same 
resolutions.  The  inhabitants  of  the  other  colonies  were  not  exempt 
from  jealousy  towards  those  of  New  England.  It  was  therefore 


246  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Y. 

desirable  that  the  plan  proposed  should  be  executed  in  some  one  of 
the  central  provinces.  For  this  purpose  Virginia  was  the  best 
adapted,  as  well  on  account  of  its  extent  and  power,  as  by  reason  of 
the  political  shocks  it  had  recently  experienced,  since  lord  Dunmore, 
by  the  proclamation  of  martial  law,  had  caused  the  entire  cessation, 
in  that  province,  of  all  civil  authority  on  the  part  of  England.  The 
general  Congress,  therefore,  made,  with  respect  to  Virginia,  the  same 
resolutions  as  in  the  case  of  New  Hampshire. 

Among  the  members  to  whom  this  business  was  referred,  Samuel 
Adams  merits  to  be  remarked,  who  labored  in  it  with  distinguished 
ardor,  and  appeared  to  esteem  its  success  a  personal  triumph. 

At  this  epoch,  it  was  learned  by  the  news  from  England,  that  the 
government  had  disdained  to  make  answer  to  the  petitions  of  Con- 
gress, addressed  to  the  king,  and  transmitted  by  Penn,  the  late 
governor  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  understood  further,  that  none  of 
the  ministers  had  condescended  to  ask  him  any  questions  relative  to 
the  affairs  of  America.  This  was  an  unequivocal  proof  of  their 
obstinacy,  and  irrevocable  resolutions.  The  animosity  of  the  colo- 
nists became,  in  consequence,  more  violent,  and  the  enterprise  of 
the  authors  of  independence  infinitely  more  easy.  They  declared, 
in  all  places,  that  nothing  could  be  hoped  for  any  longer  from  the 
English  government ;  and  that  the  only  way  of  safety  which  remain- 
ed, was  to  display  formidable  forces,  to  shake  off  an  odious  yoke, 
and  learn  to  walk  without  leadingstrings. 

This  discourse  had  no  success  with  the  general  assembly  of  Phila- 
delphia, who,  though  inferior  to  none  in  their  zeal  for  resisting  the 
extraordinary  laws  of  parliament,  would  hear  no  mention  of  inde- 
pendence. They  manifested  their  discontent,  by  enjoining  it  upon 
their  deputies  to  the  general  Congress,  to  oppose  every  proposition 
that  should  tend  towards  a  separation  from  the  parent  state,  or  any 
change  in  the  form  of  government.  In  the  midst  of  such  conflicting 
efforts,  America  moved  onward  to  independence. 

But  it  is  time  to  return  to  the  war  that  was  carried  on  under  the 
walls  of  Boston.  The  Americans  had  to  contend  with  two  capital 
difficulties  ;  the  one  was  the  want  of  powder,  which  still  continued, 
notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  used  to  procure  a  sufficient  supply  ; 
the  other  was  the  approaching  expiration  of  the  term  for  which  the 
soldiers  were  enlisted.  Either  persuaded  that  the  war  would  be  of 
short  duration,  or  jealous  of  standing  armies,  the  colonists  had 
engaged  their  troops  but  for  one  year.  They  were  therefore  in 
danger  of  seeing  the  whole  army  disbanded,  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
present  year,  and  the  siege  thus  raised  in  a  day.  To  remedy,  hi 
the  first  place,  the  scarcity  of  powder,  as  their  country  could  not 
furnish  it  in  sufficient  quantity,  they  determined  to  exert  all  their 
efforts  to  procure  it  from  foreigners.  Several  fast-sailing  vessels 
were  sent  to  the  coast  of  Guinea,  whence  they  brought  home 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  247 

immense  quantities,  having  purchased  it  of  the  European  ships  em- 
ployed in  that  trade.  The  Philadelphians,  knowing  the  favorable 
dispositions  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Bermudas,  and  their  great  want 
of  provisions,  despatched  thither  a  large  brig,  and  the  Carolinians  a 
corvette,  which  brought  away  about  one  hundred  and  ten  casks  of 
powder.  The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  prohibited  the  consump- 
tion of  it  in  firing  at  game,  or  in  rejoicings.  Then  only  began  to  be 
less  felt  the  defect  of  this  first  instrument  of  war.  It  remained  to 
obviate  the  inconveniences  of  the  expiration  of  the  soldiers'  term  of 
service  ;  the  Congress  sent  a  deputation  to  the  camp,  in  order  to 
concert  with  general  Washington  the  most  efficacious  means  to  pre- 
vent the  dissolution  of  the  army.  The  deputies  were  all  men  of 
distinguished  sagacity  ;  and,  among  the  most  conspicuous  for  author- 
ity and  reputation,  was  doctor  Benjamin  Franklin.  They  managed 
this  negotiation  with  such  address,  that  almost  all  the  troops  consent- 
ed, but  not  without  extreme  difficulty,  to  continue  in  the  pay  of 
the  Union. 

The  Congress  ordained,  besides,  that  the  besieging  army  should 
amount  to  the  number  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  men  ;  and  that 
each  colony  should  levy  battalions,  at  the  expense  of  the  continent. 

About  this  time  Dr.  Church,  first  physician  of  the  army,  was  de- 
clared traitor.  He  kept  up  a  secret  correspondence  within  Boston. 
Being  detected,  he  was  brought  before  the  house  of  representatives, 
whereof  he  was  a  member.  He  did  not  deny,  but  said  he  had  only 
acted  for  the  good  of  the  country.  Unable  to  prove  it,  he  was 
expelled  the  assembly.  Some  persons  pretended  that  this  whole 
affair  was  but  an  artifice.  The  Congress  decreed  that  the  accused 
should  be  confined  in  the  prisons  of  Connecticut. 

General  Gage  returned  to  England,  having  been  recalled  by  the 
king.  His  conduct  had  not  answered  the  expectation  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  he  had  employed  the  ways  of  mildness,  when  he  should  have 
displayed  force  ;  and  violence,  when  persuasion  would  have  sufficed. 
He  arrived  in  America,  accompanied  with  general  affection  ;  he 
left  it  abhorred  ;  perhaps  less  through  his  own  fault  than  that  of  the 
ministers,  who,  in  place  of  rigorous  decrees,  should  have  sent  pow- 
erful armies  ;  or,  instead  of  armies,  conciliatory  conditions,  consonant 
with  the  opinions  of  the  Americans.  But  men  commonly  know 
neither  how  to  exert  all  their  force,  nor  to  surmount  the  shame  of 
descending  to  an  accommodation  ;  hence  delays,  hesitations  and  half 
measures  so  often  prove  the  ruin  of  enterprises.  William  Howe,  a 
commander  much  esteemed  for  his  talents,  and  distinguished  for  his 
birth,  succeeded  general  Gage. 

Washington  found  himself,  at  that  time,  surrounded  with  many  and 
serious  difficulties  ;  they  proceeded  from  the  organisation  of  his  army; 
and  increased,  every  day,  in  proportion  as  the  first  ardor  of  his  troops 
abated.  Every  hour  it  became  more  evident,  that  the  success  of 


24S  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK    V. 

wars  resides  not  in  popular  impulses,  but  in  good  arms,  discipline, 
and  obedience  ;  things  tbe  American  camp  was  far  from  offer- 
ing ;  and  especially  the  two  last.  One  principal  vice  was  this; 
the  greater  part  of  these  troops  not  having  been  raised  by  authority 
of  Congress,  but  by  that  of  the  provincial  assemblies,  their  organisa- 
tion, instead  of  being  uniform,  presented  an  excessive  variety  in  the 
formation,  equipment,  rank,  pay,  discipline,  and,  generally,  iu  all  that 
relates  to  military  service.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  how  much  it  must 
have  suffered  from  such  a  disparity.  Washington  had  placed  great 
dependence  upon  the  troops  of  Massachusetts,  not  only  as  they  were 
the  most  numerous,  but  also  as  he  believed  them  animated  with  that 
zeal  which  distinguished  their  province,  and  therefore  qualified  to  un- 
dertake and  support  whatever  might  contribute  to  the  success  of  the 
war.  The  general  was  much  deceived  in  his  expectation.  The 
soldiers  of  Massachusetts,  guided  by  the  enthusiasm  of  liberty,  had 
themselves  elected  their  own  officers, — a  thing  incompatible  with 
discipline  ;  these  officers  not  being  respected,  they  exacted  obedience 
in  vain.  It  must  be  admitted,  moreover,  that  some  of  them  degrad- 
ed themselves  by  a  rapacity  which  fell  indiscriminately  upon  private 
as  well  as  public  property.  They  clamored  liberty,  in  order  to  be 
able,  without  restraint,  to  satiate  their  incredible  avarice.  The  state 
of  affliction  in  which  their  country  was  plunged,  far  from  touching 
them  with  compassion  or  concern,  seemed  rather  to  increase  in  them 
their  infamous  propensity  for  pillage.  This  disastrous  scourge  has 
at  all  times  been  one  of  the  first  results  of  political  revolutions.  The 
most  depraved,  the  most  profligate  men,  while  they  profess  the  most 
ardent  love  for  the  public  good,  are  even  those  who,  under  this  veil, 
abandon  themselves  without  shame  to  the  thirst  of  rapine  that  con- 
sumes them.  In  this  disorder,  the  voice  of  good  citizens  is  not  heard 
because  the  wicked  are  the  loudest  in  their  protestations  of  the  same 
zeal;  and  the  wicked  cannot  be  repressed,  because  their  services 
are  wanted.  Another  vice  of  the  American  army  was  that  each 
colony,  and  not  the  general  Congress,  paid,  clothed,  and  victualled 
its  own  troops ;  which  resulted  in  a  confusion  extremely  prejudicial 
to  good  order  and  discipline.  As  yet  it  had  not  been  thought  of,  or, 
perhaps,  in  the  midst  of  so  many  different  interests,  it  had  not  been 
possible  to  create  a  commissary  or  intendant-general,  having  charge 
of  all  these  details  of  administration.  The  disorder  was  greater  stilL 
Some  American  generals,  dissatisfied  with  the  promotions  made  by 
Congress,  had  retired  disdainfully  to  their  homes.  Maladies,  also, 
had  found  their  way  into  the  camp,  and  especially  the  dysentery,  a 
pest  so  fatal  to  armies.  The  close  of  autumn  already  had  rendered 
the  cold  very  sensible;  the  soldiers  suffered  severely,  from  wMrof 
barracks.  The  Congress,  however,  had  not  neglected  this  point ; 
but  the  contractors,  after  having  received  the  necessary  funds,  fur- 
nished nothing;  and,  according  to  their  custom,  exclaimed  every 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  249 

where  that  they  were  not  paid.  Thus  all  the  wrongs  appeared  to 
rebound  upon  the  government ;  so  industrious  is  this  race  of  men  in 
creating  confusion,  in  order  to  veil  their  juggling  operations  !  Never- 
theless, Washington,  by  his  prudence  and  by  his  authority,  provided 
for  all  wants.  If  he  acquired  an  imperishable  glory,  in  having  con- 
ducted the  present  war  to  a  happy  conclusion,  praises  not  inferior 
are  assuredly  due  him  for  having  kept  together  an  army  composed 
of  so  many  different  elements,  and  beset  by  so  many  afflicting  wants. 
The  latter  success  is  not  less  honorable,  and  perhaps  of  more  difficult 
attainment,  than  victory  itself. 

The  Americans,  to  whom  the  spectacle  of  an  army  was  entirely 
new,  came  from  all  the  environs,  and  even  from  remote  parts,  to  be- 
hold it.  Men  and  women  arrived  in  throngs  at  the  camp  of  Boston, 
and  demonstrated  a  lively  satisfaction  at  the  martial  air  of  their  fellow- 
citizens.  The  soldiers  felt  their  courage  revive,  and  the  inhabitants 
their  hopes.  The  Indians  themselves  were 'attracted.  Distrustful 
and  incredulous  by  nature,  they  wished  to  ascertain  with  their  own 
eyes  the  truth  of  what  they  had  heard  related.  They  were  received 
with  particular  civility.  In  order  to  amuse  the  Americans,  or  to 
create  a  high  opinion  of  their  strength  and  address,  they  gave  fre- 
quent representations  of  feasts  and  combats,  after  their  mode.  The 
mutual  expressions  of  benevolence,  the  familiarity  that  ensued,  and 
the  presence  of  the  numerous  battalions  of  the  Americans,  which 
held  the  British  troops  locked  up  within  the  walls  of  a  city,  made 
such  an  impression  upon  the  Indians,  that,  notwithstanding  all  the 
seductions  and  all  the  importunities  of  the  English,  they  generally 
testified  a  great  repugnance  to  follow  their  banners.  The  colonists 
observed  these  sentiments  with  no  little  satisfaction. 

Although  no  action  of  moment  was  engaged  about  Boston,  yet 
warm  skirmishes  happened  frequently,  in  which  the  Americans 
acquired  new  intrepidity  and  love  of  glory.**  Washington  ardently 
desired  that  his  troops  should  often  encounter  the  enemy,  in  these 
miniature  battles,  that  their  energy  might  not  languish  from  inaction, 
and  that  they  might  become  familiar  with  the  din  of  arms,  and  the 
face  of  the  enemy. 

Meanwhile,  *the  distress  in  which  the  garrison  of  Boston  found 
itself,  increased  from  day  to  day.  The  supplies  procured  by  the 
English  vessels,  in  their  excursions  upon  the  neighboring  coasts,  were 
altogether  inadequate  to  the  exigencies  of  a  necessity  so  extreme. 
The  inhabitants  had  removed  their  s;rain  and  cattle  to  inland  places  ; 
and  what  remained  they  resolutely  defended  with  arms.  Nor  could 
the  English  have  much  hope  of  drawing  provisions  from  the  adjacent 
islairos,  or  from  other  parts  of  the  American  continent,  still  subject 
to  the  king,  since  they  were  themselves  in  want.  This  scarcity  was 
produced  by  a  decree  of  Congress,  which  prohibited  all  exportation 
of  provisions  or  merchandise  from  the  colonies  towards  Canada. 
VOL.  i.  32 


250  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V, 

Nova  Scotia,  the  island  of  St.  John,  Newfoundland,  and  the  two 
Floridas,  as  well  as  to  the  places  where  the  English  carried  on  their 
fisheries.  It  often  happened,  that  the  parties  landed  by  the  latter,  to 
forage  upon  the  coasts  of  Massachusetts,  were  attacked  and  repulsed 
by  the  provincials.  The  English  marine  had  orders  to  treat  as 
enemies  the  places  that  should  resist  the  authority  of  the  king.  Not 
content  with  resisting,  the  inhabitants  of  Falmouth,  a  flourishing  ma- 
ritime town  of  Massachusetts,  had  molested  a  ship  laden  with  the 
effects  of  some  loyalists.  The  English  bombarded  it,  and  also 
landed  a  detachment,  which  reduced  it  to  ashes. 

The  destruction  of  Falmouth  provoked  a  very  energetic  resolution 
on  the  part  of  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts.  A  short  time  before, 
they  had  ordained  the  armament  of  several  ships,  for  the  protection 
of  the  coasts.  Then,  exercising  sovereign  power,  they  decreed  that 
letters  of  mark  and  reprisal  should  be  granted  ;  and  that  courts  of 
admiralty  should  be  created,  to  judge  of  the  validity  of  prizes. 
They  declared,  moreover,  that  their  intention  was  merely  to  defend 
their  coasts  ;  and  that  no  vessels  were  to  be  seized,  but  such  only 
as  should  be  laden  with  provisions  for  the  soldiers  who  made  war 
against  the  Americans. 

Not  long  after,  the  general  Congress  itself,  perceiving  the  neces- 
sity of  intercepting  the  English  navigation,  and  of  protecting  the 
coasts  of  the  continent,  and  also  observing  the  success  of  the  cruisers 
of  Massachusetts,  decreed  that  a  fleet  of  five  ships  of  thirty-two 
guns,  five  others  of  twenty-eight,  and  three  of  twenty-four,  should 
be  constructed  and  armed  ;  one  in  New  Hampshire,  two  in  Massa- 
chusetts, one  in  Connecticut,  two  in  Rhode  Island,  two  in  New 
York,  four  in  Pennsylvania,  and  one  in  Maryland.  The  command 
of  this  squadron  was  given  to  commodore  Hopkins. 

The  Congress  appeared  to  hesitate  as  to  granting  letters  of  mark 
and  reprisal.  They  decided,  however,  for  a  measure,  which,  though 
in  name  less  hostile,  yet  in  reality  produced  the  same  effects.  They 
authorised  their  ships  to  capture  all  those  which  should  attempt  to 
lend  assistance  to>the  enemy,  in  any  mode  whatsoever.  They  also 
created  courts  of  admiralty. 

Thus,  little  by  little,  they  drew  into  their  hands  the  entire  sove- 
reign authority.  The  Americans  made  incredible  despatch  in  equip- 
ping their  ships  ;  they  soon  swarmed  in  the  neighboring  seas,  and 
took  from  the  English  an  immense  number  of  prizes,  who,  little  sus- 
pecting so  bold  a  sally,  saw  themselves,  with  confusion,  surprised 
upon  an  element,  of  which,  until  then,  they  had  with  reason  consider- 
ed themselves  the  absolute  masters.  The  activity  of  this  new 
marine  was  no  less  beneficial  to  the  Americans,  than  fatal  to>*tbeir 
enemies.  The  British  government,  informed  of  the  distress  to 
which  the  garrison  of  Boston  was  reduced,  had  embarked,  at  a  pro- 
digious expense,  an  immense  quantity  of  oxen,  and  all  sorts  of  live 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  251 

cattle,  of  salt  meat  and  of  vegetables,  to  victual  a  place  of  such  im- 
portance with  all  expedition. 

Contrary  winds,  in  the  first  place,  retarded  the  transports  at  sea, 
beyond  the  expected  term  ;  the  cattle  died,  the  vegetables  perished. 
The  residue  at  length  arriving  upon  the  coast  of  America,  became 
almost  entirely  the  prey  of  the  American  ships,  and  that  often  under 
the  very  eyes  of  the  British  commanders,  who,  either  becalmed  or 
opposed  by  the  winds,  were  unable  to  succour  them.  At  Boston, 
wood  was  totally  wanting  ;  the  government,  in  order  to  remedy  this 
deficiency,  had  embarked  in  this  convoy  a  large  quantity  of  coal. 
The  greater  part  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Americans ;  thus,  the 
garrison,  and  even  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  in  the  midst  of  the 
most  rigorous  season,  found  themselves  absolutely  destitute  of  fuel. 
Nor  did  fortune  show  herself  only  propitious  to  the  Americans  in 
their  efforts  to  intercept  the  means  of  subsistence,  which  had  been 
sent  from  England  for  the  garrison  ;  she  delivered  also  into  their 
hands  the  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  of  which  they  were  themselves 
in  the  most  urgent,  need. 

Pressed  by  a  necessity  continually  increasing,  general  Howe  had 
already  sent  out  of  Boston,  and  caused  to  be  transported  to  the 
neighboring  shores,  more  than  seven  hundred  useless  mouths.  It 
was  said  at  the  time,  that  among  those  individuals  were  found  several 
diseased  with  the  smallpox.  If  the  fact  be  true,  as  least  it  cannot 
be  thought  to  have  been  the  result  of  an  odious  design  to  infect  the 
American  camp  ;  the  mind  of  general  Howe  being  certainly  alto- 
gether incapable  of  such  an  atrocity.  It  is  true,  however,  that  many 
Americans  both  credited  and  published  it.  The  assembly  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, either  believing  these  rumors,  or  wishing  them  believed, 
decreed  all  the  precautions  usual  in  similar  cases.  Meanwhile,  in 
order  to  procure  fuel,  general  Howe  was  constrained  to  demolish 
several  houses  in  Boston  ;  for  the  light  vessels  of  the  Americans 
cruised  so  actively  along  the  coasts,  that  all  hope  of  procuring  either 
wood  or  coal  from  the  neighboring  towns  had  vanished. 

Meanwhile,  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts,  created 
fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling  in  bills  of  credit,  and  knowing  how 
naturally  men  allow  themselves  to  be  guided  by  words  and  images, 
they  caused  the  bills  to  be  decorated  with  great  care.  Their  emblem 
was  an  American,  holding  in  the  right  hand  a  sword,  around  which 
were  incribed  these  Latin  words,  '  Ense  petit  placidam  sub  libertate 
quietemJ  With  the  left,  he  supported  the  motto,  lMagna  ChartaJ 
and  at  the  foot,  *  J\lade  in  defence  of  American  liberty.'  The  House 
also  ordered,  that  the  arrny  should  be  supplied  with  fuel.  But  it 
seemed  that  they  did  these  things  with  a  certain  reluctance,  and  very 
ill  grace  ;  impatience  or  avarice  had  sensibly  chilled  the  zeal  of 
these  patriots,  of  late  so  ardent.  General  Lee,  accustomed  to 
express  himself  without  any  sort  of  reserve,  was  not  sparing  of 


252  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  V. 

censure  towards  them ;  he  openly  called  them  narrow  and  pusillani- 
mous souls,  who,  apprehensive  of  losing  popular  favor,  wanted  cou- 
rage to  take  a  vigorous  resolution,  or  to  strike  a  decisive  blow.  The 
Congress,  meanwhile,  decreed,  that  by  virtue  of  the  law  of  retaliation, 
any  harsh  treatment  which  should  be  inflicted  upon  those  among  the 
Americans  who  might  fall  into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  should  be  re- 
visited upon  those  partisans  of  ministerial  oppression,  whom  the  for- 
tune of  war  might  place  in  their  hands.  This  question  of  the  recipro- 
cal treatment  of  prisoners  of  war,  had  given  birth  to  violent  debates 
between  the  one  party  and  the  other.  We  have  letters  written  upon 
this  subject,  in  a  very  animated  style,  to  each  other,  by  generals 
Gage  and  Washington.  Though  it  is  probable  that  the  wrongs  might 
have  been  mutually  exaggerated,  it  is  certain  that  the  laws  of  war 
were  not  observed  towards  the  prisoners,  and  that  much  inhumanity 
was  manifested  in  the  proceedings  against  them.  Can  it  excite  our 
astonishment  ?  Are  not  these  the  ordinary  fruits  of  civil  war  ? 

Such  was,  about  the  close  of  the  year  J775,  the  political  and  mil.i- 
tary  situation  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and  such  the  events 
which  took  place  under  the  walls  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston. 
Those  who  occupied  this  city  were  afraid  to  venture  out,  and  every 
day  experienced  a  more  afflicting  dearth  of  provisions  and  firing ; 
while  those  without  made  no  attempt  to  attack  them,  believing  them- 
selves secure  of  an  eventual  triumph  by  simple  perseverance. 

But  the  most  important  expedition  of  all  this  year  was  incompara- 
bly the  invasion  of  Canada,  by  the  American  troops.  The  Congress 
had  reflected,  that  it  was  not  assuredly,  without  views  of  great  inte- 
rest, that  the  ministry  had  sent  for  governor  in  this  province,  general 
Carleton,  a  man  of  resolute  character,  vast  genius,  and  brilliant  name 
for  failitary  achievements.  He  was  invested,  as  we  have  seen,  with 
such  extensive  powers  as  no  governor  before  him  had  ever,  offered 
example  of.  It  was  known  that  he  exerted  all  his  efforts  to  stir  the 
Canadians  and  Indians,  and  stimulate  them  to  arms  against  the  colo- 
nies. Though  at  the  commencement  he  had  found  great  repugnance 
among  the  first,  it  was  to  be  feared  that,  by  employing  address  and 
authority,  he  might  succeed,  at  length,  in  drawing  them  to  his  standard. 
The  dispositions  of  the  people  of  Canada  were  not  unknown  ;  always 
French  at  heart,  and  even  somewhat  fickle.  It  was  known,  also,  that 
they  cherished  a  sullen  discontent  on  account  of  the  act  of  Quebec  ; 
which,  though  favorable  to  their  religion,  replaced  them,  however,  in 
their  ancient  dependence  towards  the  nobles,  whom  they  detested. 
It  was  therefore  essential  to  take  advantage  of  their  present  senti- 
ments, before  Carleton  should  have  gained  them.  It  was  hoped  that 
when  the  Americans  should  have  penetrated  into  Canada,  the  inhabit- 
ants would  not  hesitate  to  espouse  their  cause,,  excited  on  the  one 
hand  by  their  hatred  towards  the  nobility,  and  reassured  on  the  other 
by  the  moderation  which  the  colonists  had  generally  manifested  in 


BOOK  V. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  253 


matters  touching  religion.  The  province  of  Canada  was,  besides, 
unfurnished  with  troops  of  the  line;  they  had  all  been  called  to  Bos- 
ton. Moreover,  the  Congress  had  been  informed,  that  in  the  follow- 
ing spring  the  government  was  to  make  a  grand  effort  in  this  province  ; 
that  numerous  forces,  arms,  and  munitions,  would  be  poured  into  it, 
in  order  to  attack  the  colonies  in  the  back  ;  an  operation,  which,  if  not 
seasonably  prevented,  might  have  fatal  consequences.  The  colonists, 
assailed  at  the  same  time  in  front  and  rear,  could  not  have  expected 
to  resist. 

The  design  of  an  expedition  to  Canada  was  also  encouraged  by 
the  happy  success  of  the  enterprise  of  Ticonderoga,  and  of  Crown 
Point,  which  had  opened  for  the  Americans  the  gates  of  this  pro- 
vince. Occasion  could  never  be  more  propitious  ;  the  English  troops, 
shut  up  in  Boston,  and  occupied  with  their  own  defence,  were  in  no 
situation  to  carry  succours  into  a  part  so  remote  from  the  provinces 
of  the  confederation.  But  it  was  to  be  feared,  that  longer  delays 
would  afford  time  for  the  British  ministry  to  make  the  necessary  pre- 
parations to  overpower  the  colonies  by  a  single  effort,  and  reduce 
them  to  their  former  dependence.  Here,  also,  another  essential  con- 
sideration presented  itself.  In  the  origin  of  popular  -movements,  the 
chiefs  should  endeavor  to  achieve  some  brilliant  enterprise,  in  order 
to  maintain  the  excitement  of  minds,  otherwise  they  run  the  risk  of 
seeing  the  sudden  extinction  of  the  enthusiasm  they  have  kindled  ; 
and  the  epoch  of  the  return  of  order  is  always  that  of  the  downfall  of 
agitators.  In  perilous  enterprises,  attempted  by  insurgent  people, 
hope  and  fear  are  created  and  annihilated  with  equal  promptness. 
The  more  just  they  believe  their  cause,  the  more  strenuously  they 
defend  it ;  and  they  incline  to  believe  it  just,  as  it  proves  successful. 
According  to  all  these  considerations,  the  expedition  of  Canada  was 
decided.  Prudent  men,  however,  could  not  shut  their  eyes  upon 
the  numerous  difficulties  it  presented.  This  was  no  longer  an  ad- 
hering to  the  defensive,  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  proceeding  the  most 
offensive,  against  a  prince  to  whom  fidelity  was  still  protested,  even 
carrying  arms  into  one  of  his  provinc.es,  which  had  in  no  shape  de- 
manded the  succours  it  was  pretended  to  offer  it.  This  was  not 
merely  exciting  the  peaceable  and  uncomplaining  subjects  to  revolt 
against  their  lawful  sovereign,  but  also  violently  occupying  their  coun- 
try, and  dragging  them  by  force  into  sedition. 

Was  it  not  to  be  feared,  that  an  enterprise  so  audacious  would  dis- 
cover too  openly  the  intentions  of  the  general  Congress ;  and  that 
then,  those  of  the  colonists  who  combated  with  sincerity  to  obtain  the 
revocation  of  the  oppressive  laws,  at  the  same  time  abhorring  the  idea 
of  a  total  separation,  and  even  desiring  to  resume  their  former  rela- 
tions with  Great  Britain,  would  immediately  abandon  a  cause  which 
would  no  longer  be  theirs  ?  Many  members  of  Congress  were  not 
without  apprehensions  of  losing,  by  the  execution  of  this  design,  the 


254  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

favor  which  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  England,  and  many 
members  of  parliament,  had  hitherto  manifested  towards  the  Ameri- 
can cause.  From  offended  subjects,  should  the  colonists  become 
dangerous  enemies;  from  oppressed  inhabitants,  oppressive  soldiers; 
from  citizens  alarmed  at  the  shadow  of  tyranny,  the  insatiable  invaders 
of  a  peaceable  province?  Prudence  would  also  suggest,  that  the 
fear  of  seeing  pillaged  or  destroyed  the  effects  and  the  merchandise 
belonging  to  England,  at  this  time  largely  accumulated  in  Canada, 
and  especially  in  the  city  of  Quebec,  could  not  fail  to  alienate  the 
minds  of  all  the  parties  interested.  But  it  was  said,  on  the  opposite 
side,  that,  since  arms  had  now  been  taken  up,  and  the  first  blood 
already  effused,  to  persist  in  a  strictly  defensive  war  was  to  allow 
the  enemy  a  manifest  advantage,  who  had  not  the  same  scruples; 
that,  seeing  hostilities  were  commenced,  it  was  essential  to  prosecute 
them  with  all  possible  vigor;  and  that  certainly  a  more  sensible  blow 
could  not  be  struck  at  the  enemy,  than  this  of  assaulting  him  in  his 
weakest  part. 

'  Does  any  one  imagine,'  said  the  partisans  of  this  system,  '  that 
England  is  about  to  perplex  herself  with  this  distinction  of  operations 
defensive,  and  operations  offensive  ?  Her  hand  will  visit  vengeance 
upon  us,  wherever  it  can  reach  us.  With  arms  alone,  and  used  too 
with  vigor  and  gallantry,  not  by  timorous  counsels,  can  we  hope  to 
avert  the  impending  tempest  of  perdition.  The  enterprise  proposed 
offers  all  the  probabilities  of  success ;  when  we  shall  have  obtained  it, 
those  who  still  hesitate,  even  those  perhaps  who  blame,  will  have 
vanquished  all  their  doubts.  In  whatever  man  undertakes,  there  is 
always  a  grain  of  uncertainty,  a  particle  of  danger  ;  but  generous 
minds  are  not  to  flinch  at  this.  The  ancient  adage  should  not  be  for- 
gotten,— he  that  acts  not  when  he  can,  acts  not  when  he  would. 

4  Let  us  be  persuaded,  finally,  that  the  eloquent  orators  of  the  two 
houses  of  parliament,  either  from  love  of  liberty,  as  they  pretend,  or 
at  least  from  ambition  and  from  the  desire  to  thwart  the  ministers,  will 
not  abstain  from  defending,  and  even  extolling,  our  cause,  when  we 
shall  have  done  much  more  than  attack  the  province  of  Canada.' 

The  resolution  having  been  carried  in  favor  of  the  expedition, 
the  Congress  were  not  tardy  in  taking  all  the  measures  proper  to  se- 
cure its  success.  Three  thousand  soldiers,  partly  inhabitants  of  New 
England  and  partly  of  New  York,  were  selected  for  the  enterprise. 
They  were  commanded  by  the  two  brigadier-generals,  Wooster  and 
Montgomery,  under  the  direction  of  major-general  Schuyler ;  these 
three  officers  enjoyed  the  public  confidence  unlimited.  As,  in  order 
to  reach  the  heart  of  Canada,  it  was  requisite  to  traverse  lake  Cham- 
plain,  the  river  Sorel,  and  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  so  broad  and  deep 
under  the  walls  of  Quebec,  orders  had  been  given  to  construct,  rafts 
at  Ticonderoga  and  at  Crown  Point,  in-  order  to  convey  the  troops 
wherever  it  might  be  thought  necessary.  The  country  into  which  it 


BOOK    T.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  255 

was  purposed  to  enter  not  making  part  of  the  American  Union,  and 
governing  itself  by  its  own  laws,  it  could  not  be  hoped  that  its  inhabit- 
ants would  receive  the  bills  of  credit  which  were  current  in  the  colo- 
nies ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  idea  was  insupportable,  that  the  sol- 
diers should  live  at  discretion,  in  a  country  it  was  desired  to  gain  and 
conciliate.  Consequently,  the  Congress  made  an  effort  to  glean 
together  the  sum  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  specie.  It  was  also  pru- 
dent, to  avoid  being  taken  in  rear,  to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  In- 
dians that  inhabited  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk,  which  empties  into  the 
Hudson  river,  a  little  above  Albany.  For  the  same  reason,  general 
Schuyler  had  remained  in  that  city,  in  order  to  cultivate  a  good  under- 
standing with  those  tribes,  with  whom  he  possessed  a  powerful  in- 
fluence. General  Montgomery  had  already  repaired  to  Crown  Point, 
with  a  part  of  the  army,  and  was  expecting  the  arrival  of  the  residue. 
Governor  Carleton,  who  was  much  on  his  guard,  seeing  himself  me- 
naced by  a  superior  force,  reflected,  that  if  he  could  defend  against 
the  Americans  the  entrance  of  the  river  Sorel,  it  would  be  impossible 
for  them  to  penetrate  into  Canada.  He  accordingly  caused  to  be 
constructed  and  armed  a  large  brig,  with  some  vessels  of  less  force, 
and  intended  to  station  them  at  the  outlet  of  the  lake  into  the  Sorel ; 
hoping  thus,  and  with  reason,  to  interdict  the  passage,  with  effect,  to 
the  Americans.  General  Montgomery  was  informed  of  it ;  and,  per- 
ceiving all  the  importance  of  this  project  of  Carleton,  determined  to 
prevent  it,  by  moving  rapidly  with  the  few  troops  he  had,  towards  the 
Sorel.  Upon  his  arrival  there,  he  proceeded  to  occupy  lie  aux  Noix, 
a  little  island,  situated  upon  the  entrance  of  the  river,  near  the  lake. 
In  the  meantime,  general  Schuyler  arrived  from  Albany,  after  having 
left  the  necessary  orders  for  marching  :*he  troops  of  the  expedition 
to  He  aux  Noix.  Here  the  two  generals  having  met.  addressed  a 
proclamation  to  the  Canadians,  exhorting  them  to  join  the  Americans, 
in  order  to  defend  their  liberties.  They  declared  they  entered  their 
country  not  as  enemies,  but  as  friends  and  protectors,  coming  only  to 
combat  against  the  British  garrisons.  Then,  in  order  to  unite  force 
with  demonstrations,  they  determined  to  approach  fort  St.  John, 
which,  situated  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Sorel,  commands  it  entirely, 
and  closes  the  passage  towards  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  The  Ame- 
ricans moved,  therefore,  but  without  artillery,  towards  St.  John,  and 
landed  at  a  mile  and  a  half  distant  from  the  fort,  in  a  marsh,  through 
which  they  marched  in  good  order,  with  a  view  to  reconnoitre  the 
place.  In  their  progress,  they  had  to  sustain  a  furious  attack  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians,  who  attempted  to  oppose  their  fording  a  river. 
Having  repulsed  them,  they,  in  the  course  of  the  night,  established 
themselves  in  sight  of  the  fort,  and  began  to  throw  up  works ;  but 
having  learned  that  the  fort  was  in  a  respectable  state  of  defence,  and 
not  hoping  to  carry  it  so  promptly,  they  returned,  the  day  following, 
to  He  aux  Noix,  where  they  resolved  to  wait  for  reenforcements  and 


256  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

artillery.  Meanwhile,  to  interrupt  the  communication  for  the  ships  of 
governor  Carlelon  from  fort  St.  John  with  the  lake,  they  obstructed 
the  channel  of  the  river,  here  very  narrow,  with  a  chevaux-de-frise. 

General  Schuyler  had  returned  to  Albany,  in  order  to  terminate 
the  treaty  with  the  Indians,  and  to  accelerate  the  arrival  of  succours 
at  He  aux  Noix.  But  affairs,  and  a  severe  malady,  detained  him  in 
that  city  ;  and  thus  the  entire  conduct  of  the  Canadian  expedition 
passed  into  the  hands  of  general  Montgomery,  an  officer  endowed 
with  all  the  capacity  desirable.  He  endeavored,  in  the  first  place, 
to  detach  the  Indians  from  the  party  of  the  English,  and  to  engage 
them  to  remain  neuter  ;  he  succeeded  in  this  point,  without  much 
difficulty.  Then,  after  the  arrival  of  his  reenforcements  and  artil- 
lery, he  undertook  the  siege  of  fort  St.  John.  The  garrison  consisted 
in  five  or  six  hundred  regular  soldiers,  with  two  hundred  Canadians, 
under  the  command  of  major  Preston  ;  but  the  army  of  Canada,  as 
well  as  all  the  others  of  the  confederation,  wanted  powder  and 
cannon  balls,  and  therefore  the  siege  made  little  progress.  The 
defect  of  discipline  among  the  provincial  troops  created  a  difficulty 
no  less  alarming.  Montgomery  opposed  it  with  patience,  with  pro- 
mises, with  menaces,  and  especially  with  his  magnanimity  and  the 
authority  of  his  person,  which  was  very  great  among  all.  Fortune 
soon  offered  him  the  means  of  remedying  the  deficiency  of  ammuni- 
tion. A  little  below  fort  St.  John,  and  upon  the  same  river,  is 
situated  another  small  fort,  called  Chambly.  The  English,  believing 
the  enemy  could  not  arrive  there,  before  capturing  fort  St.  John,  had 
neglected  to  arm  it.  The  American  general  turned  his  attention  to 
this  quarter.  He  put  in  motion  a  strong  detachment,  composed  of 
colonists  and  Canadians,  uncNr  the  command  of  majors  Brown  and 
Livingstone.  They  appeared  unexpectedly  before  the  fort,  and  took 
possession  of  it.  The  garrison,  a  mere  handful,  were  made  prison- 
ers. A  few  pieces  of  cannon,  with  an  hundred  and  twenty-four 
barrels  of  powder  were  thus  obtained.  The  colors  conquered  from 
the  English  were  solemnly  sent  to  Congress.  The  Americans,  now 
provided  with  the  necessary  munitions,  pressed  with  vigor  the  siege 
of  St.  John.  They  established  a  battery,  at  two  and  fifty  paces  from 
the  fort. 

Several  detachments  of  Americans  scoured  the  country  between 
the  river  Sorel  and  that  of  St.  Lawrence.  They  were  received  with 
great  demonstrations  of  joy  by  the  Canadians,  who  came  in  throngs 
to  join  them,  bringing  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions.  Their 
spirit  increased  with  their  number.  Colonel  Allen  and  major  Brown, 
both  officers  of  real  talent,  concerted  the  project  of  surprising  the 
city  of  Montreal,  the  capital  of  Upper  Canada,  and  situated  in  an 
island  formed  by  two  branches  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  Colonel 
Allen  having  reached  Longueville,  found  boats,  and  crossed  the 
river,  during  the  night,  below  Montreal.  Major  Brown  was  to  have 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  257 

passed  over  at  the  same  time  ;  but,  not  having  been  able  to  effect  it, 
the  first  division  found  itself  iti  a  critical  position.  Governor  Carle- 
ton,  who  was  then  at  Montreal,  having  discovered  the  weakness  of 
colonel  Allen,  and  knowing  how  to  make  his  profit  of  occasion, 
marched  out  to  meet  him,  with  a  few  hundred  men,  among  English, 
Canadians,  and  savages.  A  fierce  action  ensued,  and  the  Americans 
defended  themselves  with  bravery  ;  but,  overpowered  at  lengih  by 
numbers,  having  lost  many  of  his  men,  and  abandoned  by  the  other??, 
especially  by  the  Canadians,  colonel  Allen  was  forced  to  surreudt'i. 
The  governor  would  not  observe  towards  him  the  laws  of  war ;  but 
caused  him  to  be  loaded  with  irons,  and  sent  him  to  England. 

Flushed  with  this  success,  he  resolved,  by  a  vigorous  effort,  to 
raise  the  siege  of  fort  St.  John.  He  assembled  what  regular  troops 
he  had,  and  a  considerable  number  of  Canadians  and  Indians  ;  but 
still  not  believing  his  means  sufficient,  he  departed  from  Montreal,  in 
order  to  join  colonel  Maclean,  who,  with  the  Scotch  regiment  of 
Royal  Highlanders,  occupied  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  near  its  con- 
fluence with  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  hoped,  with  these  forces  united, 
to  be  in  a  situation  to  attack  general  Montgomery,  and  compel  him 
to  raise  the  siege.  But  fortune  was  not  favorable  to  his  design. 
The  American  general,  foreseeing  that  a  man  so  active  as  governor 
Carleton  would  assuredly  not  remain  idle,  had  taken  care  to  scour 
continually,  with  numerous  detachments,  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
right  branch  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

The  English,  having  completed  their  preparations,  entered  their 
boats,  to  pass  the  river,  and  land  upon  the  opposite  side,  at  Longue- 
ville.  The  American  colonel  Warner,  having  perceived  their 
design,  planted  artillery  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  stood  ready 
to  repulse  the  enemy  with  musketry.  He  suffered  the  boats  of  the 
governor  to  approach  ;  and,  when  they  were  within  reach,  poured 
into  them  several  discharges  of  grape-shot.  The  English,  surprised 
at  this  unexpected  reception,  retired  in  the  greatest  disorder,  and 
relanded  upon  the  other  bank  of  the  river,  at  Montreal.  Colonel 
Maclean,  informed  of  the  check  at  Longueville,  fell  back  upon 
Quebec,  abandoning  to  the  Americans  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel. 

Meanwhile,  the  siege  of  fort  St.  John  was  pushed  with  greater 
ardor.  General  Montgomery  had  already  approached  with  his 
trenches  to  the  foot  of  the  wall,  and  was  preparing  to  give  the 
assault.  But  the  besieged  defended  themselves  valiantly,  and  ap- 
peared resolved  to  hold  out  to  the  last,  notwithstanding  their  provi- 
sions were  nearly  exhausted.  At  length,  the  American  general 
having  received  the  news  of  the  governor's  defeat,  sent  into  the 
place  a  flag,  accompanied  by  one  of  the  prisoners  of  colonel  Warner. 
In  the  letter  he  addressed  to  major  Preston,  informing  him  of  this 
event,  he  exhorted  him  not  to  persist  in  an  obstinate  defence,  the  only 
result  of  which  would  be  an  useless  effusion  of  blood.  Preston  at 
VOL.  i.  33 


258  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

first  hesitated,  and  demanded  an  armistice  of  some  days.  But  the 
American  could  not  consent  to  consume  time  unprofitahly  ;  the 
season  being  already  much  advanced.  The  Englishman  was  conse- 
quently compelled  to  surrender,  the  3d  of  November,  after  a  siege 
of  six  weeks.  He  obtained  the  honors  of  war,  and  guaranty  of 
persons  and  property.  The  prisoners  were  conducted,  by  the  way 
of  Ticonderoga,  into  the  colonies  that  were  deemed  the  most  proper. 
Thus  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Americans  the  fortress  of  St.  John, 
which,  since  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga  and  of  Crown  Point,  was  justly- 
considered  as  the  key  of  Canada.  They  found  in  it  seventeen 
pieces  of  brass  cannon,  twenty-two  of  iron,  seven  mortars,  with  a 
considerable  quantity  of  balls  and  bombs,  and  of  naval  stores  ;  the 
munitions  of  war  and  provisions  had  been  almost  entirely  consumed. 

Masters  of  this  important  place,  the  Americans  hastened  to  occupy 
the  mouths  of  the  Sorel,  and  the  point  of  land  which  this  river  forms 
in  its  junction  with  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  operation  was  of  the 
utmost  interest,  in  order  to  prevent  the  armed  vessels,  which  the 
governor  had  assembled  at  Montreal,  from  descending  the  river,  and 
escaping  to  Quebec.  It  was  hoped,  besides,  that  the  governor  him- 
self might  have  to  surrender  ;  he  being  then  at  Montreal,  an  open 
city,  and  incapable  of  any  defence.  Accordingly,  the  provincials 
erected  batteries  upon  this  point  ;  and,  as  the  river  is  here  very- 
wide,  they  constructed,  with  extreme  activity,  a  number  of  rafts  and 
floating  batteries  ;  and  thus  not  only  prevented  the  governor  from 
descending  the  river,  but  even  compelled  him,  by  a  furious  attack, 
to  retire  towards  Montreal.  All  this  squadron,  and  the  governor  in 
person,  had  a  very  narrow  escape. 

General  Montgomery  arrived  under  the  walls  of  Montreal,  the  day 
after  general  Carleton  had  joined  his  ships  and  left  it.  The  inha- 
bitants immediately  proposed  many  articles  of  capitulation  ;  but  the 
American  general  refused  to  accept  them,  alleging,  that,  not  being 
in  a  state  of  defence,  they  could  not  make  terms.  He  summoned 
them,  therefore,  to  surrender  at  discretion  ;  but,  humane  as  well  as 
brave,  and  possessed  of  all  the  civil  virtues  that  can  honor  an  indivi- 
dual, he  regulated  himself  for  the  inhabitants  all  the  conditions  they 
could  have  wished,  promising  them,  with  a  writing  from  his  own 
hand,  that  he  would  protect  their  persons,  their  property,  and  their 
religion.  In  anticipation  of  their  adhesion  to  the  American  Union, 
he  added,  that  he  hoped  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  all  the 
Canadians  would  be  unalterably  fixed  by  the  provincial  Congress, 
and  that  the  courts  of  justice  would  be  organised  after  the  principles 
of  the  English  constitution.  He  subscribed,  generally,  to  all  the 
propositions  that  were  compatible  with  the  security  of  his  army,  and 
the  success  of  his  ulterior  designs.  This  conduct  of  general  Mont- 
gomery was  dictated  not  only  by  his  own  character,  which  was  truly 
noble  and  generous,  but  also  by  his  desire  to  reassure  the  inhabitants 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  259 

of  other  parts  of  Canada,  and  particularly  of  Quebec,  to  the  end, 
that,  banishing  all  fear,  and  putting  their  confidence  in  his  fortune 
and  his  fidelity,  they  might  espouse  the  cause  of  America.  Hav- 
ing thus  satisfied  the  inhabitants  of  Montreal,  he  entered  the  city,  on 
the  13th  of  November. 

The  troops  of  Montgomery,  generally  but  ill  equipped,  were 
greatly  annoyed  by  the  cold  of  the  season,  which  in  that  climate 
be^an  to  be  very  severe.  Especially  in  their  marq^frorn  St.  John 
to  Montreal,  the  lands  being  continually  low  and  marshy,  they  encoun- 
tered innumerable  difficulties,  which  only  an  incredible  constancy 
enabled  them  to  surmount.  Arrived  at  Montreal,  some  murmurs 
began  to  escape  them  ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  soldiers,  whose 
term  of  service  had  expired,  were  inclined  to  return  to  their  homes ; 
but  general  Montgomery,  by  his  words,  by  the  influence  he  had  over 
them,  and  by  a  distribution  of  woollen  clothing  he  had  bought  in  the 
city,  retained  a  part  of  the  discontented;  the  others  abandoned  the 
army,  and  caused  it  to  experience  a  diminution  the  more  sensible,  as 
it  was  already  none  too  large.  But,  the  more  obstacles  multiplied, 
the  more  kindled  the  elastic  genius  of  the  intrepid  Montgomery. 

The  taking  of  Montreal  by  the  provincials  entirely  paralyzed  the 
naval  apparatus  of  the  governor.  He  found  himself  blockaded,  in 
the  part  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence  which  is  comprehended  between 
the  city  and  the  mouth  of  the  river  Sorel.  Below  this  point,  the 
passage  was  interdicted  him,  by  the  floating  batteries  and  rafts,  armed 
with  artillery,  tinder  the  command  of  colonel  Easton.  The  taking 
of  the  governor  himself  appeared  inevitable  ;  which  was  to  be  consi- 
dered as  the  decision  of  the  war  of  Canada,  as  the  pledge  of  the 
conquest  of  the  capital,  and  of  the  entire  province.  Its  fate  depended 
absolutely  upon  the  presence  of  this  chief,  whose  courage  and  prudence 
presided  over  all.  In  a  position  so  perilous,  he  found  the  way  to 
escape,  and  at  the  very  instant  when  his  ruin  appeared  impending. 
He  threw  himself  into  a  boat ;  and,  having  caused  the  oars  to  be 
muffleJ,  to  diminish  the  noise,  ho  had  the  good  fortune  to  pass, 
favored  by  the  obscurity  of  the  night,  through  the  guard  boats  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  arrive  sound  and  safe  at  Quebec.  General  Prescot, 
who  after  the  departure  of  the  governor,  had  taken  command  of  the 
squadron,  was  forced  to  surrender. 

With  him  fell  into  the  power  of  the  provincials  many  other  officers, 
several  members  of  the  civil  administrations  of  Canada,  the  volunteers 
of  this  province,  and  a  corps  of  English  soldiers ;  all  of  whom  had 
taken  refuge  on  board  the  ships,  when  general  Montgomery  was  on 
the  eve  of  arriving  at  Montreal.  Having  left  a  garrison  in  Montreal, 
as  also  in  the  forts  of  St.  John  and  Chambly,  to  keep  open  a  com- 
munication between  Quebec  and  the  colonies,  to  secure  the  submission 
of  the  Canadians,  and  to  overawe  the  Indians,  as  well  as  the  garri- 
sons of  Detroit  and  Niagara,  he  inarched  towards  Quebec,  with  a 


260  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

corps  of  little  more  than  three  hundred  men,  the  sole  residue  of  all 
the  army. 

While  these  events  passed  in  the  upper  part  of  Canada,  the  city 
of  Quebec  was  itself  menaced,  from  an  unexpected  quarter,  with  a 
most  imminent  peril. 

Washington,  in  his  camp  near  Boston,  had  conceived  an  enterprise 
as  surprising  for  its  novelty  as  terrific  for  the  obstacles  and  dangers 
which  it  presented  in  the  execution  ;  but  if  it  was  hazardous,  it  was 
no  less  useful.  He  thought  there  must  exist  a  way,  which,  though 
unfrequented,  and  known  only  by  the  mountaineers  in  the  mild  season, 
led  from  the  upper  parts  of  New  Hampshire  and  the  province  of 
Maine,  across  deserts,  marshes,  woods,  and  almost  inaccessible  moun- 
tains, into  Lower  Canada,  on  the  part  of  Quebec.  He  calculated 
that  an  attack  directed  against  this  point,  would  produce  the  greater 
effect,  as  it  would  be  the  more  unexpected  ;  for  not  only  no  army  was 
ever  known  to  pass  through  these  rough  and  dismal  solitudes,  but 
never  had  human  being,  until  then,  even  imagined  it  was  possible. 
Washington  knew,  besides,  that  the  city  of  Quebec  was  by  no  means  in 
a  state  of  defence.  His  plan  coincided  perfectly  with  that  part  of  the 
army  which  was  to  penetrate  into  Upper  Canada  by  way  of  the  lakes 
and  the  river  Sorel.  It  was  known  how  insufficient  were  the  forces 
of  governor  Carleton,  who,  compelled  to  divide  them,  could  not  hope 
to  resist  two  corps  that  should  attack  him  simultaneously,  the  one 
towards  Montreal,  the  other  towards  Quebec.  If  he  persisted  in 
defending  the  part  contiguous  to  the  first  of  these  cities,  the  second 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  ;  if,  on  the  contrary,  he  marched 
to  the  succour  of  Quebec,  Montreal  and  all  the  adjacent  country 
could  not  escape  them. 

The  command  of  this  adventurous  enterprise  was  confided  to  colo- 
nel Arnold,  a  man  even  more  rash  than  audacious,  of  a  genius  fertile 
in  resources,  and  of  a  firmness  not  to  be  shaken.  There  were 
selected,  to  follow  him,  ten  companies  of  fusileers,  three  of  riflemen, 
and  one  of  artillery,  under  the  orders  of  captain  Lamb.  A  few 
volunteers  joined  them,  among  whom  was  colonel  Burr,  who  after- 
wards became  vice-president  of  the  United  States.  The  corps 
amounted  in  all  to  eleven  hundred  men.  The  province  of  Maine 
is  traversed  by  a  river  called  the  Kennebec,  which  takes  its  source 
in  the  mountains  that  separate  this  province  from  Canada,  and,  run- 
ning from  north  to  south,  falls  into  the  sea,  not  far  from  Casco  bay. 
Opposite  the  sources  of  the  Kennebec,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
mountains,  rises  another  river,  named  the  Chaudiere,  which  goes  to 
empty  itself  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  a  little  above  the  city  of  Quebec. 
In  going  from  one  of  these  sources  to  the  other,  it  is  necessary  to  pass 
steep  mountains,  interrupted  by  frequent  torrents  and  marshes.  No 
living  being  is  found  in  all  this  space.  Such  is  the  route  colonel 
Arnold  was  to  take,  in  order  to  arrive  at  Quebec. 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  261 

He  had  received  instructions  to  endeavor  to  correspond  with  the 
army  of  Upper  Canada,  by  means  of  the  Indians  of  St.  Francis, 
who  inhabit  the  banks  of  a  river  of  this  name,  situated  between  the 
Chaiidiere  and  the  Sorel.  He  was  also  to  employ  all  possible  means 
to  conciliate  the  friendship  of  the  Canadians,  and  to  inform  general 
Washington  of  whatever  should  happen  to  him,  from  day  to  day. 
He  carried  with  him  six  thousand  pounds  sterling,  and  proclamations 
in  abundance  ;  they  were  used  then  with  the  sanm,  prodigality  that 
they  have  been  since. 

All  the  preparations  being  completed,  and  the  troops  appearing 
animated  with  extreme  ardor,  colonel  Arnold  departed  from  the  camp 
of  Boston  about  the  middle  of  September,  and  arrived  at  Newbury- 
port,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Merrirnac. 

The  vessels  that  waited  for  him  there,  conveyed  him  to  the  mouths 
of  the  Kennebec.  The  wind  being  favorable,  he  entered  the  river, 
and  found  two  hundred  batteaux  in  preparation,  at  the  town  of  Gardi- 
ner. Having  laden  them  with  his  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions, 
he  thus  proceeded  up  the  river  to  fort  Wester,  situated  upon  the  right 
bank.  Here  he  divided  his  corps  into  three  detachments  ;  the  first, 
composed  of  riflemen,  and  commanded  by  captain  Morgan,  formed 
the  vanguard,  to  explore  the  country,  sound  the  fords,  prepare  the 
ways,  and  especially  to  reconnoitre  what  the  Americans  denominate 
portages.  These  portages  are  places  where,  the  rivers  ceasing  to  be 
navigable,  it  becomes  necessary  to  carry  by  hand  or  sumpter,  all  the 
lading  of  the  batteaux,  and  finally  the  boats  themselves,  until  the 
streams  become  navigable  anew.  The  second  detachment  marched 
the  day  following,  and  the  third,  the  day  after  that.  The  current 
was  rapid,  the  bed  of  the  river  rocky,  and  often  interrupted  by  falls 
and  other  impediments.  It  happened  at  every  instant,  that  the  water 
entered  the  batteaux,  and  damaged  or  drowned  the  provisions  and 
ammunition.  At  every  portage,  and  they  were  encountered  conti- 
nually, the  boats  were  to  be  unladen,  and  transported  upon  shoulders, 
to  a  navigable  place.  The  way  upon  land  offered  difficulties  no  less 
formidable  than  this  of  the  water.  It  was  necessary  to  penetrate 
through  thickest  forests,  to  scale  frightful  mountains,  to  wade  through 
quagmires,  and  traverse  horrible  precipices.  The  soldiers,  while 
hewing  a  way  through  so  many  obstacles,  were  forced  to  carry  all 
their  baggage  ;  and  accordingly  they  advanced  but  very  slowly. 
Provisions  began  to  fail  them  before  they  arrived  at  the  sources  of  the 
Kennebec.  They  found  themselves  constrained  to  eat  their  dogs, 
and  even  aliments  still  more  strange.  Numbers,  wasted  by  continual 
fatigues  and  hardships,  were  attacked  with  maladies.  As  soon  as 
they  reached  the  source  of  Dead  river,  which  is  a  branch  of  the 
Kennebec,  colonel  Enos  received  orders  to  send  back  all  the  sick, 
and  all  those  to  whom  it  was  not  possible  to  furnish  provisions.  But 
this  officer,  embracing  the  occasion,  returned  with  all  his  detachment 


262  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

to  the  camp  at  Boston.  All  the  army,  on  seeing  him  appear,  were 
transported  with  indignation  against  a  man  who  had  abandoned  his 
own  companions,  in  the  midst  of  danger,  and  whose  desertion  might 
occasion  the  miscarriage  of  the  whole  enterprise.  He  was  brought 
before  a  court  martial,  but  acquitted,  in  consequence  of  the  acknow- 
leged  impossibility  of  procuring  sustenance  in  these  wild  and  desert 
places. 

Meanwhile,  cqjjpnel  Arnold  pursued  his  march,  with  the  two  first 
divisions.  He  had  employed  thirty-two  days  in  traversing  fearful 
solitudes,  without  perceiving  a  single  habitation,  a  single  human  lace. 
Marshes,  mountains,  precipices,  were  encountered  at  every  step,  and 
appeared  to  cut  off  all  hope  of  success,  or  rather  all  hope  of  safety. 
Death  was  to  all  more  an  object  of  desire  than  of  fear  ;  their  toils, 
their  hardships,  their  sufferings,  had  no  end.  Their  constancy,  how- 
ever, did  not  desert  them  ;  the  law  of  necessity  seemed  to  sustain 
their  energies.  Arrived  upon  the  summit  of  the  mountains  that  sepa- 
rate the  waters  of  the  Kennebec  from  those  of  the  Chaudiere  and 
of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  the  feeble  relics  of  food  that  still  were 
found  were  divided  equally  among  all  the  companies.  Arnold  said  to 
his  soldiers,  they  must  now  push  forward  to  seek  subsistence,  since 
they  had  no  other  resource,  no  other  chance  of  preservation.  As  to 
himself  he  was  to  be  seen  every  where,  reconnoitring  the  places,  and 
searching  for  some  means  to  escape  famine.  The  companies  were 
still  thirty  miles  distant  from  any  inhabited  place,  when  it  was  found 
that  every  species  of  subsistence  was  consumed  to  the  last  morsel. 
Despair  became  general ;  all  at  once,  Arnold  appeared,  and  brought 
with  him  wherewith  to  satisfy1  the  first  wants  of  nature.  They 
resumed  their  march  ;  and  at  length  discovered,  with  inconceivable 
joy,  the  sources  of  the  Chaudiere,  and,  soon  after,  the  first  habitations 
of  the  Canadians.  These  showed  themselves  heartily  well  disposed 
towards  the  Congress,  and  offered  the  Americans  all  the  succours 
that  were  in  their  power.  Arnold,  who  was  impatient  to  reap  the 
fruits  of  so  many  toils  and  of  so  many  perils,  would  wait  no  longer 
than  was  necessary  for  the  rear  guard  to  come  up,  and  to  assemble 
the  scattered  soldiers.  He  then  gave  out  a  proclamation  of  general 
Washington.  It  was  drawn  up  in  the  same  style  as  those  of  generals 
Schuyler  and  Montgomery.  The  Canadians  were  exhorted  to  enter 
into  the  confederacy,  and  resort  to  the  banners  of  general  liberty  ; 
they  were  told,  that  the  colonists  came  not  to  oppress  or  despoil  them, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  to  protect  persons  and  property,  in  a  country 
they  considered  friendly ;  '  Let  them  remain,  therefore,  in  their 
dwellings ;  let  them  not  fly  from  their  friends ;  let  them  furnish  the 
troops  with  all  the  necessaries  in  their  power,  for  which  they  might 
depend  upon  full  payment.' 

Arnold  continued  his  march,  and  arrived,  the  9th  of  November,  at 
a  place  named  Point  Levy,  situated  opposite  to  Quebec,  upon  the 


BOOK  V. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  263 


right  bank  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  stupor 
of  surprise  which  seized  the  inhabitants  of  Quebec,  at  the  apparition 
of  these  troops.  They  could  not  comprehend  by  what  way,  or  in 
what  mode,  they  had  transported  themselves  into  this  region.  This 
enterprise  appeared  to  them  not  merely  marvellous,  but  miraculous; 
and  if  Arnold,  in  this  first  moment,  had  been  able  to  cross  the  river, 
and  fall  upon  Quebec,  he  would  have  taken  it  without  difficulty.  But 
colonel  Maclean  had  been  seasonably  apprised  of  trie  approach  of  the 
Americans,  by  a  letter,  which  Arnold,  being  still  at  the  sources  of  the 
Kennebec,  had  confided  to  an  Indian  of  St.  Francis,  to  deliver  to 
general  Schuyler,  and  which  this  savage  had  suffered  to  be  taken 
from  him.  or  perhaps  had  voluntarily  given  up.  The  English  had 
consequently  withdrawn  all  the  batteaux  from  the  right  bank  to  the 
other  side  of  the  river.  In  addition  to  which,  the  wind  this  day  blew 
so  violently,  that  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  cross  the  river 
without  manifest  danger.  These  two  circumstances  saved  the  city. 
Arnold  was  forced  to  lose  several  days ;  and  he  could  have  no  hope 
of  being  able  to  pass,  except  in  the  night,  the  river  being  guarded  by 
the  frigate  Lizard  and  several  smaller  armed  vessels,  that  were  an- 
chored under  the  walls  of  the  city.  But,  during  many  successive 
nights,  the  wind  was  even  more  impetuous  than  by  day.  Meanwhile, 
the  Canadians  had  furnished  Arnold  with  batteaux ;  and  he  waited 
only  for  a  fit  time  to  attempt  the  passage. 

The  commander  of  Quebec  found  himself  provided  with  few 
means  to  defend  the  city.  The  spirit  that  prevailed  among  the  in- 
habitants could  not  fail  to  alarm  him  ;  and  the  garrison  was  very  feeble. 
The  merchants  and  English  were  much  dissatisfied  with  the  French 
laws,  which  had  recently  been  introduced  into  the  province,  and  the 
little  regard  shown  by  the  government  for  their  petitions.  They 
complained,  that  all  favors,  that  all  privileges,  were  reserved  for  the 
French  inhabitants;  and  that  the  desire  to  win  the  benevolence  of 
these  enemies,  had  caused  the  government  to  despise  friends.  '  These 
Frenchmen*  they  said,  *  elated  with  pride  by  so  many  attentions,  in- 
cessantly insult  and  outrage  the  English.  Even  in  private  circles, 
these  zealous  subjects  are  forward  to  discourse  upon  affairs  of  state,  in 
order  to  sound  the  opinion  of  those  that  hear  them,  and  afterwards 
to  go  and  report  their  words  to  persons  in  authority.  Thus  the  liberty 
enjoyed  by  the  English  in  their  actions  and  speech,  is  transformed  into 
symptoms  of  disaffection,  disloyalty,  and  sinister  designs.'  The  En- 
glish citizens  also  manifested  an  extreme  disgust  at  the  license  of  the 
soldiery,  and  as  the  conduct  of  the  governor,  who  had  left  the  city 
without  garrison,  when  the  troops  bad  been  sent  against  the  insurgents 
in  the  part  of  the  Sorel  and  of  Montreal,  without  even  having  taken 
the  precaution  to  organise  the  companies  of  militia.  It  appeared, 
also,  that  little  reliance  could  be  placed  in  the  fidelity  of  the  French, 
the  greater  part  of  whom  were  wavering,  and  some  even  declared 


264  „  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

enemies  to  British  domination.  On  the  other  hand,  the  garrison  was 
extremely  feeble ;  it  only  consisted  in  the  companies  of  Royal  Irish, 
under  colonel  Maclean,  and  in  a  few  militia,  finally  assembled  in 
haste  by  the  lieutenant-governor.  The  council  of  naval  officers  had 
not  permitted  the  sailors  to  be  landed  to  serve  on  shore,  as  well  on 
account  of  the  season,  now  far  advanced,  as  of  the  difficulties  of  the 
navigation. 

But  when  the  American  colors  were  seen  floating  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  all  the  citizens,  soldiers  or  not  soldiers,  landsmen  or 
seamen,  English  or  French,  united  by  common  danger,  and  fearing 
for  their  effects,  which  were  very  considerable,  hastened  with  emula- 
tion to  the  defence  of  the  city ;  and  exerted  the  utmost  activity,  in 
order  to  make  all  necessary  preparations,  before  the  enemy  could 
pass  the  river.  The  companies  of  militia  were  armed,  and  stationed 
at  their  posts.  The  Royal  Irish  manifested  the  greatest  resolution. 
The  marines  were  put  on  shore,  who,  accustomed  to  the  management 
of  cannon,  were  destined  to  serve  the  artillery  of  the  ramparts.  The 
ardor  of  colonel  Maclean  was  of  great  benefit,  in  this  first  approach  of 
perils ;  he  neglected  nothing  to  inspire  all  minds  with  firmness,  and  to 
assemble  whatever  might  contribute  to  the  defence  of  the  city. 

Finally,  the  wind  being  moderated,  and  Arnold  having  made  his 
arrangements,  in  order  to  pass  the  river,  and  attack  the  city,  he 
appointed  the  night  of  the  13th  of  November  for  the  execution  of  his 
designs.  He  embarked  all  his  men,  with  the  exception  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  who  remained  to  complete  the  requisite  number  of  ladders. 
Notwithstanding  the  extreme  rapidity  of  the  current,  and  all  the  pains 
it  was  necessary  to  take  in  order  to  avoid  the  ships  of  the  enemy,  he 
reached  the  left  bank,  a  little  above  the  place  where  general  Wolfe 
had  landed  in  1759,  under  auspices  so  happy  for  his  country,  and  so 
fatal  to  himself.  Unable  to  scale  the  banks  of  the  river,  which  are 
very  steep  at  this  point,  he  descended  towards  Quebec,  always 
marching  upon  the  margin  of  the  river,  until  he  was  come  to  the  foot 
of  the  same  precipice  which  general  Wolfe  had  found  so  murh  diffi- 
culty in  surmounting.  Followed  by  his  intrepid  companions,  he 
mounted  to  its  summit,  and  drew  up  his  little  band  upon  the  heights 
near  the  plain  of  Abraham.  Here  he  waited  for  them  to  recover 
breath,  and  to  give  time  for  the  companies  left  on  the  other  side  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  to  join  him.  He  had  hoped  to  surprise  the  city, 
and  to  carry  it  by  a  single  effort.  But  the  notice  given  by  the  inter- 
cepted letter,  the  appearance  he  had  made  at  Point  Levy,  and  the 
encounter  of  a  boat  that  was  passing  from  the  port  of  Quebec  to  the 
frigate,  had  given  the  alarm,  and  apprised  the  whole  city  of  the  danger 
ready  to  burst  upon  them;  accordingly,  all  were  at  their  posts.  It 
was  not  long  before  Arnold  had  full  assurance  of  it ;  for,  having  sent 
forward  the  companies  of  riflemen  to  reconnoitre  the  places,  and  the 
position  of  the  enemy,  they  reported,  on  their  return,  that  they  had 


BOOK  V.  THE    ABfERICAN    WAR.  265 

encountered  advanced  guards,  who  had  given  the  alert.  The  colonel 
was  nevertheless  disposed  to  order  the  attack  ;  but  the  other  officers 
endeavored  to  dissuade  him  from  it.  The  greater  part  of  the  muskets 
were  become,  by  the  accidents  of  a  long  march,  unfit  for  service. 
So  great  a  part  of  the  ammunition  had  perished,  that  there  no  longer 
remained 'more  than  six  charges  to  each  soldier.  Finally,  the  pro- 
vincials had  not  a  single  piece  of  cannon.  But,  if  Arnold  had  lost  the 
hope  of  taking  Quebec  by  storm,  he  had  not  renounced  that  of 
exciting  within  it  a  movement  in  his  favor,  and  causing  its  gates  to 
be  opened  to  him,  by  showing  himself  in  arms  under  its  walls. 
Accordingly,  he  displayed  himself  frequently  upon  the  heights ;  and 
even  sent  a  flag,  summoning  the  town  to  surrender.  But  all  was  in 
vain.  Colonel  Maclean,  who  commanded  during  the  absence  of  the 
governor,  not  only  refused  to  admit  the  message,  but  ordered  his  men 
to  fire  upon  the  bearers.  Arnold  was  informed,  at  the  same  time, 
that  the  soldiers  who  had  escaped  from  the  discomfiture  of  Montreal, 
were  coming  down  the  river,  and  that  colonel  Maclean  was  preparing 
to  make  a  sally. 

Finding  himself,  therefore,  constrained  to  retire,  he  went  to  encamp 
at  a  place  called  Point  au  Tremble,  twenty  miles  above  Quebec,  to 
await  the  arrival  of  Montgomery,  who  was  expected  from  Upper 
Canada.  He  perceived,  during  his  march,  the  ship  in  which  governor 
Carleton  was  proceeding  to  Quebec.  When  arrived  at  Point  au 
Tremble,  he  learned  that  this  general  had  stopped  there,  a  few  hours 
before;  so  uncertain  are  the  events  of  war — so  singular  are  the 
chances  on  which  often  depends  the  fate  of  nations! 

The  governor  arrived,  therefore,  without  accident,  at  Quebec. 
He  immediately  set  about  taking  all  the  measures  of  defence  which 
the  pressure  of  time,  and  the  difficulty  of  circumstances,  could  allow 
him.  He  sent  out  of  the  city,  with  their  families,  all  those  who 
refused  to  take  arms.  The  garrison,  inclusive  of  the  militia,  amounted 
only  to  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  a  number  much  inferior  to  what 
would  have  been  necessary  to  guard  suitably  all  the  fortifications, 
.which  were  extensive  and  multiplied  ;  and  even  of  this  number,  the 
proportion  of  regular  soldiers  was  very  inconsiderable.  The  compa- 
nies organised  by  colonel  Maclean  were  composed  of  new  levies ; 
and  one  company  of  the  seventh  regiment  were  all  recruits.  The 
rest  was  a  medley  of  militia,  French  and  English,  of  some  few  marines, 
of  sailors  belonging  to  the  frigates  of  the  king,  or  to  the  merchant 
vessels  that  wintered  in  the  port.  These  seamen  constituted  the 
principal  force  of  the  garrison  ;  for  they  at  least  knew  how  to  serve 
the  artillery. 

In  the  meantime,  general  Montgomery,  having  left  garrisons  in  the 

fortresses  of  Upper  Canada,  and  secured  the  favorable  dispositions 

of  the  inhabitants  of  the    {Arts    adjacent,    commenced  his  march 

towards  Quebec.    The  season  was  extremely  severe ;  it  being  about 

VOL.  i.  34 


266  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

the  beginning  of  December  ;  the  roads,  obstructed  with  snow,  were 
almost  impassable.  The  Americans,  however,  supported  so  many 
hardships  with  singular  fortitude.  It  was  owing  principally  to  the 
prudence  and  firmness  of  Montgomery,  qualities  which  gave  him  a 
powerful  influence  over  his  soldiers.  This  multitude,  snatched  from 
pacific  occupations,  had  been  all  at  once  employed  in  the  most 
arduous  toils  of  war,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  rigorous  season  of  the 
year.  Every  one  sees  how  difficult  it  is  to  introduce  subordination 
among  men  of  such  a  sort;  and  it  should  even  be  added,  that  these, 
from  their  habits  and  opinions,  were  peculiarly  indisposed  to  that 
obedience  so  essential  in  armies.  Finally,  the  term  of  their  engage- 
ment was  nearly  expired;  and  already  they  exulted  in  the  expecta- 
tion of  soon  returning  to  the  repose  and  solace  of  their  homes. 

Such  were  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  American  general.  But 
his  name,  dear  to  all,  the  seduction  of  his  eloquence^  even  the 
splendor  of  his  person,  his  virtues,  and  the  continual  example  he 
gave  of  resignation  and  magnanimity,  supported  the  constancy  of 
his  troops  under  their  hardships,  and  inspired  them  with  new  ardor 
to  follow  his  steps.  Certainly  the  march  of  Arnold  across  the  horrible 
wilderness  that  separates  the  District  of  Maine  from  Canada,  and  this 
of  Montgomery  through  Upper  Canada  ;  the  force  of  talent  which 
enabled  the  two  leaders  to  maintain  discipline  and  good  will  among 
soldiers  lately  enrolled,  attached  with  vehemence  to  their  independ- 
ence, and  accustomed  to  act  their  pleasure  without  restraint,  are 
enterprises  which  at  least  equal,  if  not  surpass,  the  most  painful,  the 
most  arduous,  of  all  those  related  in  history  of  the  captains  of  anti- 
quity. Such  prodigies  have  been  accomplished  by  armies  of  incon- 
siderable numbers,  when  compared  with  those  which  have  over- 
whelmed other  parts  of  the  world;  but  ought  this  to  diminish  the 
glory  of  these  intrepid  men  in  the  memory  of  posterity? 

Montgomery  arrived,  the  first  of  December,  at  Point  au  Tremble, 
with  a  detachment  not  exceeding,  if  it  amounted  to,  three  hundred 
men.  Here  colonel  Arnold  advanced  to  receive  him  ;  the  joy  of  the 
two  corps,  at  this  meeting,  cannot  be  described.  Montgomery  had 
brought  clothing  for  the  soldiers  of  Arnold,  who  stood  in  the  most 
urgent  want  of  it. 

They  marched  in  company,  and  arrived,  the  fifth  of  December,  in 
sight  of  Quebec.  Their  force  was  inferior  to  that  of  the  garrison 
they  purposed  to  attack.  They  sent  to  summon  it  by  a  flag.  The 
governor  ordered  his  troops  to  fire  upon  the  bearer.  Montgomery 
then  resorted  to  the  agency  of  an  inhabitant,  to  convey  another  letter 
to  the  governor  ;  in  which,  after  having  magnified  his  own  forces,  the 
insufficiency  of  the  garrison,  and  the  impossibility  of  defence,  he  de- 
manded an  immediate  surrender,  threatening  an  assault,  and  all  the 
calamities  which  irritated  and  victorious  soldiers  are  wont  to  inflict 
upon  cities  taken  by  storm.  This  step  was  also  without  success ; 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  267 

general  Carleton,  a  veteran  commander,  was  not  a  man  to  be  intimi- 
dated so  easily.  As  to  the  American  general,  considering  the 
weakness  of  his  means,  and  the  immobility  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
made  no  demonstration  in  his  favor,  he  cherished  but  faint  hopes  of 
success.  Nevertheless,  to  abandon  an  enterprise  in  which  he  had 
engaged  with  so  much  ardor,  appeared  to  him  too  unworthy  of  his 
name  and  valor.  He  was  not  ignorant,  besides,  that  in  the  com- 
mencement of  this  revolution,  the  unfortunate  issue  of  an  expedition 
so  agreeable  to  the  people,  and  upon  which  they  had  founded  such 
brilliant  expectations,  would  infallibly  produce  a  pernicious  effect 
upon  the  public  mind.  He  foresaw  that,  instead  of  ardor  and  confi- 
dence, it  must  introduce  dejection  and  despair.  He  doubted  even 
whether  he  should  be  able  to  preserve  the  part  of  Canada  he  had 
acquired,  if  the  capital  of  the  province  remained  in  the  power  of  the 
English.  He  had  been  informed,  that,  in  the  following  spring,  large 
reenforcements  were  to  arrive  from  England  ;  which  would  enable 
the  enemy  to  expel  the  American  troops  without  difficulty.  Wanting 
forces,  but  not  courage,  Montgomery  resorted  to  the  only  way  that 
was  left  him ;  he  resolved  to  harrass  and  reduce  the  garrison,  by  fre- 
quent and  furious  attacks.  He  was  not  without  hope,  that  he  might 
thus  find  some  opportunity  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  ;  this  expecta- 
tion was  the  more  probable,  as  the  garrison  was  far  from  being  suf- 
ficient to,R,uard  effectually  the  numerous  fortifications  of  so  extensive 
a  city.  The  American  general  accordingly  attempted  to  throw  bombs 
into  the  town,  with  five  small  mortars;  hoping  in  this  manner  to  excite 
some  movement  within.  But  the  vigilance  of  the  governor,  the  zeal 
and  bravery  of  the  officers,  and  especially  the  efforts  of  the  seamen, 
prevented  this  siege  from  producing  any  perceptible  effect. 

A  few  days  after,  Montgomery  planted  a  battery  of  six  pieces  of 
cannon  and  a  howitzer,  within  seven  hundred  paces  of  the  walls. 
This  artillery  was  laid,  not  upon  the  ground,  but  upon  banks  of  snow 
and  ice ;  the  pieces  were  of  feeble  caliber  ;  their  fire  was  nearly 
without  result. 

Meanwhile,  the  snow  which  fell  incessantly,  encumbered  the  earth ; 
and  the  cold  had  become  so  violent,  that  it  was  beyond  human  nature 
to  support  it  in  the  open  field.  The  hardships  which  the  Americans 
had  to  suffer  from  the  rigor  of  the  climate,  and  the  fatigues  to  which 
their  small  number  subjected  them,  surpass  all  the  imagination  can 
picture  of  the  most  severe.  The  attachment  they  bore  to  their  cause, 
and  the  confidence  which  they  had,  the  most  unshaken,  in  their 
general,  could  only  have  sustained  them  in  the  midst  of  trials  so  ter- 
rible. To  render  their  position  still  more  dismal,  the  smallpox  broke 
out  in  the  camp  ;  this  scourge  was  the  terror  of  the  soldiers.  It  was 
ordered  that  those  who  were  attacked  with  it,  should  wear  a  sprig  of 
hemlock  upon  their  hats,  that  the  others  might  know  and  avoid  them. 
But  constancy  in  the  human  breast,  gives  place  to  despair,  when  suf- 


268  THE    ABIERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    T. 

ferings  appear  without  end.  And  this  extremity  was  the  more  to  be 
feared  among  the  provincials,  as  the  expiration  of  their  time  of  ser- 
vice, with  the  possibility  of  escape  from  so  many  evils,  might  probably 
-create  the  desire.  All  these  considerations  persuaded  Montgomery, 
that  without  a  bold  and  immediate  effort,  he  must  renounce  the  idea 
of  satisfying  public  expectation,  and  witness  the  eclipse  of  his  own 
glory.  In  his  position,  even  temerity  became  prudence,  and  it  was 
better  to  lose  life  in  a  glorious  action,  than  resign  himself  to  a  shame 
which  would  have  been  so  fatal  to  the  American  arms. 

Accordingly,  Montgomery  having  determined  to  attempt  the  assault, 
convoked  a  council  of  war,  and  acquainted  them  with  his  project. 
Without  denying  that  it  was  of  difficult  execution,  he  maintained  that 
it  was  possible,  and  that  valor  and  prudence  would  triumph  over  all 
obstacles.  All  were  in  favor  of  his  proposition.  A  few  companies 
of  Arnold,  dissatisfied  with  their  commander,  alone  testified  repug- 
nance. But  captain  Morgan,  a  man  of  real  merit,  addressed  them  a 
persuasive  discourse,  and  their  opposition  ceased.  The  general  had 
already  arranged  in  his  mind  the  plan  of  the  attack,  and  thought  of 
all  the  means  proper  to  carry  it  into  execution.  He  intended  it  should 
take  place,  at  the  same  time,  against  the  upper  and  lower  town.  But 
understanding  that  a  deserter  had  given  notice  of  it  to  the  governor,  he 
resolved  to  divide  his  army  into  four  corps,  two  of  which,  composed 
in  great  part  of  Canadians,  under  the  command  of  majors  Livingston 
and  Brown,  were  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  enemy  by  two  feigned 
attacks  of  the  upper  town,  towards  St.  John  and  Cape  Diamond.  The 
two  others,  led,  the  first  by  Montgomery,  the  second  by  Arnold,  were 
reserved  to  assault  the  lower  part  of  the  town  from  two  opposite 
points.  The  general  was  perfectly  aware,  that  after  he  should  have 
carried  this  part  of  Quebec,  there  would  remain  many  difficulties  to 
be  surmounted  in  order  to  conquer  the  other.  But  he  hoped  that 
the  inhabitants,  on  seeing  so  great  a  proportion  of  their  property 
fallen  into  the  power  of  the  victors,  would  force  the  governor  to  capi- 
tulate. 

The  last  day  of  the  year,  1775,  between  four  and  five  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  in  the  midst  of  a  heavy  storm  of  snow,  the  four 
columns  put  themselves  in  motion,  in  the  best  order,  each  towards  the 
point  assigned. 

It  is  said  that  captain  Frazer,  of  the  Irish  emigrants,  in  going  his 
round,  perceived  the  fusees  which  the  Americans  fired  to  give  the 
signal ;  and  that,  immediately,  without  waiting  further  orders,  he 
caused  the  drums  to  beat,  and  roused  the  garrison  to  arms.  The 
columns  of  Livingston  and  of  Brown,  impeded  by  the  snow  and  other 
obstacles,  were  not  in  time  to  execute  their  feints.  But  Montgomery, 
at  the  head  of  his,  composed  chiefly  of  New  York  men,  adva'nced 
upon  the  bank  of  the  river,  marching  by  the  way  denominated  Jlnse 
de  mer,  under  Cape  Diamond.  Here  was  encountered  a  first  barrier. 


BOOK  V,  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  269 

at  a  place  called  Potasse,  which  was  defended  by  a  battery  of  a  few 
pieces  of  cannon  ;  further  on,  at  the  distance  of  two  hundred  paces 
from  this,  stood  a  redoubt,  furnished  with  a  sufficient  guard.  The 
soldiers  that  composed  it,  being  the  greater  part  Canadians,  on  see- 
ing the  enemy  approach,  were  seized  with  , terror,  threw  down  their 
arms,  and  fled.  The  battery  itself  was  abandoned  ;  and  if  the  Ame- 
ricans could  have  advanced  with  sufficient  expedition,  they  would 
certainly  have  been  masters  of  it.  But  in  turning  Cape  Diamond, 
the  foot  of  which  is  bathed  by  the  waters  of  the  river,  they  found 
the  road  interrupted  by  enormous  masses  of  snow.  Montgomery, 
with  his  own  hands,  endeavored  to  open  a  path  for  his  troops  who 
followed  him,  man  by  man  ;  he  was  compelled  to  wait  for  them.  At 
length  having  assembled  about  two  hundred,  whom  he  encouraged 
with  voice  and  example,  he  moved  courageously  and  rapidly  towards 
the  barrier.  But  in  the  meantime,  a  cannonier  who  had  retreated 
from  the  battery,  on  seeing  the  enemy  halt,  returned  to  his  post,  and 
taking  a  match,  which  happened  to  be  still  burning,  fired  a  cannon 
charged  with  grape-shot;  the  Americans  were  within  forty  paces. 
This  single  explosion  totally  extinguished  the  hopes  they  had  con- 
ceived. Montgomery,  as  well  as  captains  Macpherson  and  Cheesman, 
both  young  men  of  singular  merit,  and  dear  to  the  general,  were 
killed  upon,  the  spot.  The  soldiers  shrunk  back  on  seeing  their  gene- 
ral fall ;  and  colonel  Campbell,  on  whom  the  command  devolved,  was. 
not  a  man  capable  of  executing  so  perilous  an  enterprise.  The  flight 
soon  became  universal ;  so  that  this  part  of  the  garrison  no  longer 
having  enemies  to  combat,  was  at  liberty  to,  fly  to  the  succour  of  that 
which  was  attacked  by  Arnold. 

This  colonel,  who  was  himself  at  the  head  of  the  forlorn  hope, 
marched  by  the  way  of  St.  Roc,  towards  the  place  called  Saut-au- 
Mitelot.  Captain  Lamb  followed  him  with  a  company  of  artillery, 
and  one  piece  of  cannon ;  next  came  .the  main  body,  preceded  by 
the  riflemen  under  captain  Morgan.  The  besieged  had  erected  at 
the  entrance  of  the  avenue,  a  battery,  which  defended  a  barrier. 
The  Americans  found  themselves  confined  within  a  passage  obstructed 
by  deep  snow,  and  so  commanded  by  the  works  of  the  enemy,  that 
his  grape-shot  swept  it  in  every  direction.  Meanwhile,  Arnold  ad- 
vanced rapidly  under  the  fire  of  the  besieged,  who  manned  the  walls. 
He  received  a  musket  ball  in  the  leg,  which  wounded  him  severely, 
splintering  the  bone.  It  was  necessary  to  carry  him  to  the  hospital, 
almost  by  compulsion.  Captain  Morgan  then  took  the  command,  and 
with  all  the  impetuosity  of  his  character,  he  launched  himself  against 
the  battery,  at  the  head  of  two  companies.  The  artillery  of  the 
enemy  continued  to  fire  grape-shot,  but  with  little  effect. 

The  American  riflemen,  celebrated  for  their  extreme  address, 
killed  many  of  the  English  soldiers  through  the  embrasures.  They 
applied  ladders  to  the  parapet ;  the  besieged  were  daunted,  and  aban- 


270  THE    AMERICAN    WAH.  BOOK  T. 

doned  the  battery  to  the  assailants.  Morgan  with  his  companies,  and 
a  few  soldiers  of  the  centre,  who  were  come  up  to  the  vanguard, 
made  many  prisoners,  English  as  well  as  Canadians  ;  but  his  situ- 
ation became  extremely  critical.  The  main  body  had  not  yet  been 
able  to  join  him  ;  he  had  no  guide,  and  he  was  unacquainted  with 
the  city  ;  he  had  no  artillery  ;  and  the  day  was  still  far  from  dawning. 
He  found  himself  constrained  to  halt;  his  soldiers  began  to  reflect 
upon  their  position  ;  their  ardor  cooled  rapidly.  The  ignorance  in 
which  they  were  of  the  fate  of  their  other  columns,  the  obscurity  of 
night,  the  snow  which  fell  with  redoubled  violence,  the  firing  of  mus- 
ketry which  was  heard  on  every  side,  and  even  behind  them,  finally, 
the  uncertainty  of  the  future,  filled  the  boldest  spirits  with  an  invo- 
luntary terror.  Morgan  alone  resisted  the  panic ;  he  rallied  his  rifle- 
men, promising  them  a  certain  victory.  He  ran  to  the  barrier,  to 
spur  on  those  who  had  remained  behind.  Lieutenant-colonel  Green, 
majors  Bigelovv  and  Meigs,  joined  him  with  their  companies.  The 
morning  began  to  dawn,  when  Morgan,  with  a  terrible  voice,  sum- 
moned his  troops  to  the  assault ;  he  led  on  with  fury  against  a  second 
battery,  which  he  knew  to  be  only  a  few  paces  distant,  though  mask- 
ed by  an  angle  of  the  road  ;  on  turning  the  corner,  he  encountered 
a  detachment  of  English,  who  had  sallied  from  the  battery,  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Anderson.  The  latter  summoned  the 
Americans  to  lay  down  arms.  Morgan  levelled  a  musket  at  his  head, 
and  laid  him  dead  upon  the  ground.  The  English  then  retreated  with- 
in the  battery,  and  closed  the  barrier.  A  fierce  combat  ensued, 
which  cost  many  lives  to  the  two  parties,  but  most  to  the  Americans, 
whose  flanks  were  exposed  to  a  destructive  fire  of  musketry  from  the 
windows  of  the  houses.  Meanwhile,  some  of  the  most  adventur- 
ous having  rested  their  ladders  against  the  palisades,  appeared 
idisposed  to  leap  it,  but  on  seeing  two  files  of  soldiers  prepared  to 
receive  them  on  the  points  of  their  bayonets,  they  renounced  this 
project.  Cut  clown  by  a  continual  fire,  they  now  sought  shelter  in  the 
houses.  Morgan  remained  almost  alone,  near  the  barrier,  endeavor- 
ing in  vain  to  recall  his  soldiers,  and  inspire  them  with  fresh  courage. 
Weariness,  and  the  menacing  countenance  of  the  enemy,  had  dis- 
heartened the  most  audacious.  Their  arms,  bathed  by  the  snow, 
which  continued  to  fall  impetuously,  were  no  longer  of  any  use  to 
them.  Morgan  then  seeing  the  expedition  frustrated,  ordered  the 
retreat  to  sound,  in  order  to  avoid  being  surrounded.  But  the  sol- 
diers who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  houses  were  afraid  to  expose 
themselves  to  the  tempest  of  shot  that  must  have  been  encountered, 
in  gaining  the  corner  of  the  avenue,  where  they  would  have  been 
out  of  danger,  and  whence  they  might  have  retired  behind  the  first 
barrier.  The  loss  they  had  sustained,  the  fury  of  the  storm,  and  the 
benumbing  effects  of  the  cold,  had  deprived  them  of  all  courage. 
Tn  the  meantime,  a  detachment  of  the  besieged  sallied  out  from  a  gate 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

of  the  palace,  and  captain  Dearborne,  who,  with  his  company  of  pro- 
vincials, held  himself  in  reserve  near  this  gate,  having  surrendered, 
the  English  retook  all  this  part  of  the  city  ;  consequently,  Morgan 
saw  himself  encircled  by  enemies.  He  proposed  to  his  followers, 
to  open,  with  arms,  the  way  of  retreat ;  but  they  refused  in  the  hope 
that  the  assault  given  on  the  other  part  might  have  succeeded,  and 
that  Montgomery  would  soon  come  to  their  relief.  They  resolved 
to  defend  themselves,  in  the  meantime  ;  but  having  at  length  perceiv- 
ed by  the  continually  increasing  multitude  of  enemies,  the  true  state 
of  things,  they  yielded  to  destiny,  and  laid  down  arms. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  assault  given  by  the  Americans  to  the 
city  of  Quebec,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  rigorous  season  of  the  year  ; 
an  enterprise,  which,  though  at  first  view  it  may  seem  rash,  was 
certainly  not  impossible.  The  events  themselves  have  proved  it; 
for  if  general  Montgomery  had  not  been  slain  at  the  first  onset,  it  is 
more  than  prpbable  that  on  his  part  he  would  have  carried  the  bar- 
rier, since  even  at  the  moment  of  his  death  the  battery  was  aban- 
doned, and  s-.ily  served  by  a  few  men  ;  by  penetrating  at  this  point 
while  Arnold  and  Morgan  obtained  the  same  advantages  in  their 
attacks,  all  the  lower  city  would  have  fallen  into  the  power  of  the 
Americans.  However  this  may  be,  though  victory  escaped  them, 
their  heroic  efforts  will  be  the  object  of  sincere  admiration.  The 
governor,  using  his  advantages  nobly,  treated  the  prisoners  with  much 
humanity.  He  caused  the  American  general  to  be  interred  with 
all  military  honors. 

The  loss  of  this  excellent  officer  was  deeply  and  justly  lamented 
by  all  his  party.  Born  of  a  distinguished  Irish  family,  Montgomery 
had  entered  in  early  youth,  the  career  of  arms  ;  and  had  served, 
with  honor,  in  the  preceding  war  between  Great  Britain  and  France. 
Having  married  an  American  lady,  and  purchased  an  estate  in  the 
province  of  New  York,  he  was  considered,  and  considered  himself, 
an  American.  He  loved  glory  much,  and  liberty  yet  more.  Neither 
genius,  nor  valor,  nor  occasion,  failed  him  ;  but  time  and  fortune. 
And  if  it  is  allowable,  from  the  past  actions  of  man  to  infer  the  fu- 
ture, what  motives  are  there  for  believing,  that  if  death  had  not  taken 
him  from  his  country  in  all  the  vigor  of  his  age,  he  would  have  left 
it  the  model  of  military  heroism  and  of  civil  virtues  !  He  was  be- 
loved by  the  good,  feared  by  the  wicked,  and  honored  even  by 
enemies.  Nature  had  done  all  for  him  ;  his  person,  from  its  perfec- 
tion, answered  to  the  purity  of  his  mind.  He  left  a  wife,  the  object 
of  all  his  tenderness,  with  several  children,  still  infants  ; — a  spectacle 
for  their  country,  at  once  of  pity  and  of  admiration  !  The  state,  from 
gratitude  towards  their  father,  distinguished  them  with  every  mark 
of  kindness  and  protection.*  Thus  died  this  man — whose  name, 

*  The  author  was  misinformed  with  respect  to  this  fact;  the  widow  of  £eru>ral  Mont- 
gomery never  had  any  children.  TRANSLATOR. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

ever  pronounced  with  enthusiasm  by  his  own,  has  never  ceased  to  be 
respected  by  the  warmest  of  the  opposite  party  ;  marvellous  eulo- 
gium,  and  almost  without  example  ! 

General  Carleton  still  added  to  his  reputation  for  prudence  and 
intrepidity,  in  having  maintained,  under  circumstances  of  such  diffi- 
culty, both  order  and  union,  among  soldiers  assembled  in  haste,  and 
altogether  strangers  to  discipline.  If,  with  means  so  feeble,  he  was 
able  to  repulse  the  formidable  attacks  of  an  enemy  rendered  more 
terrible  by  despair,  he  acquired  an  honor  not  inferior  by  the  gene- 
rosity with  which  he  used  victory. 

Arnold,  who,  after  the  death  of  Montgomery,  had  taken  the  com- 
mand of  the  troops,  not  thinking  himself  in  safety  under  the  walls  of 
the  city,  extended  his  camp,  with  the  intention  of  converting  the 
siege  into  a  blockade.  He  retired  to  a  distance  of  three  miles  from 
the  town  ;  and  intrenched  himself,  as  well  as  the  season,  the  want 
of  all  necessary  articles,  and  the  shortness  of  time,  would  admit  of. 
Though  still  suffering  much  from  his  wound,  he  was  vigilant  to  scour 
the  country,  and  to  intercept  the  provisions  that  were  conducted  to 
the  city.  The  governor,  on  his  part,  satisfied  with  seeing  the  return 
of  tranquillity  for  the  present,  and  trusting  in  the  hope  of  succours 
already  announced,  would  not.  by  a  second  trial  of  fortune,  expose 
himself  to  hazard  the  glory  he  had  acquired,  the  fate  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  perhaps  that  of  all  the  war.  He  therefore  remained 
peaceably  within  the  walls  of  the  city,  waiting  for  the  favorable  sea- 
son, and  reenforcements  from  England. 

Thus  terminated,  in  America,  the  year  1775,  to  give  place  to  the 
subsequent,  teeming  with  actions  no  less  glorious,  and  events  no  less 
memorable. 


END    OF    BOOK    FIFTH. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  273 


BOOK    SIXTH. 

1775.  THE  general  attention  in  England  was  now  turned  upon 
the  great  spectacle  presented  by  the  Americans,  and  their  resistance 
rekindled  the  animosity  of  the  different  parties.  It  had  been  hoped, 
and  the  ministers  themselves  had  confidently  affirmed,  that  the  late 
laws,  and  especially  the  troops  recently  despatched  to  the  colonies, 
would  promptly  suppress  sedition  and  reduce  the  factious  to  obedience. 
It  was  not  doubted  that  the  partisans  of  the  royal  cause,  encouraged 
by  the  presence  of  soldiers,  and  desirous  to  avoid  the  vengeance  of 
the  laws,  would  display  great  energy,  and  separate  themselves  from 
the  insurgents,  to  join  the  troops  of  the  king,  and  reestablish  the 
authority  of  government.  It  was  also  firmly  believed  that  the  southern 
provinces,  on  seeing  the  storm  ready  to  burst  upon  their  heads,  would 
never  espouse  the  quarrel  of  the  provinces  of  the  north  ;  and  it 
appeared  infallibly  certain  that  the  dissentions  which  alienated  the 
one  from  the  other,  would  bring  about  the  submission  of  all.  But 
these  hopes  having  proved  entirely  deceitful,  a  general  discontent 
succeeded  them,  and  on  all  parts  the  conduct  of  ministers  was  cen- 
sured with  asperity.  It  was  deemed  intolerable  that  the  soldiers  of 
the  king,  instead  of  victoriously  keeping  the  field,  should  shamefully 
languish  behind  the  walls  of  a  city  without  daring  to  show  themselves. 
The  popular  movements,  which  at  first  were  only  partial,  now  extended 
over  the  whole  continent.  The  governors  in  the  room  of  reesta- 
blishing the  royal  authority,  were  forced  to  fly  from  their  posts  and 
take  refuge  on  board  of  ships. 

The  Americans,  heretofore  represented  as  trembling,  and  ready 
to  humble  themselves,  were  daily  acquiring  new  audacity,  and  a  more 
formidable  energy  in  resistance.  The  members  of  parliament  who 
had  combated  the  influence  of  ministers,  repeated,  with  loud  cries, 
cthat  such  were  the  necessary  fruits  of  their  incapacity,  of  their  infa- 
tuated obstinacy.'  '  Since  they  have  not  been  willing,  it  was  said,  to 
grant  the  colonists  the  peace  they  implored,  they  ought,  at  least,  to 
have  made  war  upon  them  with  sufficient  forces ;  they  have  done  too 
much  to  irritate,  too  little  to  subdue.  Instead  of  surprising  their 
adversaries  before  they  could  have  furnished  themselves  with  means 
of  defence,  they  have  given  them  a  long  warning,  as  if  they  wished 
to  see  them  duly  prepared  ;  they  have  chosen  to  stake  the  entire 
fortune  of  the  colonies,  and  brought  into  play  only  a  part  of  their 
forces  ;  they  have  dishonored  the  British  nation  not  only  with  the 
Americans  but  among  all  the  nations  of  the  world ;  they  have  sullied 
it  with  the  name  of  cruel,  withouj;  having  veiled  the  stigma  with  the 
lustre  of  victory.  But  we  rejoice  indeed,  and  greatly  rejoice,  to  see 
thus  defeated  tp  their  utter  shame  all  the  projects  of  the  ministers 
VOL.  i.  35 


274  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

against  America.  They  will  perceive,  at  length,  that  it  is  not  so 
easy  to  establish  tyranny  in  the  British  empire,  as  they  had  presumed 
in  their  blind  rage  to  conceive.  With  a  satisfaction  not  less  sincere, 
do  we  behold  that  opposition,  so  worthy  to  be  admired  by  all  good 
men,  and  by  all  the  friends  of  liberty,  which  has  resulted  in  the 
wreck  of  these  Scotch  machinations,  of  this  policy  of  the  Stuarts, 
first  attempted  in  America,  but  intended  eventually  for  England. 
We  are  cheered  by  the  happy  augury  ;  and  we  no  longer  despair  of 
the  public  safety,  whatever  may  be  the  pernicious  plots  of  profligate 
ministers.' 

4  We  have  believed,  answered  the  ministers,  that  the  ways  of  meek- 
ness in  this  commencement  of  troubles,  were  most  agreeable  to  the 
spirit  of  our  laws,  and  of  our  national  character  ;  that  clemency  and 
forbearance  ought  to  form  the  basis  of  the  conduct  of  the  British 
government  towards  its  subjects.  The  ministers  have  been  accused 
so  many  times,  and  upon  grounds  so  frivolous,  of  wishing  to  introduce 
a  system  of  despotism,  that  in  the  present  occasion  they  have  been 
very  circumspect  to  keep  themselves  aloof  from  all  suspicion  of  a 
similar  desire.  What  would  their  adversaries  have  said,  if  at  the 
beginning  of  disturbances  they  had  hurried  to  arms;  if  they  had  sent 
formidable  armies  to  America,  and  consigned  it  to  fire  and  blood  ? 
Then  would  they  have  raised  the  voice  against  tyranny  ;  we  have 
not  done  it,  and  their  clamors  are  the  same.  What  have  we  left  then 
but  to  despise  them  ?  For  is  it  not  demonstrated,  that  not  the  love  of 
liberty,  but  ambition,  riot  the  desire  of  justice,  but  that  of  baffling  the 
ministers,  have  been  the  motives  of  their  conduct  ?  Before  proceed- 
ing to  the  last  extremities,  our  duty  was  to  allow  time  for  reflection 
and  repentance  ;  for  only  incurable  evils  are  to  be  treated  with  fire 
and  sword. 

*  We  have  borne  for  a  long  time,  it  is  true,  the  effervescence  of 
the  Americans ;  but  we  should  hope  that  this  lone;  suffering  would 
persuade  them  of  the  maternal  sentiments  of  our  common  country 
that  has  endured  outrages  with  magnanimity,  which  it  might  have 
punished  at  a  single  blow.  The  colonists  themselves  have  no  doubt 
of  this;  they  must  know  the  immense  superiority  of  the  forces  of 
England.  The  measures  of  the  government  would  have  opened  their 
eyes  already,  if  they  were  not  continually  deceived,  excited,  and 
misled  by  chiefs  in  delirium,  here  as  well  as  there,  by  the  cries  of 
an  imprudent  opposition.  But  it  will  soon  be  seen  in  earnest,  by  the 
vigorous  resolutions  of  government,  and  the  energetic  employment 
it  is  about  to  make  of  all  its  forces,  that  it  will  no  more  be  wanting 
to  itself  than  forgetful  of  what  is  due  to  the  honor  of  the  crown  and 
the  interests  of  the  country. 

1  The  Americans  have  no  more  indulgence  to  expect  on  our  part. 
They  are  no  longer  to  be  looked  upon  as  British  subjects,  but  as 
implacable  enemies.  With  as  much  confidence  as  justice,  we  can 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  275 

henceforth  overwhelm  them  with  the  formidable  arm  of  Great  Bri- 
tain.' Such  were  the  answers  of  the  ministers  to  the  imputations  of 
their  adversaries.  These  excuses  might  have  heen  valid,  if  the 
ministry  had  not  assailed  the  Americans  with  laws  far  more  irritating 
than  open  force.  For  armies,  though  victorious,  may  be  resisted 
with  glory  ;  but  the  patience  that  must  tolerate  oppression,  is  without 
this  illusion. 

Far  from  abating  with  time,  these  intestine  dissentions  appeared 
every  day  to  acquire  new  activity.  The  more  necessary  a  consent 
of  opinions  became  to  avert  the  perils  that  menaced  the  country,  the 
more  they  were  divided  and  marshalled  in  opposition  by  the  spirit  of 
party.  This  internal  fermentation  was  of  an  augury  the  more  fatal, 
inasmuch  as  it  brought  to  mind  those  ancient  and  sanguinary  quarrels 
which  raged  in  the  time  of  Queen  Anne  with  so  much  peril  to  Eng- 
land, between  the  republicans  and  the  royalists,  under  the  names.of 
whigs  and  tories.  The  friends  and  the  enemies  to  the  cause  of 
America  manifested  the  same  animosity,  and  the  same  obstinacy ; 
and  there  wa-STmuch  appearance  that  not  only  America,  but  England 
itself,  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  out  into  open  discord  and  civil 
war. 

*  The  tories,'  it  was  said  on  one  side,  'are  themselves  the  authors 
of  the  frequent  addresses  to  the  king  and  parliament,  urging  that  the 
continent  of  America  should  be  put  to  all  that  fire  and  sword  can 
inflict  ;  these  are  the  false  reporters,  these  the  incendiaries  of  discord. 
Bigotted  as  they  are,  and  infatuated  in  the  maxims  of  the  house  of 
Stuart,  neither  the  example  of  the  evils  they  have  brought  upon 
England,  nor  the  total  ruin  of  this  family,  which  they  caused,  can 
illuminate  their  obstinate  minds,  and  induce  them  to  renounce  the 
cruel  principles  of  tyranny.  The  bitter  fate  of  the  father  is  not 
sufficient  to  divert  an  obstinate  son  from  pursuing  the  dangerous  path 
which  led  him  to  destruction;  such  are  all  the  tories.  They  sacri- 
fice their  rank,  their  fortune,  their  existence,  to  their  prejudices  and 
thirst  of  domination.  When  the  inauspicious  reign  of  the  Stuarts 
had  visited  our  island  with  foreign  servitude  and  civil  war,  then  the 
tories.  trampling  upon  national  honor  and  public  felicity,  abandoned 
themselves  to  joy.  Their  maxims  coincide  with  those  of  the  abso- 
lute princes  of  Europe,  and  they  would  not  blush  to  place  their 
country  in  such  hands  if,  in  so  doing,  their  ambition  might  receive  a 
new  support.  All  the  countries  of  Europe  are  subject  to  sovereigns 
whose  power  is  without  limits.  England  alone,  by  the  special  favor 
of  Providence,  enjoys  a  moderate  and  free  government  ;  but  the 
tories  would  fain  subvert  it  to  establish  the  uniformity  of  despotism 
throughout  all  European  countries.  Their  hearts  are  contaminated 
with  all  the  vices  of  proud,  perfidious,  and  profligate  courts  ;  with 
their  infected  breath  they  propagate  them,  like  a  pestilence,  over  the 
whole  nation.  Thev  esteem  no  man  but  for  his  baseness;  they 


276  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI. 

honor  none  but  the  proud  and  the  arrogant.  Their  superiors  they 
flatter,  their  inferiors  they  oppress ;  the  prosperous  they  envy,  the 
unfortunate  they  rarely  succour,  and  never  but  from  vain  glory.  The 
public  felicity  becomes  in  their  hands  the  instrument  of  slavery,  and 
our  submission  they  deem  far  more  essential  than  our  prosperity. 
The  sovereign  good  they  place  in  absolute  dominion  ;  and  the  best 
possible  state  of  society  they  believe  lo  consist  in  mute  servitude. 
Revolutions  they  applaud  when  they  conduct  a  people  to  tyranny  ; 
they  deplore  their  mischiefs  with  a  hypocritical  pity,  they  exaggerate 
them  with  the  gloss  of  words,  when  liberty  is  to  be  their  fruit.  The 
argument  of  public  tranquillity  is  always  upon  their  lips  ;  but  when 
were  they  ever  heard  to  speak  of  the  abuses  of  arbitrary  power,  of 
consuming  taxes,  of  the  vexations  of  the  powerful,  of  injuries  with- 
out reparations,  and  of  outrages  without  redress  .?  If  they  are  now 
opposed  to  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  it  is  because  it  clashes  with 
their  plan  of  attack  against  the  happy  free  government  of  our  country, 
and  their  schemes  for  introducing  into  the  very  heart  of  the  kingdom 
the  laws  of  Charles  and  of  James.  They  flatter  themselves,  that 
after  having  strangled  the  germs  of  liberty  in  America,  and  vanquished 
those  generous  spirits,  victorious  troops  will  also  know  how  to  bend 
our  necks  to  the  same  cruel  yoke.  Such  are  the  thoughts,  such  the 
desires  that  agitate  them  without  intermission,  and  not  the  wish  to  see 
the  return  of  peace  upon  that  unfortunate  continent  where  they  have 
themselves  kindled  the  flames  of  war.  Let  us  then  prevent  such 
fatal  designs,  let  us  preserve  in  its  integrity  the  inheritance  which  our 
ancestors,  thanks  to  their  valor,  to  their  generosity,  and  to  the  mag- 
nanimous enterprises  of  the  great  William  III.  have  handed  down 
to  us.  Thus  shall  we  serve  our  country,  and  perhaps  even  the  house 
of  Brunswick,  which  cannot  without  danger  show  itself  ungrateful 
towards  the  friends  of  liberty,  nor  depart  with  safety  from  those 
maxims  which  have  raised  it  to  the  British  throne.' 

The  tories  answered  these  declamations  with  no  little  warmth. 
1  It  ill  becomes  the  whigs,'  they  said,  '  to  tax  us  with  cruelty  and 
arrogance,  since  no  one  is  ignorant  what  their  conduct  was,  when, 
in  the  time  of  the  commonwealth,  and  even  under  the  monarchy, 
they  had  the  supreme  poxver  in  their  hands  ;  then  did  exile,  con- 
fiscations and  scaffolds  spread  desolation  and  ruin  over  our  unhappy 
country  ;  then  prisons  and  chains  were  the  instruments  of  popular 
clemency  !  If  a  generous  prince  had  not  arrested  their  career  of 
anarchy  and  blood,  if  he  had  not  substituted,  by  the  aid  of  all  good 
citizens,  a  system  of  liberty,  so  dear  to  the  tories,  England  would 
have  seen  her  last  hour,  and  fallen  a  prey  to  foreign  enemies.  But, 
what  is,  in  fact,  our  desire  ?  That  in  every  affair  which  interests  the 
nation,  that  in  every  controversy  which  divides  it,  there  should  be  a 
supreme  authority  to  regulate  and  to  determine  them  irrevocably ; 
and  this  authority,  we  believe,  to  reside  in  the  king,  united  with  the 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  277 

parliament.  But  the  republicans  will  not  submit  to  the- laws  of  this 
legitimate  authority,  but  are  in  chase  of  nobody  knows  what  popular 
authority,  which  they  pretend  to  consist  in  the  universality  of  the 
citizens,  as  if  a  tumultuary,  ignorant,  and  partial  multitude,  should 
or  could  judge  of  objects  wherein  the  eyes  even  of  the  most  enlight- 
ened and  prudent  discover  the  greatest  difficulties.' 

'  A  way  must,  however,  be  found  to  terminate  national  dissentions ; 
are  they  to  be  referred  to  the  decision  of  a  populace  ever  more  apt 
to  be  misled  by  daring  and  profligate  demagogues,  than  to  be  guided 
by  men  of  prudence  and  of  virtue  ;  of  a  rabble  that  hunger  itself  puts 
in  the  power  of  the  first  intriguer  ?  For  this  purpose  kings  and  the 
parliament  have  been  instituted  ;  it  is  for  this  end  that,  in  the  ordinary 
direction  of  affairs,  as  well  as  in  unforeseen  and  difficult  cases,  they 
provide,  and  watch  that  the  country  should  experience  no  detriment.' 

'  In  the  present  dispute  with  America,  have  the  ministers  acted 
singly  and  of  their  own  motion  ?  The  king  and  the  parliament  have 
decreed,  have  approved  all  their  measures  ;  this  consideration  ought 
to  have  grfttFweight  with  every  man  who  is  a  friend  to  public  author- 
ity, and  to  the  principles  of  the  constitution.  But  the  whigs  are 
gasping  for  the  moment  to  arrive  when  England,  as  well  as  America, 
shall  be  a  prey  to  an  unbridled  multitude,  in  order  to  be  able  to 
enrich  themselves  by  plunder,  to  gratify  their  insatiable  ambition, 
and  to  operate  the  total  subversion  of  this  free  government.  These 
pretended  patriots  are  the  sons  and  representatives  of  the  repub- 
licans who  desolated  the  kingdom  in  the  last  century.  They  din  the 
name  of  liberty  continually  in  our  ears,  because  they  desire  them- 
selves to  exercise  tyranny.  Under  the  pretext  of  the  public  safety 
they  violate  and  trample  under  foot  every  form,  every  civil  institu- 
tion ;  they  arrogate  to  themselves  all  the  plenitude  of  arbitrary 
power.  If  they  manifest  an  utter  contempt  for  the  laws  which  are 
the  protectors  of  persons,  of  property,  and  of  honor,  their  cruelty  is 
not  less  conspicuous  ;  for  an  opinion,  whether  real  or  supposed,  or 
maliciously  imputed,  for  a  suspicion,  for  a  chimera,  they  fly  into  a 
rage,  they  rush  to  persecutions  ;  they  plunge  into  misery  the  fathers 
of  families,  the  fathers  of  the  country,  the  best,  the  most  useful,  the 
most  respectable  citizens.  They  fawn  upon  the  people  so  long  as 
they  are  the  weaker  ;  but  once  become  the  stronger,  they  crush 
them,  they  decimate  them,  they  starve  them,  and  adding  derison  to 
barbarity,  they  never  cease  to  protest  they  do  it  all  to  render  them 
happy.  These  friends  of  liberty  are  perpetually  declaiming  against 
the  vices  of  courts,  as  if  pillage,  both  public  and  private,  the  scan- 
dalous profusion  of  ill  gotten  wealth,  the  turpitude  of  debauch,  the 
violation  of  the  marriage  bed,  the  infamous  price  extorted  from 
faithful  wives  to  redeem  their  husbands'  blood,  the  public  triumph 
of  courtesans,  the  baseness  of  cringing  to  the  vilest  of  men,  as  if  all 
the  horrors  which  have  signalised  the  reign  of  these  republicans 


278  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     VI. 

were  good  and  laudable  customs  !  But  whatever  be  the  plots,  the 
wishes,  and  the  hopes  of  this  turbulent  race  of  men,  of  these  parti- 
sans of  lawless  licentiousness,  which  they  attempt  in  vain  to  invest 
with  the  name  of  liberty,  let  them  rest  assured  it  is  firmly  resolved 
to  resist  them,  to  preserve  the  public  tranquillity,  to  secure  to  the 
laws  that  obedience  which  is  their  due,  and  to  carry  into  execution 
against  the  rebellious  Americans,  those  acts  which  have  solemnly 
emanated  from  the  royal  authority,  and  from  that  of  the  parliament. 
The  force  of  circumstances,  the  royalty  of  the  people,  and  the  recol- 
lection of  the  past  tyranny  of  pretended  patriots,  will  cause  all  their 
vociferations,  all  their  manoeuvres,  all  their  incendiary  attempts,  to 
avail  them  nothing.  As  for  the  rest,  the  tories,  and  not  their  adver- 
saries, are  the  real  friends  of  liberty  ;  for  liberty  consists  not  in 
calling  the  populace  at  every  moment  to  intervene  in  the  direction 
of  state  affairs,  but  in  faithfully  obeying  those  fundamental  statutes, 
which  are  the  result  of  the  general  will  of  the  nation,  and  which 
balance  and  temper  the  royal  authority  by  the  authority  of  the 
people.' 

With  such  animosity,  with  such  reciprocal  bitterness,  the  two 
political  parties  assailed  each  other.  It  appeared  inevitable  that 
this  must  soon  lead  to  some  violent  convulsion,  and  all  prudent  men 
were  seized  with  anxious  apprehensions.  And  here,  perhaps,  is  the 
place  to  remark  how  remote  are  human  minds  from  all  moderation, 
from  all  sense  of  decency,  when  once  under  the  control  of  party 
zeal.  Assuredly,  if  at  the  different  epochs  of  the  domination  of  the 
royalists  and  of  the  republicans,  the  one  party  and  the  other  aban- 
doned themselves  to  culpable  excesses,  it  is  not  that  there  were  not 
amongst  them  men  of  rectitude,  who,  if  they  judged  ill,  yet  meant 
well ;  with  such,  every  form  of  government  would  be  good,  provid- 
ed it  was  not  purely  despotic.  But  the  ambitious,  a  race  unfortu- 
nately so  prolific,  are  the  most  fatal  scourge  in  every  well  constituted 
state  ;  always  in  opposition  with  the  laws  of  their  country,  they  shake 
off  their  restraint  the  first  moment  they  can,  and  thus  pave  the  way 
to  revolutions  and  the  reign  of  arbitrary  power.  The  legislator, 
who  is  desirous  to  found  a  government  upon  a  solid  basis,  should 
pay  less  attention  to  forms,  whether  monarchical  or  republican,  than 
to  the  establishment  of  laws  calculated  to  repress  the  ambitious.  It 
is  not  for  us  to  pronounce  whether  such  laws  have  ever  yet  existed, 
or  whether  they  could  accomplish  the  end  proposed  ;  but  we  may 
confidently  affirm,  that  men  of  moderation  are  not  to  be  blamed  for 
desiring  either  a  royally  or  a  republic  ;  the  ambitious  alone  are  to 
be  feared  and  detested,  for  they  are  those  who  cause  monarchies  to 
degenerate  into  tyrannical  despotism,  and  republics  into  anarchy, 
more  tyrannical  still. 

Such  was  the  general  agitation  in  England,  when  it  was  increased 
by  the  declaration  of  lord  Dartmouth,    one    of  the  secretaries  of 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  279 

state,  to  Penn  and  Lee,  who  had  brought  the  petition  of  congress 
addressed  to  the  king,  that  no  answer  would  be  given  to  it.  The 
partisans  of  the  Americans  expressed  their  indignation  without  re- 
serve ;  they  censured  with  new  asperity  the  impolitic  obstinacy  of 
the  ministers.  The  latter  had  defenders  who  answered  ; 

'It  is  time  to  act;  the  nation  has  conceived  great  hopes;  all 
Europe  is  in  suspense  to  see  what  will  be  the  fruit  of  our  tardy  re- 
solutions, and  the  result  of  our  preparations.  It  is  necessary  to 
strike  home,  and  push  with  vigor  this  war  which  Great  Britain,  with 
a  patience  unexampled,  has  wished  to  avoid  ;  but  to  which  insolent 
and  contumacious  subjects  have  defied  and  provoked  her  by  too 
many  outrages.' 

This  language  of  the  ministerial  party  acted  powerfully  upon  a 
nation  naturally  brave  as  well  as  proud  ;  and  the  public  mind  be- 
came gradually  disposed  to  war,  although  there  still  appeared 
frequent  petitions  in  favor  of  peace.  About  this  time,  disastrous 
news  was  received  of  the  Newfoundland  fisheries.  The  Congress 
having  prohibited  all  transportation  of  provisions  to  these  banks,  the 
fishermen,  to  avoid  famishing,  were  compelled  to  abandon  them  pre- 
cipitately, and  repair  to  other  shores.  But  another  misfortune  more 
formidable  awaited  them  ;  the  sea  swelling  all  at  once,  with  unusual 
fury,  rose  more  than  thirty  feet  above  its  ordinary  level.  The  irrup- 
tion was  so  sudden,  that  all  means  of  safety  were  of  no  avail  ;  more 
than  seven  hundred  fishing  barks  were  overwhelmed,  and  perished 
with  their  crews.  Several  large  ships  also  foundered  with  all  on 
board.  The  devastation  was  no  less  terrible  upon  land  ;  the  pro- 
gress of  the  wide  inundation  was  marked  with  universal  destruction. 
This  fatal  event  made  a  serious  impression  in  England  ;  it  was 
looked  upon  as  a  presage  of  ill.  It  seemed  as  if  fortune  was  every 
where  irritated  against  the  British  empire.  Superstition  chilled  their 
spirits.  They  were  induced  to  form  discouraging  comparisons. 

On  the  part  of  the  colonists,  a  propitious  sky,  abundance  of  pro- 
visions, health  of  troops,  success  of  arms,  multitudes  crowding  to 
their  standards.  On  the  part  of  the  English,  on  the  contrary,  an 
army  besieged,  mortal  diseases,  wounds  incurable,  toil  and  pain, 
famine,  every  species  of  suffering  ;  an  angry  sky,  a  furious  sea,  hor- 
rible shipwrecks,  martial  ardor  extinct,  every  thing  in  rapid  declen- 
sion. Tiie  antagonists  of  government  either  from  ambition  or  the 
love  of  liberty,  the  merchants  from  personal  interest  or  zeal  for  the 
public  good,  seized  this  moment  of  general  discouragement.  Peti- 
tions against  the  war  arrived. from  all  parts;  the  cities  of  London 
arid  Bristol  were  the  first  to  send  them.  They  expatiated  upon  the 
blood  that  was*about  to  be  shed,  the  treasure  to  be  expended,  the  new 
enemies  to  be  encountered  ;  it  was  represented  that  the  obstinacy 
of  the  colonists  would  render  even  victory  too  costly  ;  that  the  victor 
and  the  vanquished  would  be  involved  in  one  common  ruin.  Thev 


280  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI, 

exhorted,  they  prayed,  they  conjured  the  government  to  renounce 
hostile  resolutions  which  promised  no  good,  and  threatened  so  many 
disasters. 

But  the  ministers  were  not  to  be  shaken  .by  remonstrances.  The 
animosity  of  their  adversaries  was,  however,  increased  by  an  inci- 
dent which  drew  the  attention  of  all  ;  the  Earl  of  Effingham,  an 
officer  distinguished  for  his  services,  and  possessed  of  an  ample 
fortune,  had,  upon  all  occasions,  defended  with  great  warmth  the 
cause  of  the  colonists.  Not  willing  to  betray  his  conscience,  he 
offered  the  king  his  resignation  ;  his  conduct  was  greatly  applauded  ; 
the  cities  of  London,  of  Dublin  and  others,  commended  and  thanked 
him  in  public  letters.  Many  other  officers  followed  his  example  ; 
resignations  became  frequent.  Those  who  from  taste  give  their 
attention  to  political  matters,  will,  no  doubt,  observe  upon  this  occa- 
sion, with  what  facility  in  England  an  opinion  at  variance  with  that 
of  the  government  may  be  openly  professed  ;  since  its  opponents, 
instead  of  exposing  themselves  to  its  vengeance,  often  become  the 
objects  of  public  favor.  And  upon  consideration  of  the  enterprises 
executed  in  various  times  by  the  British  nation,  and  the  energy  with 
which  it  has  sustained  long  wars  against  the  most  formidable  powers, 
it  is  impossible  not  to  perceive  how  much  they  deceive  themselves 
who  think  that  a  free  government  enfeebles  nations,  and  that  their 
force  can  only  be  completely  developed  by  despotism. 

The  declamations  of  the  party  in  opposition,  and  the  numerous 
resignations  of  officers,  had  caused  the  affair  of  enlistments  to  labor 
extremely.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  officers  appointed  for  this  service 
caused  the  drums  to  beat,  and  the  royal  standard  to  be  erected  in 
the  most  populous  cities  ;  in  vain  did  they  promise  bounties  and  ex- 
orbitant pay  ;  scarcely,  a  few  individuals  came  to  offer  their  service  ; 
Catholics  and  Protestants,  all  manifested  an  equal  repugnance. 

Not  but  that  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  parts  of  Great 
Britain,  the  regiments  found  wherewith  to  recruit  themselves  ;  but 
this  resource  was  altogether  inadequate  to  the  exigency.  The  minis- 
ters therefore  found  themselves  in  the  greatest  embarrassment ;  to 
extricate  themselves  from  which,  they  determined  to  have  recourse 
to  foreign  aid.  With  gold,  which  they  had  in  abundance,  they  hoped 
to  procure  themselves  men,  of  whom  they  had  so  much  need.  Ac- 
cordingly, to  this  end  they  made  overtures  to  the  court  ol  St.  Peters- 
burgh,  in  order  to  obtain  twenty  thousand  Russians,  that  were  to 
have  been  transported  to  America  the  following  spring.  They  made 
great  dependence  upon  these  soldiers,  who,  in  the  preceding  war 
against  the  Turks,  had  acquired  a  brilliant  reputation  for  bravery 
and  discipline.  But  their  hopes  were  not  realised  ;  this  government 
would  not  consent  that  its  soldiers  should  enter  into  foreign  service, 
and  for  a  small  sum  of  gold,  shed  their  blood  in  a  quarrel  wherein 
Russia  had  no  sort  of  interest.  The  ministers  then  turned  their 


BOOK    TI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  281 

views  in  the  direction  of  the  United  Provinces.  The  States-General 
had  in  their  pay  some  Scotch  battalions  ;  and  these  the  English 
government  demanded  in  order  to  employ  them  in  the  American 
war.  It  was  hoped  that  "their  ancient  alliance,  and  other  common 
interests,  would  easily  determine  the  States-General  to  comply  with 
this  demand.  But  it  appeared  of  such  extreme  importance  to  the 
States,  that  not  presuming  to  take  the  decision  of  it  upon  themselves, 
they  chose  to  consult  the  provincial  assemblies.  Those  of  Zeland 
and  of  Utrecht  gave  their  consent,  Holland  and  the  others  refused. 
John  Derk,  of  Chapelle,  spoke  with  great  force  against  the  proposi- 
tion in  the  assembly  of  Overyssel.  He  said  it  was  too  far  beneath 
the  dignity  of  the  republic  to  intermeddle  in  the  quarrels  of  a  foreign 
nation  ;  that  the  forces  of  Holland  were  too  weak,  and  her  com- 
merce too  flourishing,  for  her  to  interfere  so  imprudently  in  the 
disputes  of  others  ;  that  if  she  succoured  England  against  America, 
other  very  powerful  states,  alluding  to  France,  would  succour  Ame- 
rica against  England,  and  that  thus  the  United  Provinces  would  find 
themselves  drawn  into  a  dangerous  war.  He  reminded  of  the 
tyranny  exercised  by  the  English  upon  the  seas,  the  forced  visit  of 
the  Dutch  vessels,  and  the  confiscation  of  their  cargoes,  under  pre- 
text of  contraband.  He  omitted  not  to  paint  the  cruel  character  of 
this  war,  in  which  the  ferocious  Indians  were  already  taken  into  the 
English  pay.  The  opinion  of  the  orator  prevailed,  and  there  was 
every  motive  that  it  should.  The  Dutch  considered  the  American 
cause  very  similar  to  that  of  their  ancestors,  and  it  appeared  to  them 
intolerable  to  concur  in  chastising  those  who  followed  their  own 
example.  The  English  party  and  the  French  party  manifested  in 
this  occurrence  an  astonishing  conformity  of  opinion  ;  the  first,  be- 
cause they  feared  that  violent  means  would  force  the  Americans  at 
length  to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  France  ;  the  second, 
because  they  wished  to  see  humbled  the  pride  and  the  power  of  the 
British  nation.  It  is  certain,  that  at  this  epoch,  the  prosperity  and 
opulence  of  England  excited  the  envy  of  the  universe,  and  that  her 
haughty  behavior  filled  all  hearts  with  a  secret  enmity. 

But  the  ministers  having  despatched  numerous  agents  into  Germany, 
obtained  more  success  with  the  princes  of  the  Houses  of  Hesse,  of 
Brunswick,  and  other  petty  sovereigns  of  this  country.  They  ac- 
ceded to  a  convention  which  filled  the  cabinet  of  Saint  James  with 
alacrity  and  with  hope  ;  the  ministers  were  overjoyed  that  German 
promptitude  should,  in  so  pressing  a  need,  have  counterbalanced 
English  reluctance. 

A  double  advantage  was  found  in  the  employment  of  German 
troops.  They  had  never  darkened  their  minds  with  abstruse  questions 
of  liberty  and  public  law  ;  and  the  difference  of  language  was  a 
security  against  the  efforts  which  the  Americans  might  have  made  to 
mislead  and  seduce  them  to  join  their  party.  This  apprehension 
VOL.  i.  36 


282  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

caused  the  ministry  great  anxiety  with  respect  to  the  English  soldiers, 
who  spoke  the  same  dialect  as  the  Americans,  and  went  to  combat 
men  who  defended,  or  appeared  to  defend,  a  cause  more  favorable 
to  the  subjects  than  to  the  government. 

When  the  news  got  abroad  in  England  of  the  treaty  of  subsidy 
with  the  German  princes,  it  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  fury  of 
the  opponents  of  the  ministry.  Many  even  among  their  own  parti- 
sans were  heard  to  condemn  their  conduct  with  asperity.  They  said, 
it  was  a  scandalous  thing  that  the  mercenary  soldiers  of  foreign 
princes  should  corne  to  interfere  in  domestic  dissentions  ;  that  daring 
and  artful  ministers  might  one  day  take  advantage  of  this  fatal  exam- 
ple to  subvert  the  established  constitution,  and  to  put  down  all  liberty 
in  England  itself;  that  when  these  soldiers  should  have  terminated 
their  enterprise  in  distant  regions,  different  pretexts  might  be  found 
for  conducting  them  into  places  less  remote,  and  perhaps  even  into 
the  heart  of  the  kingdom  ;  that  this  was  a  state  offence,  an  act  of 
high  treason,  the  having  attempted  to  open  the  entrance  of  the 
British  territory  to  foreign  troops  without  consent  of  parliament. 

It  is  certain  that  no  resolution  of  the  ministers  had  ever  produced 
so  much  disgust,  and  so  alarming  a  fermentation  among  the  people, 
as  the  present.  It  rendered  more  violent  the  fury  of  some,  alienated 
others,  and  appeared  to  all  illegal  in  principle,  perilous  in  its  object, 
and  injurious  to  the  British  name  ;  inasmuch  as  it  seemed  an  admis- 
sion that  the  English  were  not  in  a  situation  to  adjust  of  themselves 
this  great  quarrel.  The  disapprobation  was  general,  the  cause  of  the 
war  and  the  obstinacy  of  *n5nisters  began  to  be  openly  condemned. 

In  the  midst  of  this  effervescence  the  parliament  was  convoked. 
But  before  entering  into  a  description  of  the  debates  which  took 
place  in  this  session,  it  appears  to  us  necessary  to  relate  what  were, 
at  this  time,  the  designs  of  the  ministry  relative  to  the  American  war. 
Perceiving  how  odious  they  were  become  to  the  nation  for  never 
having  consented  to  hear  of  any  proposition  of  accord,  and  for  hav- 
ing wanted  either  the  capacity  or  the  will  to  carry  on  the  war  with 
adequate  preparations,  they  resolved  at  length  to  manifest  extraor- 
dinary vigor  and  to  employ  against  the  Americans  a  force  so  formi- 
dable as  to  leave  them  no  hope  of  resistance. 

They  could  not  but  perceive  how  greatly  the  reputation  of  the 
British  arms  had  already  suffered  ;  and  they  saw  how  important  it 
was  to  apply  a  prompt  remedy  in  order  to  prevent  the  worst  conse- 
quences, and  especially  a  war  with  the  European  powers.  Although 
they  often  affected  to  congratulate  themselves  upon  the  good  dispo- 
sitions of  these  powers,  they  were  nevertheless  persuaded  that  this 
neutrality  could  not  continue,  if  the  war  drew  into  length,  and  always 
to  the  prejudice  of  England.  It  was  easy  to  believe  that  France 
had  eyes  open  upon  what  passed,  and  that  she  waited  but  for  the 
occasion  to  show  herself. 


UOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  283 

The  English  ministers  at  this  epoch,  however  stinted  the  measure 
of  their  magnanimity  and  sagacity,  were  still  not  so  simple  as  to  be 
deluded  by  friendly  protestations,  which  are  lavished  with  the  more 
profusion  the  more  they  are  void  of  sincerity.  It  was  known  that  in  all 
the  ports  of  France  the  most  strenuous  exertions  were  employed  in 
equipping  ships  of  war  and  accumulating  naval  munitions,  and  that 
the  government  was  animated  with  an  ardent  desire  to  repair  recent 
losses,  and  to  restore  all  the  force  and  the  splendor  of  the  French 
marine;  that  the  entire  nation  applauded  the  views  of  the  court,  and 
demonstrated  the  utmost  promptitude  to  second  them.  Besides,  it 
was  no  longer  a  mystery  that  munitions  of  war  were  daily  expedited 
from  the  French  ports  for  America,  if  not  by  the  orders  of  the 
government  itself,  at  least  with  its  tacit  concurrence.  It  was  observed, 
not  without  extreme  jealousy,  that  the  French  had  lately  despatched 
a  numerous  fleet  to  the  West  Indies,  and  that  their  land  troops  so 
increased  in  that  quarter,  that  they  already  had  the  appearance  of  an 
army  prepared  to  take  the  field.  It  had  been  seen  with  disquietude 
that  French  officers  were  in  conference,  for  the  space  of  many  days, 
with  general  Washington,  at  the  camp  of'Boston,  and  that  they  were 
afterwards  admitted  to  an  audience  by  the  Congress.  The  past 
admonished  the  English  ministry  of  the  future.  In  no  time  had  war 
broken  out  in  America  that  the  French  and  British  nations  had  not 
taken  part  in  it,  the  one  against  the  other.  It  was,  therefore,  natural 
to  think,  that  such  also  would  be  the  event  this  time  ;  it  was  even  the 
more  probable  now  that  interests  were  at  stake  of  far  greater  moment 
than  had  ever  before  been  agitated  between  the  two  powers.  France 
manifested  in  her  conduct  an  admirable  address.  She  would  not 
throw  offthe  mask  in  these  beginnings,  either  because  she  feared  that 
by  engaging  prematurely  in  the  defence  of  the  Americans,  the 
English  government  might  be  induced  to  offer  them  such  terms  of 
accommodation  as,  in  reconciling  the  two  parties,  would  turn  their 
united  forces  against  her;  or  especially  because  she  was  not  yet 
entirely  prepared  for  maritime  war.  She  wished  to  temporise  until 
her  armaments  were  completed,  and  until  the  continuation  of  recipro- 
cal outrages  should  have  rendered  all  arrangement  impossible.  It 
was  also  important  for  her  to  wait  till  the  Americans,  more  enlightened 
with  respect  to  their  situation,  and  encouraged  by  the  success  of 
their  arms,  should  have  decided  at  length  to  proclaim  their  independ- 
ence. All  reconciliation  then  became  impracticable ;  as  well  on 
account  of  the  greater  exasperation  of  minds,  and  the  aggravation  of 
offences,  as  from  the  absolute  contrariety  of  the  scope  towards  which 
the  two  parties  tended. 

There  would  no  longer  be  any  question  of  an  accord  under  certain 
conditions  ;  the  separation  must  then  be  total.  Such  was  the  thought 
of  the  French  government  relative  to  the  time  in  which  it  ought  to  dis- 
cover itself.  But  in  order  that  the  Americans  might  noflose  all  hope, 


284  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

it  was  determined  to  grant  them  clandestinely  all  the  succours,  and  to 
make  them  all  the  promises  proper  to  inspire  them  with  confidence  in 
a  more  efficacious  cooperation  at  a  suitable  time. 

Nor  could  it  be  doubted,  that  when  France  should  have  resolved 
to  support  the  Americans  without  disguise,  Spain  also  would  imme- 
diately espouse  the  same  cause,  as  well  in  consequence  of  the  family 
compact,  as  from  the  identity  of  interests,  and  perhaps  even  from  an 
earnest  desire  to  efface  the  recent  stain  of  the  unfortunate  expedition 
against  Algiers. 

All  these  dangers  were  continually  present  in  the  minds  of  the 
British  ministry;  they  resolved,  therefore,  to  prevent  them  by- 
measures  as  prompt  as  energetic. 

Independently  of  the  arms  and  munitions  which  the  arsenals  and 
armories  of  England  could  furnish  in  abundance,  the  government 
ordained  that  eighty  ships  of  war  should  be  stationed  upon  the  coasts 
of  America  to  favor  the  transportation  of  troops  and  of  munitions 
wherever  the  good  of  the  service  might  require,  to  second  all  the 
operations  of  the  army,  to  traverse  those  of  the  enemy,  and  to  destroy 
his  marine. 

Exclusively  of  the  corps  already  found  in  America,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  send  thither  upwards  of  forty-two  thousand  men,  of  regular 
troops,  between  English  and  Germans  ;  that  is  twenty-five  thousand  of 
the  first,  and  a  little  more  than  seventeen  thousand  of  the  second. 
These  German  troops  were  composed  of  four  thousand  three  hundred 
Brunswickers,  twelve  thousand  three  hundred  and  ninety-four  Hes- 
sians of  the  Landgrave,  and  six  hundred  and  sixty-eight  of  the 
hereditary  prince  of  Hesse,  count  of  Hanau.* 

In  adding  to  this  number  all  the  recruits  of  Canada,  the  corps  of 
American  Royalists  and  Indians,  a  totality  was  hoped  for  of  fifty-five 
thousand  men,  supposing  the  companies  all  complete.  But  every 
deduction  made,  it  was  deemed  a  certainty  that  in  any  event  the  army 
would  exceed  forty  thousand  effective  combatants ;  a  force  that  was 
believed  more  than  sufficient  to  subdue  all  America. 

The  ministers  also  thought  it  expedient  to  accompany  the  prepara- 
tions of  war  with  several  particular  provisions,  which  they  considered 
as  very  proper  to  second  the  effect  of  them.  Knowing,  for  example, 
how  much  the  Americans  were  in  want  of  money,  and  that  they  had 
no  means  to  procure  it  but  by  the  way  of  commerce,  they  resolved  to 
interrupt  it  entirely,  hoping  that  private  interest  would  carry  it  against 
political  obstinacy,  and  that  the  absolute  failure  of  metallic  currency 
would  subject  the  bills  of  credit  to  a  fatal  depression.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  order  not  to  reduce  the  Americans  to  seek  their  safety  in 

*  England  contracted  for  the  German  troops  upon  the  conditions  following.  She 
gave  a  Brunswicker,  seven  guineas  levy  money,  and  four  and  a  half  pence  sterling  daily; 
a  Hessian  of  the  Landgrave  seven  guineas  bounty,  and  five  and  a  half  pence  sterling 
pay ;  a  Hessian  of  the  hereditary  prince,  seven  guineas  bounty,  and  sixpence  sterling  a 
day. 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  285 

despair,  they  thought  it  best  to  authorise  certain  royal  commissioners 
to  grant  individual  amnesties.  They  persuaded  themselves  that  many 
of  them,  vanquished  by  such  clemency,  would  throw  themselves  into 
the  arms  of  England,  or,  at  least,  that  the  more  timid  would  lay 
down  arms,  and  recompose  themselves  in  their  accustomed  tran- 
quillity. The  rest,  according  to  their  ideas,  might  then  be  easily 
overpowered.  Such  were  the  measures  the  ministers  had  matured, 
and  which  they  intended  to  submit  to  the  deliberations  of  parliament. 
•  The  king  pronounced,  on  opening  the  session,  a  very  remarkable 
discourse  ;  he  spoke  of  the  machinations  employed  in  America  to 
seduce  the  people,  and  infect  them  with  opinions  repugnant  to  the 
constitution,  and  to  their  subordination  towards  Great  Britain.  He 
said  the  insurgents  now  openly  avowed  their  resistance  and  revolt,  and 
had  assumed  to  themselves  all  the  powers  of  government ;  that  in 
order  to  amuse  they  had  made  specious  protestations  of  loyalty,  but 
that'in  fact. they  were  aiming  at  independence;  that  he  hoped,  how- 
ever, the  spirit  of  the  British  nation  was  too  high,  and  her  resources 
too  numerous,  tamely  to  give  up  that  which  had  been  acquired  with 
so  many  cares,  and  with  so  many  toils :  that  it  was  now  become  the 
part  of  wisdom  to  put  a  speedy  end  to  these  disorders,  by  the  display 
of  all  the  forces  of  the  kingdom  ;  but  that  as  clemency  was  always  to 
be  preferred  to  rigor,  his  intention  was  to  grant  particular  pardons, 
and  to  withdraw,  from  the  calamities  of  war,  the  persons  and  the 
places  that  should  give  evidence  of  their  fidelity.  The  ministers 
moved  for  the  usual  address  of  thanks  to  the  king,  and  that  the  mea- 
sures proposed  should  be  approved. 

But  lord  John  Cavendish  answered  them  with  an  extreme  vehemence, 
that  he  could  not  sufficiently  testify  his  surprise  at  their  obstinacy  in  pur- 
suing a  plan  which  had  already  produced  such  deplorable  results. 

6  You  see  one  half  the  empire  lost,  the  other  discontented  and  tot- 
tering ;  a  kingdom  of  late  the  most  prosperous,  now  sinking  under 
every  misfortune  ;  a  nation  once  renowned  for  its  virtues,  now  con- 
taminated with  corruption  ;  and  arrived  in  the  train  of  every  vice, 
losses,  discomfiture  and  shame.  The  Americans  are  charged  with 
planning  independency  ;  certainly  it  is  not  the  merit  of  England  that 
they  have  not  yet  adopted  such  a  resolution,  for  the  ministers  have 
neglected  no  possible  violence  to  compel  them  to  it.  They  are 
charged  with  dissimulation  ;  but  they  have  constantly  affirmed  that 
the  terms  of  reconciliation  were  those  of  returning  to  the  state  of 
things  existing  in  1763.  It  is  desired  to  send  against  them  numerous 
armies  and  formidable  fleets ;  but  they  are  at  home  surrounded  by 
friends,  and  abounding  in  all  things.  The  English  are  at  an  immense 
distance,  stinted  in  the  means  of  subsistence;  having  for  enemies, 
climate,  winds,  and  men.  And  what  wealth,  what  treasures,  will  not 
be  necessary  to  subsist  your  troops  in  those  distant  countries ! 
Impenetrable  forests,  inaccessible  mountains  will  serve  the  Americans, 


286  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

in  case  of  disaster,  as  so  many  retreats  and  fortresses,  whence  they 
will  rush  forth  upon  you  anew.  You  will,  therefore,  be  under  a  con- 
stant necessity  to  conquer  or  die  ;  or  what  is  worse  than  death,  to  fly 
ignorniniously  to  your  ships.  The  Americans  will  avail  themselves 
of  the  knowledge  of  places,  which  they  only  have,  to  harass  the 
British  troops,  to  intercept  the  ways,  to  cut  off  supplies,  to  surprise 
outposts,  to  exhaust,  to  consume,  to  temporise  and  prolong,  at  will, 
the  duration  of  the  war.  Imagine  not  that  they  will  expose  themselves 
to  the  hazard  of  battles ;  they  will  vanquish  us  by  dint  of  fatigue, 
placed,  as  we  shall  be,  at  a  distance  of  three  thousand  miles  from  our 
country.  It  will  be  easy  for  them,  impossible  for  us,  to  receive  con- 
tinual reenforcements.  They  will  know  how  to  use  the  occasion  of 
their  temporary  superiority  to  strike  decisive  blows;  the  tardy  suc- 
cours that  may  arrive  to  us  by  the  Atlantic,  will  not  prevent  our 
reverses;  they  will  learn,  in  our  school,  the  use  of  arms  and  the  art 
of  war ;  they  will  eventually  give  their  masters  fatal  proofs  of  their 
proficiency. 

'  But  let  victory  be  supposed,  can  there  be  any  doubt  that  it  will  be 
sanguinary,  that  its  results  will  be  lands  laid  waste,  towns  desolated 
by  fire,  subjects  envenomed  by  implacable  hatred,  the  prosperity  of 
commerce  annihilated,  and  reciprocal  distrusts  always  ready  to  rekin- 
dle war.  Long  have  standing  armies  been  considered  as  dangerous  to 
liberty  ;  but  the  protracted  and  difficult  war  which  you  are  about  to 
engage  in  will  enormously  increase  these  armies.  Is  it  to  dissipate 
our  fears  on  this  point  that  ministers  subsidise  these  bands  of  Ger- 
•mans,  an  excellent  race  assuredly,  but  admirably  adapted  to  serve 
the  purposes  of  the  fautors  of  despotism  ?  I  have  supposed  that  we 
shall  be  victorious,  let  us  now  suppose  we  should  be  beaten.  Who 
will  restore  our  treasures  exhausted,  our  commerce  annihilated,  the 
spirit  of  our  troops  extinguished,  our  national  glory,  first  source  of 
public  virtue,  unworthily  eclipsed  ?  Who  will  efface  the  stigma  brand- 
ed upon  the  British  name  ?  In  our  reverses  we  shall  not  have  the 
consolation  of  having  acted  with  maturity  of  reflection,  or  that  of 
having  been  taken  unawares.  The  quarrel  of  America  will  soon  be- 
come the  quarrel  of  Europe  ;  and  if  our  country  perish  not  therein, 
it  must  be  attributed  rather  to  its  happy  star  than  to  the  wisdom  of 
those  who  govern  it.  Such  is  the  importance,  such  are  the  conse- 
quences- of  the  subject,  that  I  cannot  but  deem  it  an  incomprehensi- 
ble fact  to  see  the  passions  allowed  full  scope  on  every  side,  instead 
of  that  calm  which  ought  to  preside  jn  the  consideration  of  our  me- 
lancholy situation,  and  in  the  investigation  of  the  most  prompt,  the 
most  efficacious,  and  the  most  expedient  remedies.  Let  us,  there- 
fore, unite  in  praying,  in  conjuring  his  majesty  to  suspend  the  effects 
of  his  anger,  and  to  prevent  the  running  with  such  precipitation  to 
shed  English  blood  by  English  hands.  Rather  let  it  be  studied  to 
calm  and  conciliate  minds,  to  search  out  the  causes  of  our  discords, 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  287 

to  discover  the  means  which  may  enable  us  to  rejoin  the  lacerated 
parts  of  the  British  empire.  Let  us  labor  to  restore  to  the  govern- 
ment its  majesty,  to  the  laws  the  obedience  which  is  their  clue,  to  the 
parliament  its  legitimate  authority,  and  to  the  British  people  the  tran- 
quillity and  happiness  of  which  they  are  so  eminently  worthy.' 

The  temper  of  the  assembly  was  favorable  ;  the  vehement  dis- 
course of  lord  Cavendish  had  made  a  profound  impression  upon  the 
minds  of  all.  But  the  partisans  of  the  ministry  answered  him  with 
equal  warmth. 

'  We  find  it  not  easy  to  comprehend,  they  said,  how  these  elo- 
quent orators,  who  make  such  parade  of  their  patriotism,  can  lavish 
so  many  pathetic  flourishes  to  justify  those  who  are  found  in  rebellion 
against  the  authority  of  Great  Britain?  we  are  ignorant  what  strange 
pleasure  they  can  take  in  embarrassing  the  government  in  its  opera- 
tions in  the  midst  of  so  difficult  a  crisis.  It  is  equally  hard  for  us  to 
conceive  what  motives  they  can  have  for  wishing  to  demonstrate  that 
the  Americans  will  of  necessity  prove  victorious.  That  such  should 
be  the  language  of  Congress,  and  of  the  proclamations  of  Washing- 
ton, nothing  is  less  surprising  ;  but  that  it  is  found  in  the  mouth  of  an 
Englishman,  of  one  of  the  fathers  of  the  country,  that  we  should  see 
him  glory  in  such  assertions,  and  study  to  propagate  them,  is  what 
cannot  excite  too  much  astonishment  and  indignation. 

1  It  is  affirmed  the  Americans  are  not  aiming  at  independence  ;  this 
we  readily  admit,  if  it  is  intended  to  maintain  that  they  are  not  con- 
tending to  have,  but  already  possess-  and  exercise  this  absolute  inde- 
pendence. Have  they  not  concentrated  in  their  hands  all  the  authority 
of  government,  in  coining  money,  in  creating  bills  of  credit,  in  impos- 
ing taxes,  in  making  levies,  in  declaring  war,  in  committing;  hostilities, 
in  granting  letters  of  mark  and  reprisal  ?  But  the  kind  confiding  per- 
sonages, seated  in  front  of  us,  answer  that  the  colonists  protest  their 
devotion,  and  reject  all  idea  of  independency.  New  doctrine,  indeed,, 
that  we  are  to  give  more  credit  to  words  than  to  facts  !  But  while 
these  credulous  beings  harangue  within  these  walls,  the  Americans 
model  and  carry  into  effect  a  new  fcrrn  of  government,  no  doubt  to 
preserve  the  ancient  constitution,  and  to  unite  themselves  more  inti- 
mately with  Great  Britain  ! 

'  They  have  proposed,  we  are  told,  conditions  of  accommodation  ; 
in  what  do  they  consist  ?  In  consenting  to  acknowledge  the  same 
sovereign.  Assuredly  they  will  acknowledge  him,  provided  they  may 
be  excused  from  obeying  his  orders,  and  permitted  to  act  their  own 
will  entire.  And  is  it  desired  that  England  should  stoop  to  such  an 
arrangement,  which,  if  it  be  not  outrageous,  is  at  least  ridiculous. 
The  parliament  has  opened  a  way  of  conciliation,  whereby,  if  the 
right  of  taxation  was  not  entirely  renounced,  it  was  certainly  so 
restricted  that  the  Americans  were  allowed  to  tax  themselves.  But 
we  have  to  do  with  men  who  are  alike  insensible  to  benefits  and  to 


288  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

clemency.  With  what  words,  with  what  a  tone  have  they  received 
our  propositions  .?  The  universe  knows  it,  and  our  secret  enemies 
themselves  have  been  astonished  at  it.  If  England  must  resolve  to 
submit  to  such  degradation,  if  she  must  give  up  honor,  so  essential  to 
monarchies,  if  instead  of  taking  arms  against  an  enemy  who  defies 
us,  who  despises  the  government  and  the  agents  of  Great  Britain,  we 
must  bow  with  humility  to  his  demands,  continually  more  imperious, 
then  let  us  blindly  pursue  the  course  which  is  marked  out  for  us  by 
our  adversaries.  That  to  reduce  the  colonies  to  obedience  is  an 
enterprise  which  may  offer  some  difficulties,  no  one  undertakes  to 
deny.  But  the  greater  the  difficulty,  the  greater  the  glory. 

'  Those  who  would  sow  discouragement  among  us,  little  know  the 
ability  of  the  English  generals,  and  the  valor  of  our  soldiers.  The 
powerful  house  of  Bourbon  combined  against  us  in  the  last  war,  was 
unable  to  make  us  bend  ;  and  the  king  of  Prussia  has  found,  in  our 
assistance,  the  means  of  resisting  the  league  of  the  North.  England 
is  queen  of  the  seas  ;  she  has  conquered  those  same  countries  which 
her  ungrateful  subjects  now  inhabit ;  and  will  she  not  be  able  to  sub- 
due also  them  ? 

1  It  is  not  impossible,  we  admit,  that  some  European  powers  will 
take  part  in  this  war  ;  especially  considering  our  prosperity,  the  envy 
of  foreigners,  and  the  arts  of  these  Americans,  always  busied  in 
exciting  the  whole  world  against  us.  But  are  we  to  be  influenced  in 
our  counsels  by  the  desires  or  by  the  injustice  of  others  ?  Let  us  do 
what  we  ought,  to  prevent  what  we  fear.  With  arms  we  may  com- 
mand respect,  while  a  timid  policy  would  expose  us  to  contempt. 

4  War  pursues  the  weak,  but  retires  from  the  strong.  What  chi- 
meras, too,  these  scrupulous  spirits  have  been  dreaming  of  about 
those  innocent  Germans,  it  is  not  easy  to  say.  The  example  of  mer- 
cenary troops  is  not  new  ;  their  employment  has  always  been  without 
danger.  Foreign  soldiers  are  not  those  who  could  establish  servitude 
upon  the  soil  of  England,  but  minds  disposed  to  slavery ;  now,  the 
clamors  and  exaggerations  of  demagogues  more  often  lead  to  this, 
than  the  schemes  of  governments  themselves.  As  to  these  long  la- 
mentations over  the  vices  of  the  present  day,  we,  for  our  part,  have 
no  hesitation  to  say,  that  we  have  a  better  opinion  of  a  people  among 
whom  the  sincerest  respect  is  shown  for  good  habits,  whose  civilisa- 
tion has  rendered  them  famous  throughout  the  world,  and  who  have 
achieved  so  many  great  actions,  as  well  in  peace,  as  in  war.  These 
imputations  are  but  the  phantoms  of  a  morbid  imagination,  or  the 
suggestions  of  the  secret  rage  of  these  ambitious  minds,  who  persuade 
themselves  that  no  virtue  can  exist  so  long  as  they  are  not  invested 
with  supreme  power.  The  destiny  of  Great  Britain  is  now  in  the 
balance.  After  having  seen  her  empire  equally  flourishing  by  land 
and  by  sea,  and  her  fortune  surpass  that  of  all  the  other  states  of 
Christendom,  the  question  is  now,  whether  this  prosperity  shall  COR- 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  289 

tiriue,  whether  these  rich  and  powerful  colonies,  the  work  of  our 
hands,  the  fruit  of  our  industry,  the  object  of  all  our  cares,  the  price 
of  so  much  treasure  and  of  so  much  blood,  shall  henceforth,  by  tiie 
unheard  of  ingratitude  of  their  inhabitants  themselves,  by  the  artful 
machinations  of  their  false  friends,  and  of  our  secret  enemies,  be 
dismembered  from  their  ancient  country,  and  lorn  forever  from  the 
affectionate  embraces  of  their  tender  mother  ?  patiently  to  endure 
an  event  so  calamitous,  not  to  lavish  our  efforts,  our  fortunes,  our  life 
itself,  to  prevent  its  accomplishment,  would  be  a  turpitude  which  has 
no  example  in  our  history,  and  an  approbrium  from  which  we  ought 
to  preserve  the  British  name.' 

Thus  spoke  the  ministerial  orators  ;  the  votes  were  taken,  and  the 
motion  of  lord  Cavendish  was  rejected.  Some  other  members  of 
the  opposition  proposed,  with  as  little  success,  different  plans  of  con- 
ciliation with  the  colonies.  The  debates  were  very  animated  ;  but 
the  ministers,  whose  projects  were  already  arranged,  and  all  the 
preparations  of  war  concluded,  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  the 
rejection  of  every  contrary  opinion. 

Not  satisfied  with  finding  themselves  in  a  situation  to  attack  the 
insurgents,  they  wished  also  to  cut  off  their  principal  resources,  that 
is,  to  deprive  them  of  men,  arms,  and  money.  The  Americans 
employed  a  part  of  their  men  on  board  of  privateers  ;  they  derived 
their  arms  and  munitions,  either  secretly,  or  even  openly,  from 
foreign  countries  ;  and  commerce  furnished  them  with  money.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  ministers  proposed  a  bill,  importing  that  every  species 
of  traffic  with  the  thirteen  united  colonies  should  be  prohibited  ;  that 
all  American  property,  whether  floating  upon  the  sea  or  stationed  in 
the  ports,  should  be  declared  legal  prize  in  favor  of  the  officers  and 
crews  of  the  vessels  of  the  king  ;  that  the  men  taken  in  the  Ame- 
rican ships  should  be  compelled  to  serve  indiscriminately,  as  common 
sailors,  on  board  those  of  England  ;  finally,  that  the  crown  should 
be  authorised  to  send  commissioners,  empowered  to  grant  pardons 
to  such  individuals  as  should  appear  to  merit  them,  and  to  declare  a 
colony,  in  whole  or  in  part,  in  a  state  of  obedience  towards  the  king  ; 
in  which  case  they  might  exempt  them  from  the  rigor  of  the  laws, 
and  restore  them  to  their  original  condition. 

This  bill  was  a  consequence  of  those  already  passed  ;  it  was  con- 
formable to  the  plan  of  the  war  which  the  ministers  had  adopted, 
and  was  generally  to  be  approved.  It  contained,  however,  certain 
articles  deserving  of  animadversion.  To  wish  to  make  war  against 
the  Americans,  upon  sea  as  well  as  upon  land,  was  altogether  na- 
tural ;  it  was  no  less  judicious  to  constitute  commissioners  with 
authority  to  grant  amnesties,  as  well  to  particular  individuals  as  to 
provinces.  But  to  confiscate,  without  distinction,  private  property 
and  public  property,  to  grant  the  booty  to  the  captors,  and  force  the 
men  found  on  board  the  American  ships,  whatever  might  be  their 
VOL.  i.  37 


290  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  -        BOOK  VI. 

rank  or  condition,  to  serve  as  common  sailors  on  board  the  English 
ships,  are  acts  that  cannot  fail  to  be  condemned  by  every  sound 
judging  mind.  The  opposition  expressed  their  abhorrence  of  these 
features  of  the  bill  in  very  sharp  language  ;  but  it  passed,  notwith- 
standing, by  a  triumphant  majority. 

1776.  The  parliament  having  terminated  the  affairs  submitted 
to  their  deliberations,  the  king  put  an  end  to  the  present  session, 
with  the  assurance  that  he  was  not  apprehensive  of  any  movement 
on  the  part  of  the  European  princes,  who  all  manifested  a  desire  to 
maintain  concord  and  peace.  The  ministers  had  obtained  from  the 
parliament  all  they  had  demanded,  and  they  had  scarcely  a  doubt 
of  the  favorable  issue  of  their  enterprise.  It  seemed  to  them  impos- 
sible that  the  collectitious  soldiery  of  the  Congress  could  hold  their 
arms  with  a  firm  grasp  in  the  presence  of  European  troops  ;  they 
imagined  that  the  bare  rumor  of  the  arrival  of  the  English  army 
would  suffice  to  open  for  it  the  entrance  of  the  country  it  was  about 
to  conquer. 

'  Even  supposing,  they  said,  that  the  colonial  troops  should  pre- 
sume to  keep  the  field,  how  can  it  be  imagined,  that  ill-armed, 
undisciplined,  and  so  little  used  as  they  are  to  the  dangers  of  war, 
and  to  the  din  of  arms,  they  will  be  able  to  make  any  serious  resist- 
ance against  the  veterans  of  Europe  ?  The  first  impression  will  be 
fatal  to  the  Americans ;  and  the  measures  which  have  been  taken  to 
sow  division  among  them,  will  then  produce  their  full  effect.  Let 
only  a  small  number  submit  to  the  terms  of  the  amnesty,  and  the 
multitude  will  hasten  to  follow  their  example  ;  such  is  the  ordinary 
course  of  revolutions.  In  order  to  accelerate  these  happy  results,  it 
will  be  essential  that  the  royal  commissioners,  individuals  as  influen- 
tial by  their  personal  authority,  as  by  the  splendor  of  their  rank,  and 
the  renown  of  their  military  achievements,  should  be  always  present 
to  second  the  operations  of  the  army,  by  seizing  the  favorable  instant 
for  the  exercise  of  their  ministry.' 

Such  were  the  reasonings  and  the  hopes  of  the  partisans  of  the 
government.  And  such,  it  must  be  admitted,  was  the  way  of  think- 
ing of  the  greater  part  of  the  nation.  With  some  it  was  the  effect 
of  pride,  or  of  confidence  in  the  ministry  ;  with  others,  of  the  spirit 
of  party,  or  of  personal  interest,  man  easily  believing  what  he 
esteems  useful  to  himself.  There  wanted  not  those,  however,  whom 
the  love  of  country  inspired  with  serious  apprehensions  for  the  future, 
or  whom  the  fury  of  faction  urged  to  announce  the  most  disastrous 
presages.  They  judged  of  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans  by  their 
own,  and  suffered  no  occasion  to  escape  them  of  citing  the  miracles, 
as  they  expressed  it,  wrought  in  various  times,  and  among  manifold 
people,  by  the  love  of  liberty.  They  greatly  extolled  the  constancy, 
the  intrepidity,  the  prowess  of  the  Americans.  Their  invectives, 
their  sarcasms,  their  taunts,  were  endless  against  the  satellites  of 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  291 

tyranny ;  thus  designating  the  English  soldiers,  and  particularly  the 
German  troops.  They  represented  a  total  loss  in  defeat,  and  new 
dangers  in  victory  ;  they  deplored  the  blood  shed  for  so  iniquitous  a 
cause.  Every  day  there  appeared  new  publications  in  favor  or 
against  the  colonists.  Some  reproached  others  with  having  sold 
their  pen,  these  retorted  upon  those  that  they  prostituted  theirs  in 
defence  of  licentiousness.  A  work  of  Doctor  Price,  on  civil  liberty, 
was  particularly  distinguished  ;  it  was  read  every  where  with  equal 
avidity.  He  received,  on  this  subject,  a  letter  of  compliment  from 
the  city  of  London,  accompanied  with  the  present  of  a  gold  box. 

The  two  brothers  Howe,  the  one  admiral  of  the  fleet,  and  the 
other  general-in-chief  of  the  army  in  America,  were  named  by  the 
king  his  commissioners  for  the  reestablishment  of  peace  in  the  colo- 
nies, and  for  granting  pardons  to  those  who  should  appear  worthy  of 
the  royal  mercy.  Sir  Peter  Parker  and  lord  Cornwallis  were 
already,  some  time  since,  embarked  for  America,  with  several  corps 
of  troops.  Admiral  Hotham,  and  generals  Burgoyne  and  Phillipps 
followed  them  with  other  English  and  German  divisions. 

While  these  things  were  passing  in  England,  the  provincials,  who 
besieged  Boston,  began  to  entertain  hopes  not  only  of  becoming 
masters  of  the  city,  but  even  of  making  the  whole  garrison  prisoners, 
and  of  destroying  the  British  squadron  anchored  in  the  port  and  bay. 
They  expected  impatiently  that  the  cold  would  become  so  rigorous 
as  to  freeze  the  waters  of  the  harbor,  and  the  rivers  that  flow  into  it. 
The  frost  usually  set  in  about  the  last  of  December,  and  they  calcu- 
lated that  at  this  season  the  ice  would  be  strong  enough  to  enable 
them  to  march  d^shod  across  the  arm  of  the  sea,  which  separates 
the  peninsula  from  the  continent,  where  they  were  encamped.  The 
English,  in  such  case,  would  not  have  been  able  to  resist  the  much 
superior  forces  of  the  American  army.  But  contrary  to  the  ordinary 
course,  the  winter  was  extremely  moderate  ;  the  provincials  vainly 
awaited  the  coming  of  ice.  In  this  hope  they  had  kept  themselves 
tranquil  in  their  quarters  ;  the  delay  was  advantageous  to  the  gar- 
rison. But  the  month  of  March  arrived  to  reanimate  operations  ; 
the  Americans  panted  to  put  an  end,  by  a  vigorous  effort,  to  this 
long  and  tiresome  siege.  Their  ardor  prompted  it,  necessity  requir- 
ed it.  The  hostile  speech  of  the  king,  at  the  meeting  of  parliament, 
was  arrived  in  America,  and  copies  of  it  were  circulated  in  the 
camp.  It  was  announced  there,  also,  that  the  first  petition  of  Con- 
gress had  been  rejected.  The  whole  army  manifested  the  utmost 
indignation  at  this  intelligence  ;  the  royal  speech  was  burnt  in  public 
by  the  infuriate  soldiers.  They  changed,  at  this  time,  the  red 
ground  of  their  banners,  and  striped  them  with  thirteen  lists,  as  an 
emblem  of  the  number,  and  of  the  union  of  the  thirteen  colonies. 

The  Congress,  at  the  news  of  the  rigorous  proceedings  of  the 
government,  and  particularly  of  the  act  relating  to  commerce,  and 


292  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

the  engagement  of  the  German  troops,  saw  plainly  that  no  other 
resources  were  left  them  but  in  the  way  of  arms.  Without  loss  of 
time,  wishing  to  take  advantage  of  the  universal  irritation  of  the 
people,  they  urgently  recommended  to  Washington  to  renounce  all 
delay,  to  brave  all  dangers,  and  at  whatever  cost,  to  terminate  the 
siege  of  Boston,  and  effectuate  the  expulsion  of  the  enemy  from  the 
shelter  of  its  walls.  They  foresaw  that  this  army  would  soon  be 
necessary  to  oppose  the  British  forces  at  other  points,  and  to  protect 
other  parts  of  the  American  territory.  It  was  presumed  that  the 
English  would  direct  their  principal  attack  against  the  weakest 
places,  and  serious  apprehensions  were  felt  particularly  for  the  city 
of  New  York.  It  was,  therefore,  extremely  important  to  dislodge 
the  enemy  from  the  position  of  Boston,  since  otherwise  he  might, 
afterwards,  operate  against  the  rear  of  the  American  army.  Pressed 
by  positive  orders,  and  stimulated  at  once  by  the  force  of  circum- 
stances and  the  desire  of  glory,  Washington  reflected  upon  the  most 
efficacious  means  to  secure  the  success  of  his  enterprise.  He  was 
not  without  hopes  of  being  able  to  carry  the  city  by  assault. 

The  part  of  the  Cove  of  Boston,  contiguous  to  Cambridge  and 
Roxbury,  was  frozen,  which  greatly  facilitated  the  passage  ;  and  for 
crossing  the  water  that  remained  up  to  the  walls  of  Boston,  a  great 
number  of  boats  had  been  provided.  In  addition  to  this,  two  floating 
batteries  were  stationed  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Cambridge.  It 
was  known  that  the  garrison  suffered  severely  for  the  want  of  pro- 
visions, and  that  it  was  greatly  enfeebled  by  fatigues  and  maladies. 
The  commander-in-chief  had,  besides,  the  greatest  confidence  in  the 
valor  and  constancy  of  his  soldiers.  He  accordingly  assembled  all 
the  generals,  and  proposed  to  them  his  plan  of  attack.  Ward  and 
Gates,  both  officers  of  great  distinction,  opposed  it ;  alleging,  that 
without  incurring  so  great  a  risk,  the  enemy  might  be  forced  to 
evacuate  Boston  by  occupying  the  heights  of  Dorchester,  which  com- 
mand the  entire  city.  Washington  did  not  conceal  his  dissatisfaction 
at  this  opposition  ;  but  he  was  constrained  to  acquiesce  in  the  opinion 
of  the  majority.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to  take  the  position  of 
the  heights.  At  the  suggestion  of  generals  Ward,  Thomas,  and 
Spencer,  a  great  quantity  of  fascines  and  gabions  had  been  prepared 
for  this  expedition.  The  fortresses  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point  had  furnished  heavy  cannon,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  howit- 
zers and  mortars.  It  appears  that  general  Howe,  who  was  naturally 
very  circumspect,  thought  himself  too  feeble  to  prevent  the  execu- 
tion of  this  design,  which  was  to  be,  however,  decisive  of  the  total 
issue  of  the  siege. 

The  Americans,  in  order  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  enemy  in 
another  part,  erected  strong  batteries  upon  the  shore  at  Cobb's  Hill, 
at  Lechmere's  Point,  at  Phipps  Farm,  and  at  Lambsdam,  near  Rox- 
bury. They  opened  a  terrible  fire  in  the  night  of  the  second  of 


BOOK  VI. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAE.  293 


March  ;  the  bombs,  at  every  instant,  fell  into  the  city.  The  garrison 
was  incessantly  employed  in  extinguishing  the  flames  of  the  houses 
in  combustion,  and  in  all  the  different  services  that  are  necessary  in 
such  circumstances.  During  this  time  the  Americans  prepared 
themselves  with  ardor,  or  rather  with  joy,  to  take  possession  of  the 
heights.  Companies  of  militia  arrived  from  all  parts  to  reenforce 
the  army.  The  night  of  the  fourth  of  March  was  selected  for  the 
expedition  ;  the  chiefs  hoped  that  the  recollection  of  the  events  of 
the  fifth  of  March,  1770,  when  the  first  blood  had  been  shed  in 
Boston  by  the  English,  would  inflame,  with  new  ardor,  and  a  thirst 
of  vengeance,  those  spirits  already  so  resolute  in  their  cause. 

Accordingly,  in  the  evening  of  the  fourth,  all  the  arrangements 
being  made,  the  Americans  proceeded  in  profound  silence  towards 
the  peninsula  of  Dorchester.  The  obscurity  of  the  night  was  propi- 
tious, and  the  wind  favorable,  since  it  could  not  bear  to  the  enemy 
the  little  noise  which  it  was  impossible  to  avoid.  The  frost  had 
rendered  the  roads  easy.  The  batteries  of  Phipps  Farm,  and  those 
of  Roxbury,  incessantly  fulminated  with  a  stupendous  roar. 

Eight  hundred  men  composed  the  vanguard  ;  it  was  followed  by 
carriages  filled  with  utensils  of  intrenchment,  and  twelve  hundred 
pioneers  led  by  general  Thomas.  In  the  rear  guard  were  three 
hundred  carts  of  fascines,  of  gabions,  and  bundles  of  hay,  destined 
to  cover  the  flank  of  the  troops  in  the  passage  of  the  isthmus  of  Dor- 
chester, which,  being  very  low,  was  exposed  to  be  raked  on  both 
sides  by  the  artillery  of  the  English  vessels. 

All  succeeded  perfectly  ;  the  Americans  arrived  upon  the  heights, 
not  only  without  being  molested,  but  even  without  being  perceived  by 
the  enemy. 

They  set  themselves  to  work  with  an  activity,  so  prodigious,  that 
by  ten  o'clock  at  night  they  had  already  constructed  two  forts,  in 
condition  to  shelter  them  from  small  arms  and  grape-shot ;  one  upon 
the  height  nearest  to  the  city,  and  the  other  upon  that  which  looks 
towards  Castle  Island.  The  day  appeared  ;  but  it  prevented  not 
the  provincials  from  continuing  their  works,  without  any  movement 
being  made  on  the  part  of  the  garrison.  At  length,  when  the  haze 
of  the  morning  was  entirely  dissipated,  the  English  discovered,  with 
extreme  surprise,  the  new  fortifications  of  the  Americans. 

The  English  admiral  having  examined  them,  declared,  that  if  the 
enemy  was  not  dislodged  from  this  position,  his  vessels  could  no 
longer  remain  in  the  harbor  without  the  most  imminent  hazard  of 
total  destruction.  The  city  itself  was  exposed  to  be  demolished  to 
its  foundations,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  provincials.  The  communi- 
cation, also,  between  the  troops  that  guarded  the  isthmus  of  Boston, 
and  those  within  the  town,  became  extremely  difficult  and  dangerous. 
The  artillery  of  the  Americans  battered  the  strand,  whence  the 
English  would  have  to  embark  in  case  of  retreat.  There  was  no 


294  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

other  chpice,  therefore,  left  them,  but  either  to  drive  the  colonists 
from  this  station  by  dint  of  force,  or  to  evacuate  the  city  altogether. 

General  Howe  decided  for  the  attack,  and  made  his  dispositions 
accordingly.  Washington,  on  his  part,  having  perceived  the  design, 
prepared  himself  to  repel  it.  The  intrenchments  were  perfected 
with  diligence ;  the  militia  was  assembled  from  all  the  neighboring 
towns,  and  signals  were  concerted  to  be  given  upon  all  the  eminences 
which  form  a  sort  of  cincture  about  all  the  shore  of  Boston,  from 
Roxbury  to  Mystic  river,  in  order  to  transmit  intelligence  and  orders 
with  rapidity  from  one  point  to  the  other. 

Washington  exhorted  his  soldiers  to  bear  in  mind  the  fifth  of 
March.  Nor  did  he  restrict  himself  to  defensive  measures ;  he 
thought  also  of  the  means  of  falling,  himself,  upon  the  enemy,  if, 
during  or  after  the  battle,  any  favorable  occasion  should  present 
itself.  If  the  besieged,  as  he  hoped,  should  experience  a  total  defeat 
in  the  assault  of  Dorchester,  his  intention  was  to  embark  from  Cam- 
bridge four  thousand  chosen  men,  who  rapidly  crossing  the  arm  of 
the  sea,  should  take  advantage  of  the  tumult  and  confusion  to  attempt 
the  assault  of  the  town.  General  Sullivan  commanded  the  first  divi- 
sion ;  General  Greene  the  second.  An  attack  was  expected  like 
that  of  Charlestown,  and  a  battle  like  that  of  Breed's  Hill.  General 
Howe  ordered  ladders  to  be  prepared  to  scale  the  works  of  the 
Americans.  He  directed  lord  Percy  to  embark  at  the  head  of  a 
considerable  corps,  and  to  land  upon  the  flats  near  the  point,  opposite 
Castle  Island.  The  Americans,  excited  by  the  remembrance  of  the 
anniversary,  and  of  the  battle  of  Breed's  Hill,  and  by  the  continual 
exhortations  of  their  chiefs,  expected  them,  not  only  without  fear, 
but  with  alacrity ;  but  the  tide  ebbed,  and  the  wind  blew  with  such 
violence,  that  the  passage  over  became  impossible.  General  Howe 
was  compelled  to  defer  the  attack  to  early  the  following  morning.  A 
tempest  arose  during  the  night,  and  when  the  day  dawned,  the  sea 
was  still  excessively  agitated.  A  violent  rain  came  to  increase  the 
obstacles  ;  the  English  general  kept  himself  quiet.  But  the  Americans 
made  profit  of  this  delay  ;  they  erected  a  third  redoubt,  and  completed 
the  other  works.  Colonel  Mifflin  had  prepared  a  great  number  of 
hogsheads  full  of  stones  and  sand,  in  order  to  roll  them  upon  the  enemy 
when  he  should  march  up  to  the  assault,  to  break  his  ranks,  and  throw 
him  into  a  confusion  that  might  smooth  the  way  to  his  defeat. 

Having  diligently  surveyed  all  these  dispositions,  the  English  per- 
suaded themselves  that  the  contemplated  enterprise  offered  difficulties 
almost  insurmountable.  They  reflected  that  a  repulse,  or  even  a 
victory  so  sanguinary  as  that  of  Breed's  Hill,  would  expose  to  a 
jeopardy  too  serious,  the  English  interests  in  America.  Even  in  case 
of  success,  it  was  to  be  considered  that  the  garrison  was  not  suffi- 
ciently numerous  to  be  able,  without  hazard,  to  keep  possession  of 
the  peninsula  of  Dorchester,  having  already  to  guard  not  only  the 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  295 

city,  but  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown.  The  battle  was  rather 
necessary,  and  victory  desirable,  to  save  the  reputation  of  the  royal 
arms,  than  to  decide  the  total  event  of  things  upon  these  shores.  The 
advantages,  therefore,  could  not  compensate  the  dangers.  Besides, 
the  port  of  Boston  was  far  from  being  perfectly  accommodate  to  the 
future  operations  of  the  army  that  was  expected  from  England  ;  and 
general  Howe  himself  had,  some  length  of  time  before,  received 
instructions  from  lord  Dartmouth,  one  of  the  Secretaries  of  State, 
to  evacuate  the  city,  and  to  establish  himself  at  New  York. 

The  want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  vessels  had  hitherto  prevented 
him  from  executing  this  order.  Upon  all  these  considerations,  the 
English  generals  determined  to  abandon  Boston  to  the  power  of  the 
provincials. 

This  retreat,  however,  presented  great  difficulties.  An  hundred 
and  fifty  transports,  great  and  small,  appeared  scarcely  adequate  to 
the  accommodation  of  ten  thousand  men,  the  number  to  which  the 
crews  and  the  garrison  amounted,  without  comprehending  such  of  the 
inhabitants,  as  having  shown  themselves  favorable  to  the  royal  cause, 
could  not,  with  safety,  remain.  The  passage  was  long  and  difficult; 
for  with  these  emaciated  and  enfeebled  troops  it  could  not  be  attempt- 
ed to  operate  any  descent  upon  the  coasts.  It  was  even  believed  to 
be  scarcely  possible  to  effect  a  landing  at  New  York,  although  the 
city  was  absolutely  without  defence  on  the  part  of  the  sea.  The 
surest  course  appeared  to  be  to  gain  the  port  of  Halifax  ;  but  besides 
the  want  of  provisions,  which  was  excessive,  the  season  was  very 
unfavorable  for  this  voyage,  at  all  times  dangerous. 

The  winds  that  prevailed  then  blew  violently  from  the  northeast, 
and  might  drive  the  fleet  off  to  the  West  Indies,  and  the  vessels  were 
by  no  means  stocked  with  provisions  for  such  a  voyage.  Besides, 
the  territory  of  Halifax  was  a  sterile  country,  from  which  no  resource 
could  be  expected,  and  no  provision  could  have  been  previously  made 
there,  since  the  evacuation  of  Boston  and  retreat  to  Halifax  were 
events  not  anticipated.  Nor  could  the  soldiers  perceive  without 
discouragement  that  the  necessity  of  things  impelled  them  towards 
the  north,  apprised  as  they  were  that  the  future  operations  of  the 
English  army  were  to  take  place  in  the  provinces  of  the  centre,  and 
even  in  those  of  the  south.  But  their  generals  had  no  longer  the 
liberty  of  choice.  The  Americans  however  beiffg  able  by  the  fire 
of  their  artillery  to  interpose  the  greatest  obstacles  to  the  embarkation 
of  the  British  troops,  general  Howe  deliberated  upon  the  means  of 
obviating  this  inconvenience.  Having  assembled  the  selectmen  of 
Boston,  he  declared  to  them,  that  the  city  being  no  longer  of  any  use 
to  the  king,  he  was  resolved  to  abandon  it,  provided  that  Washington 
would  not  oppose  his  departure.  He  pointed  to  the  combustible 
materials  he  had  caused  to  be  prepared  to  set  fire,  in  an  instant,  to 
the  city,  if  the  provincials  should  molest  him  in  any  shape.  He 


296  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

invited  them  to  reflect  upon  all  the  dangers  which  might  result,  for 
them  and  for  their  habitations,  from  a  battle  fought  within  the  walls ; 
and  he  assured  them  that  his  personal  intention  was  to  withdraw 
peaceably,  if  the  Americans  were  disposed,  on  their  part,  to  act  in  the 
same  manner.  He  exhorted  them,  therefore,  to  repair  to  the  presence 
of  Washington,  and  to  inform  him  of  what  they  had  now  heard. 

The  selectmen  waited  upon  the  American  general,  and  made 
him  an  affecting  representation  of  the  situation  of  the  city.  It 
appears,  from  what  followed,  that  he  consented  to  the  conditions 
demanded  ;  but  the  articles  of  the  truce  were  not  written.  It  has 
been  pretended  that  one  of  them  was  that  the  besieged  should  leave 
their  munitions  of  war ;  this,  however,  cannot  be  affirmed  with 
assurance.  The  munitions  were,  indeed,  left ;  but  it  is  not  known 
whether  it  was  by  convention,  or  from  necessity.  The  Americans 
remained  quiet  spectators  of  the  retreat  of  the  English.  But  the  city 
presented  a  melancholy  spectacle ;  notwithstanding  the  orders  of 
general  Howe,  all  was  havoc  and  confusion.  Fifteen  hundred  loyal- 
ists, with  their  families,  and  their  most  valuable  effects,  hastened, 
with  infinite  dejection  of  mind,  to  abandon  a  residence  which  had 
been  so  dear  to  them,  and  where  they  had  so  long  enjoyed  felicity. 
The  fathers  carrying  burthens,  the  mothers  their  children,  ran  weep- 
ing towards  the  ships ;  the  last  salutations,  the  farewell  embraces  of 
those  who  departed,  and  of  those  who  remained,  the  sick,  the 
wounded,  the  aged,  the  infants,  would  have  moved  with  compassion 
the  witnesses  of  their  distress,  if  the  care  of  their  own  safety  had 
not  absorbed  the  attention  of  all. 

The  carts  and  beasts  of  burthen  were  become  the  occasion  of  sharp 
disputes  between  the  inhabitants  who  had  retained  them,  and  the 
soldiers  who  wished  to  employ  them.  The  disorder  was  also  increased 
by  the  animosity  that  prevailed  between  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison 
and  those  of  the  fleet ;  they  reproached  each  other,  mutually,  as  the 
authors  of  their  common  misfortune.  With  one  accord,  however, 
they  complained  of  the  coldness  and  ingratitude  of  their  country, 
which  seemed  to  have  abandoned,  or  rather  to  have  forgotten  them 
upon  these  distant  shores,  a' prey  to  so  much  misery,  and  to  so  many 
dangers.  For  since  the  month  of  October,  general  Howe  had  not 
received,  from  England,  any  order  or  intelligence  whatever,  which 
testified  that  the  government  still  existed,  and  had  not  lost  sight  of  the 
army  of  Boston. 

Meanwhile,  a  desperate  band  of  soldiers  and  sailors  took  advantage 
of  the  confusion  to  force  doors,  and  pillage  the  houses  and  shops. 
They  destroyed  what  they  could  not  carry  away.  The  entire  city 
was  devoted  to  devastation,  and  it  was  feared  every  moment  that  the 
flames  would  break  out  to  consummate  its  destruction. 

The  fifteenth  of  March  general  Howe  issued  a  proclamation,  for- 
bidding every  inhabitant  to  go  out  of  his  house  before  eleven  o'clock 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  297 

in  the  morning,  in  order  not  to  disturb  the  embarkation  of  the  troops, 
which  was  to  have  taken  place  on  this  day.  But  an  east  wind  pre- 
vented their  departure ;  and  to  pass  the  time  they  returned  to 
pillaging.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  Americans  had  constructed  a 
redoubt  upon  the  point  of  Nook's  Hill,  in  the  peninsula  of  Dorchester, 
and  having  furnished  it  with  artillery,  they  entirely  commanded  the 
isthmus  of  Boston,  and  all  the  southern  part  of  the  town.  It  was 
even  to  be  feared  that  they  would  occupy  Noddle's  Island,  and  esta- 
blish batteries  which,  sweeping  the  surface  of  the  water  across  the 
harbor,  would  have  entirely  interdicted  the  passage  to  the  ships,  and 
reduced  the  garrison  to  the  necessity  of  yielding  at  discretion.  All 
delay  became  dangerous ;  consequently  the  British  troops  and  the 
loyalists  began  to  embark  the  seventeenth  of  March,  at  four  in  the 
morning ;  at  ten,  all  were  on  board.  The  vessels  were  overla.den 
with  men  and  baggage  ;  provisions  were  scanty,  confusion  was  every 
where.  The  rear  guard  was  scarcely  out  of  the  city  when  Wash- 
ington entered  it  on  the  other  side,  with  colors  displayed,  drums 
beating,  and  all  the  forms  of  victory  and  triumph.  He  was  received 
by  the  inhabitants  with  every  demonstration  of  gratitude  and  respect 
due  to  a  deliverer.  Their  joy  broke  forth  with  the  more  vivacity,  as 
their  sufferings  had  been  long  and  cruel.  For  more  than  sixteen 
months  they  had  endured  hunger,  thirst,  cold,  and  the  outrages  of  an 
insolent  soldiery  who  deemed  them  rebels.  The  most  necessary 
articles  of  food  were  risen  to  exorbitant  prices. 

Horse  flesh  was  not  refused  by  those  who  could  procure  it.*  For 
want  of  fuel,  the  pews  and  benches  of  churches  were  taken  for  this 
purpose;  the  counters  and  partitions  of  warehouses  were  applied 
to  the  same  use  ;  and  even  houses,  not  inhabited,  were  demolished 
for  the  sake  of  the  wood.  The  English  left  a  great  quantity  of 
artillery  and  munitions.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  pieces  of  cannon, 
of  different  caliber,  were  found  in  Boston,  in  Castle  Island,  and  in 
the  iritrenchments  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and  the  Neck.  The  English 
had  attempted,  but  with  little  success,  in  their  haste,  to  destroy  or  to 
spike  the.se  last  pieces  ;  others  had  been  thrown  into  the  sea,  but  they 
were  recovered.  There  were  found,  besides,  four  mortars,  a  consi- 
derable quantity  of  coal,  of  wheat,  and  of  other  grains,  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty  horses. 

Thus,  after  a  siege  as  long  as  tiresome,  the  capital  of  the  province 
of  Massachusetts  fell  again  into  the  power  of  the  Americans.  The 
joy  of  this  happy  event  was  felt,  with  enthusiasm,  by  all  the  confe- 
deration. It  acquired  an  especial  importance  by  the  impulse  it  could 

*  Provisions  were  become  so  scarce  at  Boston,  that  a  pound  of  fresh  fish  cost  twelve 
pence  sterling,  a  goose  eight  shillings  and  four  pence,  a  turkey  twelve  shillings  and 
sixpence,  a  duck  four  shillings  and  two  pence,  hams  two  shillings  and  a  penny  per 
pound.  Vegetables  were  altogether  wanting.  A  sheep  cost  thirty-five  shillings  sterling, 
apples  thirty-three  shillings  and  four  pence  per  barrel.  Fire  wood  fortv-one  shillings 
and  eight  pence  the  cord  ;  and  finally,  it  was  not  to  be  procured  at  any  price. 

VOL.  i.  38 


298  TH-E    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

not  fail  to  impart  to  the  public  spirit,  and  even  by  the  influence  it 
was  likely  to  have  upon  future  operations.  We  have  here  a  new 
occasion  to  remark,  with  surprise,  the  blindness  and  presumption  of 
the  British  ministry,  who,  instead  of  taking  all  the  necessary  measures 
to  secure  success,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war,  seemed,  of 
preference,  to  adopt  all  those  that  were  calculated  to  injure  its  cause. 
Whether  from  having  listened  to  English  pride,  or  from  having  trusted 
to  unfaithful  reports,  or  finally,  from  having  neglected  the  examples 
of  history,  the  ministers  had  persuaded  themselves  that  the  provin- 
cials would  shrink  at  the  aspect  of  regular  troops,  and  that  their  ardor 
would  be  converted  immediately  into  a  general  terror.  • 

They  omitted  to  reflect  that  the  very  nature  of  things  had  excited, 
and  already,  for  a  length  of  time,  had  nourished  the  American 
revolution. 

The  colonists  were  become  rich  and  powerful,  and  their  original 
enthusiasm  was  far  from  being  chilled.  Misled  by  its  prepossessions, 
the  government  knew  not  how  to  employ  its  forces  ;  it  refused  to 
send  succours  when  it  was  yet  time,  and  hastened  to  lavish  them 
when  it  was  now  too  late. 

The  Americans,  come  into  possession  of  Boston,  immediately  con- 
fiscated the  property,  moveable  and  irnmoveable,  of  the  emigrants 
who  had  accompanied  general  Howe  to  Halifax.  The  sale  was  made 
at  auction,  and  the  produce  applied  to  the  exigencies  of  the  public. 
The  loyalists  who  had  remained,  were  prosecuted  and  declared 
enemies  and  traitors  to  the  country ;  their  possessions  were  in  like 
manner  confiscated  and  sold.  The  first  care  of  the  Bostonians  was 
directed  to  the  necessity  of  fortifying  their  city,  to  preserve  it,  in 
future,  from  the  calamities  they  had  recently  experienced.  The 
works  were  commenced,  without  delay,  and  urged  with  extreme  dili- 
gence;  all  the  citizens,  in  turn,  contributed  their  labor.  A  French 
engineer,  some  Americans  and  four  Prussians,  had  the.  direction  of 
the  whole.  It  was  not,  however,  expected  to  render  Boston  a  place 
of  strength,  capable  of  sustaining  a  regular  siege  ;  it  sufficed  to  place 
it  in  a  situation  to  resist  a  sudden  attack. 

Certain  movements  of  the  provincials,  and  especially  the  care  they 
had  taken  to  occupy  some  of  the  little  islands  situated  in  the  bay  of 
Boston,  authorised  the  belief,  that  it  was  their  intention  to  attack  Fort 
William,  erected  upon  Castle  Island.  General  Howe,  perceiving 
that  the  possession  of  this  fort  would  enable  them  to  defend  the 
approaches  of  the  city  against  the  English  ships,  thought  it  expedient 
to  dismantle  and  burn  it  previous  to  his  departure.  He  was  unable, 
however,  to  carry  away  its  artillery,  which  he  contented  himself  with 
spiking  very  precipitately. 

Contrary  winds,  succeeded  by  a  dea<j  calm,  prevented  the  English 
fleet,  during  more  than  a  week,  from  gelling  out  to  sea.  But  at 
length  it  succeeded  ;  and  contrary  to  all  expectation,  considering  the 
season,  its  passage  to  the  port  of  Halifax  was  fortunate  and  rapid. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  299 

Admiral  Shuldam  had  left  in  the  waters  of  Boston,  a  squadron, 
under  the  command  of  commodore  Bankes,  to  protect  the  navigation 
of  the  vessels  of  the  king,  which,  in  ignorance  of  ihe  evacuation  of 
the  city,  might  continue  their  voyage  towards  it.  This  precaution 
had  not  all  the  effect  that  was  desired  ;  the  bay  being  extensive,  the 
cruisers  lay  in  concealment  behind  the  numerous  little  islands  with 
which  it  is  interspersed,  and  sprung  suddenly  upon  the  ships  that 
presented  themselves  without  mistrust.  Among  others,  captain  Manly 
took  a  prize  laden  with  an  immense  cargo  of  provisions. 

Washington,  ignorant  what  were  the  plans  of  general  Howe,  and 
what  direction  the  British  fleet  had  taken,  was  not  without  disquietude 
for  the  city  of  New  York.  He  wrote,  in  consequence,  to  brigadier- 
general  lord  Sterling,  who  commanded  there,  advising  him  to  stand 
prepared,  and  that  he  had  sent  him  a  reenlbrcement  of  live  battalions 
and  several  companies  of  riflemen.  But  the  royal  troops  were  very 
far  from  being  in  a  condition  to  undertake  any  thing  against  that  city  ; 
they  esteemed  themselves  very  fortunate  in  arriving  sound  and  safe 
at  Halifax.  Before  proceeding  to  further  operations,  general  Howe 
chose  to  refresh  his  troops,  and  wait  for  the  reenforcements  that  were 
expected  from  England. 

The  affairs  of  Congress  assumed  an  aspect  no  less  prosperous  in 
North  Carolina  than  in  Massachusetts ;  in  which,  however,  very 
serious  commotions  had  begun  to  manifest  themselves. 

Governor  Martin,  although  he  had  taken  refuge  on  board  the  vessels 
of  the  king,  did  not,  however,  remain  idle  ;  and  he  busied  himself 
incessantly  in  devising  new  machinations  to  retrieve  the  royal  cause 
in  his  province.  He  flattered  himself  with  the  greater  hopes  of  suc- 
cess, as  he  knew  that  admiral  Peter  Parker,  and  lord  Cornwnliis 
were  departed  from  the  ports  of  England  for  an  expedition  against 
the  Carolinas.  He  was  also  informed  that  general  Clinton,  with  some 
companies,  was  on  his  way  to  join  him  at  Cape  Fear,  situated  upon 
the  river  of  the  same  name,  and  not  far  from  Wilmington.  At  the 
head  of  these  united  forces,  increased  by  the  Scotch  highlanders  and 
the  regulators,  both  formidable  to  the  disaffected  from  their  expe- 
rience in  the  use  of  arms,  and  their  ardent  zeal  for  England,  he  had 
no  doubt,  whatever,  but  that  he  could  create  a  revolt  in  the  province, 
and  reduce  it  anew  under  the  authority  of  the  king.  After  having 
concerted  with  all  his  partisans,  he  erected  the  royal  standard,  sum- 
moning all  the  inhabitants  to  rally  round  it  in  defence  of  country  and 
lawful  authority  against  rebels.  To  render  more  efficacious  the 
succours  of  the  highlanders  and  of  the  regulators,  as  well  as  of  all 
the  other  loyalists,  he  named  colonel  Macdonald,  an  officer  warmly 
devoted  to  the  royal  cause,  captain-general  of  all  the  levies,  that  he 
might  organise  them  into  regular  corps. 

This  plan  succeeded  according  to  his  hopes.  The  concourse  at 
Cross  Creek  swelled  every  day ;  the  patriots  were  threatened  with 


300  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

an  attack  in  this  part  unless  a  prompt  remedy  was  applied.  The 
provincial  assembly  opened  their  eyes  upon  the  danger,  and  de- 
spatched, with  all  speed,  against  this  head  of  loyalists,  all  the  militia 
that  were  in  preparation  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  directed  that  others 
should  be  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  province. 

The  two  parties  that  divided  Carolina  thus  found  themselves, 
marshalled  the  one  against  the  other,  animated  with  an  equal  fury. 

The  patriots  were  commanded  by  general  Moore ;  he  went  to 
lake  post,  with  a  few  pieces  of  cannon,  in  front  of  the  loyalists,  at  a 
place  called  Rock-Fish  Bridge,  where,  having  broken  the  bridge, 
he  intrenched  himself.  Macdonald  summoned  him  to  come  and  put 
himself  under  the  royal  standard,  or  to  expect  to  be  treated  as  an 
enemy.  Moore  answered  him  that  he  had  himself  to  take  an  oath  of 
fidelity  to  Congress,  and  to  lay  down  arms,  and  that,  in  so  doing,  he 
should  be  received  as  a  friend.  During  these  negotiations,  which 
Moore  had  the  address  to  draw  into  length,  his  forces  so  increased 
that  he  soon  acquired  a  decided  superiority  over  his  adversary. 
Macdonald,  at  length,  perceived  the  danger  of  his  situation;  and 
though  he  was  already  surrounded  on  every  side  by  the  provincials, 
he  disengaged  himself  with  equal  ability  and  courage.  Marching 
rapidly,  and  without  interruption,  interposing  continually  between 
himself  and  his  pursuers,  rivers,  forests,  and.  difficult  defiles,  he  mea- 
sured a  space  of  eighty  miles,  in  defiance  of  the  vigilance  of  the 
enemy,  eager  to  cut  off  his  retreat,  and  arrived  at  Moore's  Creek, 
sixteen  miles  from  Wilmington. 

There  he  hoped  to  be  joined  by  governor  Martin  and  general 
Clinton,  who  were  already  arrived  at  Cape  Fear.  But  the  provincials, 
who  had  never  'ceased  to  follow  him,  not  only  prevented  this  junction. 
but  reduced  him  to  the  necessity  of  giving  battle.  He  displayed  in 
it  an  extreme  bravery  ;  but  captain  Macleod,  and  many  other  of  his 
officers  having  been  killed,  his  troops  were  seized  with  a  panic  and 
fled,  leaving  their  general  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies.  Macdonald 
was  made  prisoner,  with  many  other  loyalists.  Their  enemies 
derived  an  immense  advantage  from  this  victory ;  for  if  Macdonald 
had  been  victor,  or  if  he  could  only  have  effected  his  junction  with 
governor  Martin  and  general  Clinton,  they  might  then  have  waited 
at  Cape  Fear  for  the  reenforcements  that  were  coming  from  Ireland ; 
and  the  affairs  of  the  Congress  would  have  been  very  near  desperate 
in  the  southern  provinces.  The  Carolinians  learned,  besides,  to  know 
their  own  strength,  and  refuted  the  opinion  which  had  generally  pre- 
vailed of  the  weakness  of  North  Carolina.  They  had  combated,  with 
success,  the  regulators  and  the  Scotch,  who  had  appeared  to  them 
at  first  so  formidable;  and  in  the  space  of  ten  days  they  had  assem- 
bled ten  thousand  men,  full  of  courage  and  resolution. 

The  precipitation  of  the  loyalists  was  the  cause  of  their  ruin ;  if 
they  toad  temporised  until  the  arrival  of  succours  from  Europe,  and 


BOOK  VI.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  301 

then  only  raised  the  standard  of  the  king,  they  might,  without  doubt, 
have  struck  a  decisive  blow,  and  thus  have  caused  the  balance  to 
incline  in  their  favor  in  the  southern  provinces. 

We  have  left  lord  Dunmore  cruising  with  his  vessels  upon  the 
coast  of  Virginia  ;  he  continued  still  for  a  long  time  upon  this  station. 
But  all  the  places  of  landing  being  diligently  guarded  by  the  militia, 
far  from  being  able  to  make  any  impression,  he  could  not  even  pro- 
cure the  sustenance  necessary  for  the  multitude  accumulated  on 
board  his  squadron.  Consequently  the  excessive  heats,  the  corrup- 
tion of  the  water  and  of  the  provisions,  and  the  crowd  of  men  in 
the  ships,  generated  offensive  and  deleterious  miasmata.  A  pestilen- 
tial malady  carried  off,  in  mass,  the  whites  and  the  blacks ;  but  it  was 
especially  mortal  among  the  latter.  In  this  deplorable  state  the  % 
squadron  of  lord  Dunmore  wandered  from  island  to  island,  from  shore 
to  shore.  He  found,  upon  all  points,  the  inhabitants  armed  to  repulse 
him,  and  he  wanted  forces  to  open  himself  a  passage  through  them. 
To  crown  the  measure  of  misfortune,  the  winds  drove  a  part  of  the 
ships  upon  the  coasts  of  Virginia,  where  the  wretched  fugitives, 
become  the  prisoners  of  their  own  fellow-citizens,  did  but  exchange  * 
this  pestiferous  abode  for  dark  and  horrible  dungeons.  At  length,  to 
escape  a  certain  death  upon  these  shores,  lord  Dunmore  resolved  to 
burn  the  ships  of  least  value.  The  miserable  wrecks  of  soldiers  and 
of  Virginians,  buffeted  by  tempests,  devoured  by  famine,  by  thirst, 
and  by  diseases,  went  to  seek  refuge  in  the  Floridas,  the  Bermudas, 
and  the  West  Indies.  Thus  delivered  of  its  enemy,  the  province 
recovered  tranquillity.  Such  was  the  catastrophe  that  terminated 
the  expedition  of  lord  Dunmore  against  Virginia,  and  the  result  of 
his  plan  of  revolt  of  negroes  against  their  masters. 

Meanwhile,  the  Congress  had  not  remitted  their  preparations  of 
maritime  war ;  they  felt  the  necessity  of  protecting  their  own  coasts 
from  the  insults  of  the  enemy's  cruisers,  as  also  the  extreme  utility  of 
intercepting  the  storeships  of  the  English  armies.  There  was  no 
deficiency  either  of  materials  suitable  for  the  construction  of  vessels, 
or  of  excellent  mariners;  the  interruption  of  commerce  and  of  the 
fisheries  having  left  a  very  great  number  of  them  without  employment. 
Accordingly  the  work  was  pushed  with  such  ardor  in  the  navy  yards 
of  Maryland,  of  Philadelphia,  and  of  Rhode  Island,  that  upon  the 
commencement  of  the  year  were  seen  floating  in  the  waters  of  the 
Delaware  five  frigates,  or  corvettes,  and  thirteen  gun  sloops,*  com- 
pletely equipped  and  armed. 

*  The  frigates  were  the  Alfred  and  the  Columbus,  of  thirty-two  guns  ;  the  corvettes, 
the  Andreas  Doria  of  sixteen,  the  Sebastian  Cabot  of  fourteen,  and  the  Providence  of 
twelve.  The  thirteen  gun-boats  bore  the  names  following ;  the  Washington,  the  Dickin- 
son, the  Chatham,  the  Camden,  the  Burke,  the  Effingltam,  the  Bull-dog,  the  Franklin, 
the  Congress,  the  Experiment,  the  Hancock,  the  Adams,  and  the  Warren. 


302  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

The  Congress  had  ordained,  besides,  that  thirteen  frigates,  of 
thirty-six  guns  each,  should  he  constructed  with  all  possible  expedi- 
tion. Then  in  order  to  form  the  seamen  to  the  evolutions  of  mari- 
time war,  and,  at  the  same  time  to  procure  themselves  arms  arid 
munitions,  and  especially  powder,  they  ordered  Ezechiel  Hopkins, 
captain-general  of  the  fleet,  to  make  sail  for  the  Bahama  Islands.  He 
put  to  sea  about  the  middle  of  February,  and  after  a  prosperous  voy- 
age arrived,  in  the  beginning  of  March,  at  Abaco,  one  of  these  islands. 

Being  informed  that  the  English  had  amassed  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  munitions  in  that  of  Providence,  he  made  a  sudden  descent 
there,  and  seized  them.  The  Americans  found  many  pieces  of 
cannon,  with  bombs,  balls,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  casks  of 
powder,  the  capital  object  of  the  expedition.  In  their  return  they 
combated  honorably  a  British  frigate,  and  captured  a  brig.  The 
squadron  of  Congress,  with  its  prizes,  entered  the  port  of  New  Lon- 
don. Frequent  engagements  also  took  place  in  the  bay  of  Boston, 
he! ween  the  ships  of  commodore  Bankes,  and  those  of  Massachu- 
setts. One  of  the  most  remarkable  was  that  in  which  captain  Mug- 
ford  captured  a  transport,  laden  with  a  great  quantity  of  arms  and 
military  stores. 

The  navy  of  Congress  not  only  distinguished  itself  upon  the  coasts, 
but  «^lso,  what  was  scarcely  to  have  been  hoped,  in  the  open  sea.  Its 
success  perceptibly  increased  the  confidence  and  hope  of  the  Ameri- 
cans; they  accustomed  themselves,  by  little  and  little,  to  act  as  a 
nation  enjoying  its  entire  independence. 

The  desire  to  see  it  universally  acknowledged  was  excited  in 
some,  and  fortified  with  others,  in  proportion  to  the  prosperous  result 
of  their  efforts.  They  were  not  crowned  with  the  same  happy  success 
in  Canada.  Arnold,  who  had  continued  with  his  feeble  corps  the 
siege  of  Quebec,  found  himself  oppressed  by  a  multitude  of  obstacles. 
The  reenforcements  the  Congress  had  promised  him,  arrived  but 
slowly  and  by  parties,  either  because  the  severity  of  the  season  ren- 
dered the  roads  nearly  impracticable,  or,  because  the  ill  success 
of  the  assault  of  Quebec  had  considerably  damped  the  ardor  with 
which  the  novelty  and  brilliant  commencement  of  this  expedition  had 
inspired  the  Americans. 

It  appeared  that  Congress  itself,  either  distracted  by  too  many 
cares,  or  wanting  the  necessary  means,  had  neglected  to  take  proper 
measures  for  conducting  the  Canadian  war  to  the  object  desired.  In 
vain  had  the  greater  part  of  the  garrison  of  Montreal  been  marched 
to  Quebec,  the  soldiers  under  Arnold  still  scarcely  amounted  to  a 
thousand  effective  men. 

The  Canadians,  who  at  first  had  welcomed  the  Americans  with 
cordiality,  and  had  supplied  them  with  all  that  was  in  their  power, 
finding  themselves  afterwards  exposed  to  various  excesses  on  the  part 
of  this* undisciplined  troop,  had  passed  from  benevolence  to  aversion. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  303 

It  must  be  admitted,  they  had  too  much  reason  for  it.  The  Ameri- 
cans had  not  only  omitted  to  conciliate  the  countenance  of  tho 
Catholic  priests,  which  irritated  their  self-love,  but  they  had  even 
overwhelmed  them  with  contempt,  which  excited  among  them  detest- 
ation and  a  thirst  of  vengeance.  The  insinuations  of  governor 
Carleton  and  of  all  his  partisans  succeeded,  therefore,  without  diffi- 
culty, in  persuading  them  to  refuse  the  sacraments  to  all  those  who 
had  declared  for  the  Americans.  This  refusal  produced  an  impres- 
sion so  serious  upon  the  minds  of  the  Canadians,  that  the  provincials, 
perceiving  how  prejudicial  it  might  prove  to  their  interests,  de- 
spatched a  Catholic  priest  from  Maryland,  in  order  to  dispense  to  the 
Canadians  all  the  spiritual  succours  of  which  they  were  deprived.  But 
this  remedy  was  employed  too  late.  Affairs  already  assumed  the 
most  discouraging  aspect. 

A- French  gentleman  of  intrepidity,  named  Beaujeu,  had  assem- 
bled a  corps  of  nobles  and  other  inhabitants  with  whom  he  had 
influence,  at  the  head  of  whom  he  had  taken  the  field.  The  Ame- 
ricans had  engaged  him  with  advantage  ;  but  they  had  no  means  to 
repair  the  injury  their  cause  had  suffered,  as  well  from  its  known 
weakness,  as  from  the  outrages  committed  against  the  inhabitants  of 
the  country.  To  increase  their  distress,  the  season  approached  in 
which  the  reenforcements,  already  known  to  be  departed  from 
England,  were  about  to  arrive.  The  river  St.  .Lawrence,  no  longer 
obstructed  with  ice,  opened  them  a  free  passage  up  to  the  city  of 
Quebec.  It  would  have  been  too  hazardous  to  await  them  witli 
forces  so  disproportionate. 

In  this  critical  position,  Arnold,  who  had  recently  been  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  prepared  with  a  courage  as  great 
as  his  resources  were  feeble  to  reduce  the  besieged  city.  Its  pos- 
session would  have  rendered  the  enmity  of  the  Canadians  in  a  great 
measure  impotent,  and  the  English  troops  would  thus  have  lost  their 
communication  with  the  upper  parts  of  the  province. 

Arnold  was  not  entirely  without  hope  of  success.  Governor 
Carleton  experienced  a  dearth,  rendered  more  and  more  afflicting 
by  the  vigilance  and  success  with  which  the  provincials  intercepted 
all  his  convoys  of  provisions  ;  nor  did  they  cease,  besides,  to  harass 
and  fatigue  the  garrison  by  false  attacks  and  multiplied  stratagems, 
hoping  from  its  weakness  to  find  sooner  or  later  some  way  to  sur- 
prise the  place. 

They  had  approached  the  walls  to  open  the  trench,  and  had 
erected  batteries  upon  the  banks  of  the  river,  in  order  to  cannonade 
the  English  vessels.  They  fired  with  red  hot  balls,  and  launched 
different  sorts  of  fireworks  into  the  city ;  but  general  Carleton 
watched  attentively  and  disconcerted  all  their  manoeuvres.  The 
obstacles  that  Arnold  encountered,  were  carried  to  the  utmost  by  the 
smallpox,  a  malady  so  formidable  in  these  climates.  The  reenforce- 


304  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

ments  he  expected,  arrived  greatly  reduced  by  this  scourge  ;  the 
soldiers  fled  from  terror  ;  or  were  infected  by  the  contagion  ;  the 
ranks  thinned  continually.  It  was  at  this  epoch  that  general  Thomas 
took  the  command.  He  wished  before  raising  the  siege,  to  make  a 
last  effort,  by  setting  fire  to  the  ships  of  the  governor,  and  seizing  the 
occasion  of  the  disorder  to  attempt  the  assault.  The  river  being 
already  free  from  ice  before  Quebec,  on  the  night  of  the  third  of 
May,  the  Americans  sent  down  a  fire-ship  ;  their  ladders  were  pre- 
pared for  the  assault.  The  English  having  taken  the  alarm,  began 
to  fire  ;  the  men  who  managed  the  fire-ship,  finding  themselves  dis- 
covered, set  her  on  fire. 

In  this  posture  of  affairs,  having  no  longer  any  thing  to  expect, 
either  from  a  regular  siege  or  a  scalade,  seeing  the  troops  diminish 
daily,  as  well  in  number  as  in  courage,  having  no  more  provisions 
left  than  for  three  days,  and  fearing,  at  every  moment,  the  arrival  of 
the  English  reenforcements,  the  American  general  resolved  to  aban- 
don the  expedition  entirely,  and  to  retire  towards  Montreal.  The 
very  morning  of  the  day  appointed  for  raising  the  siege,  the  Isis  ship 
of  fifty-four  guns,  arrived  in  sight  of  Quebec,  with  the  frigate  Sur- 
prise, and  another  vessel  of  less  force. 

With  equal  industry  and  peril,  they  had  ventured  to  navigate  the 
river  from  its  mouth,  in  the  midst  of  enormous  masses  of  floating  ice. 
They  had  on  board  several  companies  of  veteran  soldiers,  who  were 
immediately  put  on  shore. 

The  ships  now  having  the  command  of  the  river,  intercepted  all 
communication  between  the  different  parts  of  the  American  camp, 
and  even  captured  a  great  number  of  vessels  belonging  to  the  pro- 
vincials. This  unexpected  event  threw  them  into  the  greatest  con- 
sternation. They  precipitately  abandoned  their  quarters,  leaving 
behind  them  their  baggage,  their  artillery,  their  munitions,  and  what- 
ever might  have  retarded  their  march  ;  the  English  seized  them 
immediately. 

The  sick,  attacked  for  the  most  part  with  the  smallpox,  escaped 
as  they  could  ;  the  Canadians  were  moved  with  compassion,  and 
concealed  them  here  and  there.  Meanwhile,  the  governor  had 
sallied  out  at  the  head  of  the  garrison  to  pursue  the  Americans. 
He  made  no  few  of  them  prisoners  ;  but  they  gave  themselves  no 
pause  until  they  had  inarched  full  forty-five  miles  up  the  St.  Law- 
rence ;  then,  having  halted  a  few  hours,  they  retired  to  the  mouths 
of  the  Sorel,  where  they  were  joined  by  four  regiments. 

They  lost,  in  this  place,  general  Thomas,  who  died  of  the  small- 
pox ;  his  valor  and  his  integrity  rendered  him  the  object  of  universal 
consideration.  General  Sullivan  succeeded  in  command.  General 
Carleton,  after  such  prosperous  success,  reflecting  upon  his  extreme 
weakness,  ceased  to  pursue  the  enemy,  and  returned  to  Quebec, 
intending  to  wait  for  reenforcements,  and  then  take  the  field  with 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  305 

forces  sufficient  to  maintain  himself  there.  But  he  first  gave  the 
most  honorable  proofs  of  that  humanity  which  distinguished  him. 
The  Americans,  whether  wounded  or  sick,  were  concealed  in  the 
forests  or  in  the  habitations  of  the  Canadians,  where  they  had  to 
suffer  all  evils  united.  The  governor  issued  a  proclamation,  by 
which  he  ordained  that  men,  appointed  for  this  purpose,  should  go 
in  search  of  these  unfortunate  men,  to  cure  them  at  the  public  ex- 
pense, and  provide  for  all  their  wants.  Finally,  that  they  might  not 
fear  to  discover  themselves,  he  pledged  his  faith,  that  so  soon  as 
they  should  have  recovered  health,  he  would  leave  them  at  their 
full  and  entire  liberty  to  return,  without  conditions,  to  their  own 
habitations. 

A  few  days  subsequent  to  the  deliverance  of  Quebec,  that  is, 
about  the  last  of  the  month  of  May,  several  regiments  of  English  and 
Brunswickers  arrived  in  Canada.  These  reenforcements  carried 
the  British  army  in  that  province  to  upwards  of  thirteen  thousand 
men,  commanded  by  experienced  generals,  among  whom  Carleton 
was  the  first  in  reputation,  as  in  rank.  Under  his  orders  were  Bur- 
goyne,  Phillipps,  and  Reidesel,  a  German  general  of  considerable 
name. 

Wishing  to  profit  by  the  rout  of  the  Americans,  they  were  all  of 
opinion  that  the  war  should  be  carried  into  the  upper  parts  of  Cana- 
da, and  even  further,  if  fortune  should  prove  propitious.  The 
English  general  accordingly  assembled  all  his  forces  af.  Trois  Ri- 
vieres, a  town  situated  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  at  a 
distance  nearly  equal  from  Montreal  and  from  Quebec. 

The  constancy  of  the  Americans  had  been  put  to  a  severe  test 
under  the  walls  of  this  capital  ;  they  had  also  to  sustain  a  sanguinary 
conflict  in  the  environs  of  Montreal,  against  a  corps  of  English,  of 
Canadians,  and  of  savages.  They  occupied  a  small  fort  situated  in 
a  place  called  les  Cedres,  a  few  miles  above  Montreal. 

The  royalists  appeared  before  it,  and  captains  Beadle  and  Butter- 
field,  more  careful  of  their  safety  than  of  their  honor,  and  the  inter- 
ests of  their  country,  immediately  surrendered  upon  terms.  Some 
companies  had  commenced  their  march  from  Montreal  to  bring 
them  succour,  but  they  fell  in  with  a  party  of  the  enemy  who  dis- 
persed them,  after  an  obstinate  and  bloody  resistance.  The  Indians 
exercised  the  most  shocking  cruelties  upon  the  prisoners.  Arnold, 
who  was  then  at  Montreal,  unable  to  endure  that  the  American  arms 
should  receive  a  check  from  those  of  the  Canadians  and  savages, 
immediately  took  the  field  in  order  to  avenge  this  affront.  But 
captain  Foster  gave  him  to  understand,  that  if  he  attacked  him  and 
refused  to  consent  to  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  all  the  Americans 
that  were  found  in  his  power  would  be  massacred  immediately  by 
the  Indians.  Arnold  was  constrained,  though  with  extreme  repug- 
nance, to  yield  to  necessity. 

VOL.  j.  39 


306  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

Neither  these  adverse  events,  nor  the  aspect  of  a  position  so  cri- 
tical, could  shake  the  courage?  of  the  Americans.  It  was  at  this  very 
moment  that  they  attempted  an  operation  full  of  danger  and  of  no 
little  difficulty. 

The  English  troops  and  those  of  Brunswick  were  much  dispersed, 
and  very  distant  from  each  other.  A  strong  corps  was  quartered  at 
Trois  Rivieres,  under  the  command  of  general  Frazer  ;  another,  at 
the  orders  of  general  Nesbit,  continued  on  board  the  transports  ;  a'nd 
the  most  considerable  corps,  forming  several  divisions,  under  gene- 
rals Carleton,  Burgoyne,  Phillipps,  and  Reidesel,  was  distributed 
upon  the  banks,  and  upon  the  river  itself,  in  its  lower  part,  on  the  side 
of  Quebec.  Some  other  batteaus,  full  of  soldiers,  had  already  passed 
up  the  rivpr  above  Trois  Rivieres,  towards  the  Sorel.  The  Ameri- 
cans conceived  the  project  of  surprising  and  cutting  off  the  English 
division  that  occupied  Trois  Rivieres,  before  the  others  could  come 
to  its  assistance.  General  Sullivan  accordingly  directed  general 
Thompson  to  embark  with  two  thousand  men,  upon  fifty  batteaus 
that  were  kept  in  preparation  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  to  descend 
the  river.  Thompson  coasted  along  the  right  bank  of  the  lake  St. 
Pierre,  formed  by  the  vast  breadth  of  the  river  in  this  place,  and 
arrived  without  being  perceived  at  Nicolete,  a  town  situated  upon  the 
same  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  a  little  above  Trois  Rivieres.  His 
design  was  to  cross  the  river  during  the  night,  to  land  nine  miles 
above  Trois  Rivieres,  and  to  fall  upon  the  enemy  before  day.  But 
it  had  already  appeared,  before  the  Americans,  retarded  by  many 
unexpected  obstacles,  could  gain  the  left  bank.  They  marched, 
however,  with  incredible  rapidity  towards  the  destined  point;  but 
treacherous  guides  misled  them.  On  having  discovered  it,  they 
resumed  the  right  road,  which  was  excessively  difficult. 

Meanwhile,  the  sun  was  risen,  and  they  were  perceived  by  the 
troops  that  were  on  board  the  vessels.  The  alarm  was  soon  given, 
and  general  Frazer  was  promptly  apprized  of  the  danger.  The 
Americans,  seeing  themselves  discovered,  redoubled  their  celerity. 
They  arrived  at  nine  in  the  morning  in  sight  of  Trois  Rivieres  ;  but 
they  found  the  English  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle,  and  prepared  to 
receive  them.  The  action  was  engaged  ;  the  Americans,  after  a 
feeble  struggle,  were  thrown  into  disorder  ;  and  fled.  This  notwith- 
standing, they  were  rallied  ;  but  the  day  was  already  lost  without 
remedy.  Nesbit  landing  all  at  once  with  his  division,  took  the  Ame- 
ricans in  rear.  From  this  moment  their  rout  was  complete.  The 
soldiers  no  longer  keeping  any  order,  sought  their  safety  in  the  woods. 

Pressed  in  front  by  Frazer,  who  overwhelmed  them  with  a  fire  oi 
grape-shot,  and  intercepted  by  Nesbit,  who  prevented  their  return  to 
the  batteaus,  they  suffered  horribly  in  the  passage  of  a  marsh.  Hav- 
ing at  length,  by  incredible  efforts,  succeeded  in  crossing  it,  they 
plunged  into  thick  forests,  where  the  English  ceased  to  pursue  them. 


BOOK  VI. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  307 


When  they  were  able  to  rejoin  their  boats,  they  hastened  to  return 
tqahe  months  of  the  Sorel.  *They  left  many  prisoners  in  the  power 
oPthe  English,  among  whom  general  Thompson  himself,  and  colonel 
It-win,  with  many  other  officers  of  distinction  ;  they  had  few  killed. 
The  loss  of  the  royal  troops  was  still  less.  Such  was  the  issue  of  the 
expedition  of  Trois  Rivieres,  conceived  with  ability,  undertaken  with 
intrepidity,  but  finally  directed  with  imprudence. 

.Tiie  success  depending  entirely  on  a  surprise  by  night,  it  is  certain, 
that  when  the  Americans  perceived  they  could  only  attack  in  open 
day,  and  still  more,  that  their  enemy  was  on  his  guard,  the  part  of 
wisdom  would  have  been  to  halt,  and  to  recover  their  first  position. 
Discouraged  by  this  check,  and  by  the  consideration  of  their  weak- 
ness, the  provincials  resolved  to  retreat.  The  English,  on  the  con- 
trary, uninvited  by  victory,  determined  to  use  it  with  all  promptitude. 
Having  combined  all  their  divisions  at  Trois  Rivieres,  they  proceeded 
four  days  after  the  action,  towards  the  Sorel,  part  by  the  way  of  the 
land,  and  part  upon  the  river.  Thoy  arrived  at  the  confluence,  a  few 
hours  after  the  Americans  had  destroyed  their  batteries,  and  carried 
away  the  artillery  and  munitions. 

The  English  generals  then  formed  two  columns,  that  of  the  right 
was  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  and  take  possession  of  Montreal, 
pass  the  river  to  Longueville,  traverse  the  country  which  is  com- 
prehended between  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Sorel,  and  reunite  with 
the  column  of  the  left  under  fort  St.  John.  The  column  of  the  left 
was  to  ascend  the  river  up  to  this  fort,  which  it  was  intended  to  re- 
duce by  assault,  or  by  siege,  if  it  was  necessary.  It  was  presumable 
that  the  Americans  would  endeavor  to  make  a  stand  there.  The 
first  column  soon  arrived  at  Montreal  and  entered  it  without  obstacle; 
Arnold  had  evacuated  it,  as  well  as  the  whole  island,  the  night  pre- 
ceding. Meanwhile,  Burgoyne  advanced  by  the  Sorel  with  extreme 
caution;  the  country  being  suspicious,  he  feared  some  ambuscade. 
The  Americans  retired  with  an  eq'ial  circumspection.  They  wished 
to  avoid  an  affair  of  the  rear  guard,  and  to  save  their  baggage,  which, 
conveyed  in  batteaus,  followed  upon  the  river  the  progress  of  the 
army. 

Arnold  at  length  gained  fort  St.  John,  without  having  been  attack- 
ed, and  there  effected  his  junction  with  Sullivan.,  But  this  general, 
knowing  the  disadvantage  of  his  position,  determined  not  to  risk  a 
siege  ;  he  set  fire  to  the  magazine  and  barracks,  dismantled  the  forti- 
fications, and  withdrew  under  the  cannon  of  Crown  Point.  Bur- 
goyne  could  not  follow  him,  all  the  batteaus  having  been  burnt. 

Although  this  retreat  has  not  been  absolutely  exempt  from  confusion, 
it  was  not,  however,  with  the  exception  of  the  check  of  Trois  Rivieres 
and  that  of  Cedres,  attended  with  any  considerable  loss  either  of  men, 
of  arms,  of  munitions,  or  of  baggage. 


308  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    VI. 


In  the  midst  of  so  many  dangers,  general  Sullivan  neglected  no 
part  of  his  duty ;  the  Congress  addressed  him  public  thanks.  The 
English  found  themselves  compelled  to  suspend  their  pursuit. 

By  falling  back  upon  Crown  Point,  the  Americans  had  rfffferposed 
between  themselves  and  the  enemy,  all  the  length  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  of  which  a  large  number  of  armed  vessels  rendered  them 
masters.  The  English  could  not  hope  to  proceed  further  south,  by 
the  way  of  the  lake,  unless  they  armed  a  fleet  superior  to  that  of  the 
provincials.  It  was  necessary,  besides,  that  they  should  construct  a 
great  number  of  batteaus,  to  serve  for  the  transport  of  the  troops  and 
munitions  of  a  numerous  army. 

There  had  arrived  from  England,  it  is  true,  six  large  armed  vessels 
destined  for  this  use  ;  but  the  falls  of  the  river  Sorel,  near  Fort 
Chambly,  rendered  their  entrance  into  the  lake,  if  not  impossible, 
certainly  very  difficult.  The  construction  of  flat  boats  presented, 
also,  numerous  difficulties,  and  required  a  considerable  time.  Upon 
these  considerations  the  English  renounced  all  further  pursuit,  and 
the  Americans  had  leisure  to  prepare  themselves  to  resist  the  future 
attacks  of  a  powerful  and  warlike  enemy. 

The  Americans  were  thus  arrested  by  an  insurmountable  obstacle  in 
this  expedition  of  Canada,  from  which  they  had  promised  themselves 
so  great  advantages.  But  it  should  be  considered,  that  either  through 
inexperience,  or  from  the  difficulties  which  are  wont  to  accompany 
new  and  tumultuary  governments,  this  enterprise  was  not  commenced 
until  the  season  was  already  too  far  advanced  in  these  cold  regions ; 
it  was  not  carried  on  with  sufficient  forces ;  and  the  excesses  of 
military  license  deprived  the  colonies  of  the  ancient  friendship  of  the 
Canadians,  which  was  not  only  necessary,  but  even  indispensable  to 
the  success  of  their  cause.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  if  this  enter- 
prise had  been  conducted  with  a  prudence  and  vigor  equal  to  the 
boldness  which  had  dictated  its  plan,  or  even  if  destiny  had  not  cut 
off  the  days  of  Montgomery  at  a  moment  so  critical,  the  Americans 
would  have  gained  the  object  of  all  their  efforts.  But  fortune  does 
not  always  favor  the  brave,  nor  do  the  brave  always  know  how  to  use 
fortune  well. 

This  expedition  of  Canada,  moreover,  led  the  government  or  Bri- 
tish generals  into  a.signal  error  with  respect  to  the  conduct  of  all  this 
war  ;  to  this  cause,  especially,  must  be  attributed  the  inutility  of  all 
their  efforts  against  America. 

In  effect,  the  invasion  of  Canada  by  the  Americans,  was  perhaps 
the  first  motive  which  determined  the  English  ministry  to  assemble  so 
considerable  forces  in  this  province,  and  to  divide  their  army  into  two 
distinct  parts,  one  of  which  was  to  descend  from  Canada,  by  the 
lakes,  into  the  interior  of  the  colonies,  and  the  other  to  attack  them 
in  front  upon  the  coasts. 

It  is  not  improbable,  that  if  instead  of  these  two  armies,  the  Eng- 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  300 

lish  had  formed  but  one  only,  the  war  would  have  had  a  direction, 
and  perhaps  a  conclusion,  widely  different. 

The  Congress  decreed,  in  honor  of  a  man  beloved  and  revered  by 
the  Americans,  that  there  should  be  procured  from  Paris  a  monu- 
ment, with  an  appropriate  inscription,  to  transmit  to  posterity  the 
memory  of  the  virtues  and  heroic  qualities  of  Richard  Montgomery. 

Thus,  by  the  example  of  those  of  the  dead,  they  encouraged  the 
virtues  of  the  living.  The  authors  of  revolutions  too  often,  of  pre- 
ference, employ  bad  citizens,  either,  in  consequence  of  their  audacity 
in  recommending  themselves,  or  because,  bavins;  no  other  principle 
but  their  personal  interest,  they  are  more  pliant  and  more  ductile  in 
the  hands  of  those  who  govern. 

It  should  be  observed,  on  the  contrary,  to  the  glory  of  the  Ameri- 
can Congress,  that  they  sought  out  and  distinguished  men  of  worth. 
We  dare  not  affirm  that  the  number  of  such,  in  the  times  of  the  revo- 
lution, was  more  considerable  in  America  than  in  any  other  country. 
But  it  does  appear,  that  if  there  prevailed  among  the  Americans  of 
this  epoch,  the  vices  produced  by  an  immoderate  love  of  gain,  those 
were  scarcely  remarked  which  have  their  origin  in  luxury,  depravity 
of  manners,  and  the  ambition  of  power.  Religion  had  not  yet  lost 
its  authority  over  their  minds,  nor  had  it  become  fashionable  with 
them  to  offer  incense  at  the  altars  of  vice,  or  openly  to  rail  at  virtue. 
It  is  remarkable  that  the  English  manifested  no  less  enthusiasm  than 
the  Americans  for  the  memory  of  Montgomery. 

Within  the  parliament  itself,  there  were  found  orators  whose  elo- 
quence adjudged  him  all  the  praises  with  which  the  historians  of  anti- 
quity have  commemorated  the  most  illustrious  men  of  their  times. 
Colonel  Barre  was  particularly  remarked  for  the  noble  pathos  of  the 
regrets  he  consecrated  to  the  death  of  his  gallant  enemy.  Burke  and 
Fox  endeavored  to  surpass  this  eulogium  in  their  speeches  ;  Fox, 
especially,  who,  as  yet  very  young,  already  discovered  the  man  he  was 
afterwards  to  be.  Lord  North  reprehended  them  sharply,  exclaim- 
ing, that  it  was  indecent  to  lavish  so  many  praises  upon  a  rebel.  He 
admitted  that  Montgomery  was  brave,  able,  humane,  and  generous; 
but  still  he  was  only  a  brave,  able,  humane,  and  generous  rebel;  he 
cited  this  verse  of  Addison  in  Cato, — '  Curse  on  his  virtues,  they've 
undone  his  country.'  Fox  answered  him  immediately,  with  warmth, 
that  'the  term  "rebel,"  applied  to  that  excellent  person,  was  no  cer- 
tain mark  of  disgrace,  and  therefore  he  was  the  less  earnest  to  clear 
him  of  the  imputation ;  for  that  all  the  great  asserters  of  liberty,  the 
saviors  of  their  country,  the  benefactors  of  mankind,  in  all  ages,  had 
been  called  rebels ;  that  they  even  owed  the  constitution,  which  en- 
abled them  to  sit  in  that  house,  to  a  rebellion.'  He  added  this  pas- 
sage from  the  prince  of  Latin  poets — 

Sunt  hie  etiam  sua  praemia  laudi, 
Sunt  lachrymse  rerum,  et  nientem  mortalia  tangunt. 


olO  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

But  it  is  time  to  resume  the  thread  of  the  history.  The  Ame- 
ricans found  a  compensation  for  the  disasters  of  Canada,  in  the 
success  they  obtained  under  the  walls  of  Charleston,  in  South  Caro- 
lina. The  ministers  had  resolved  to  aim  a  vigorous  blow  at  the 
southern  provinces,  because  they  had  persuaded  themselves,  and 
not  without  reason,  that  the  friends  of  England  were  more  numerous 
there  than  in  those  of  the  north.  They  had  no  doubt  that  they 
would  all  show  themselves  so  soon  as  the  troops  of  the  king  should 
appear  in  force  upon  the  coasts,  or  should  have  become  possessed 
of  some  important  post.  They  hoped  with  the  succour  of  the  loyal- 
ists to  reestablish  the  ancient  order  of  things  in  these  provinces,  and 
they  calculated  that  thence  they  might  afterwards  attack  in  flank 
those  of  the  middle  and  north  ;  which,  being  pressed  in  the  rear,  on 
the  part  of  Canada,  by  a  strong  army,  and  in  front  on  the  part  of 
the  sea,  by  forces  no  less  formidable,  would  thus  be  deprived  of  all 
power  of  resistance.  The  ministers  already  saw  America  returned 
to  its  ancient  submission.  They  determined  to  turn  their  arms  at 
first  against  North  Carolina,  as  the  weakest  part,  and  to  add  to  this 
conquest  that  of  South  Carolina  and  of  Virginia,  according  to  the 
success  of  operations. 

For  this  reason  the  fleet,  having  on  board  the  troops  destined  for 
this  expedition,  had  sailed  from  the  ports  of  England  and  Ireland 
before  the  others.  General  Clinton,  who,  at  the  head  of  another 
considerable  corps,  was  to  come  from  New  York  to  join  the  new 
reenforcements,  was  already  arrived  at  Cape  Fear,  not  having  been 
able  to  execute  his  design  of  attacking  Virginia.  But,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  impatience  of  the  loyalists  of  North  Carolina  had  caused 
the  miscarriage  of  the  expedition,  and  their  own  ruin  ;  on  the  other, 
contrary  winds  and  storms  had  so  retarded  beyond  all  expectation 
the  passage  of  the  fleet  which,  under  the  command  of  admiral  Peter 
Parker,  was  bound  for  Cape  Fear,  that  it  could  not  reach  that  point 
until  long  after  the  calculated  term,  nor  until  the  loyalists  were 
already  put  down,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  Carolinas  were  not 
only  apprised  of  the  menaced  attack,  but  had  even  already  made  all 
their  preparations  for  resistance.  It  is  certain  that  if  the  loyalists  of 
North  Carolina  had  delayed  for  some  time  longer  tto  declare  them- 
selves ;  or  if  the  sea  had  been  more  propitious  to  the  English,  the 
affairs  of  Congress  might  have  taken  a  disastrous  direction  in  the 
south.  The  squadron  of  admiral  Parker  arrived  at  Cape  Fear 
about  the  beginning  of  May,  with  many  land  troops,  and  with  gene- 
rals Cornwallis,  Vaughan,  and  several  others.  Here  they  made 
their  junction  with  general  Clinton,  who,  from  seniority,  took  the 
command  in  chief. 

The  obstinate  resistance  of  the  Virginians,  and  the  disasters  of 
the  partisans  of  England  in  North  Carolina,  precluded  all  hope  of 
success  in  these  two  provinces  ;  there  remained  therefore  no  other 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  311 

advisable  procedure  but  that  of  turning  against  South  Carolina  ; 
which  expedition  offered  also  this  advantage,  that  the  reduction  of 
Charleston  secured  the  conquest  of  the  entire  province. 

Its  inhabitants,  struck  with  consternation  at  the  loss  of  their  capi- 
tal, would  never  even  think  of  attempting  to  defend  an  open  country, 
exposed  to  the  inroads  of  an  active  and  disciplined  enemy.  Nor 
could  the  taking  of  Charleston  be  considered  a  difficult  operation, 
this  city  being  situated  upon  the  very  coast. 

The  plan  being  decided,  the  English  prepared  themselves  for  the 
execution.  But  the  Carolinians  had  neglected  nothing  to  secure 
themselves  the  means  of  defending  their  province,  and  particularly 
their  capital.  The  chiefs  of  the  people,  as  we  have  already  related, 
had  taken  particular  care  to  fortify  Sullivan's  Island,  situated  on  the 
part  of  the  sea,  at  the  distance  of  six  miles  from  the  point  of  land 
formed  by  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers,  Ashley  and  Cooper,  and 
upon  which  the  city  of  Charleston  is  built.  This  island  so  commands 
the  channel  which  leads  to  the  port,  that  the  vessels  which  would 
enter  it  must  pass  under  the  cannon  of  fort  Moultrie.  It  had  recently 
been  armed  with  thirty-six  pieces  of  heavy  cannon,  and  twenty- 
six  of  inferior  caliber.  The  fort  itself  was  constructed  of  a  species 
of  wood  of  the  country,  which  the  inhabitants  denominated  Palmetto, 
and  is  so  spongy  and  soft,  that  the  ball  is  deprived  by  it  of  its  impe- 
tus, and  lodges  within  it  without  causing  splinters.  The  militia  of 
all  the  province  were  called  in  haste  to  the  defence  of  the  city.  In 
the  space  of  a  few  days  the  garrison  amounted  to  six  thousand  men, 
if  not  perfectly  disciplined,  at  least  full  of  ardor. 

The  regiment  on  pay,  of  South  Carolina,  was  sent  to  guard  fort 
Johnson,  situated  in  Jarnes  Inland,  three  miles  from  Charleston,  and 
which  commanded  the  whole  breadth  of  the  channel. 

The  second  and  third  regiments  occupied  Sullivan's  Island.  Wil- 
liam Mouitrie,  who  commanded  the  second  regiment,  was  charged 
with  the  defence  of  the  fort,  which  afterwards,  from  his  gallant 
defence  of  it,  was  called  by  his  name.  The  rest  of  the  troops  were 
distributed  in  the  most  important  posts  ;  the  roads  which  led  to  the 
sea  were  obstructed  by  abattis,  the  warehouses  of  the  coast  demo- 
lished, and  intrenchments  erected  upon  the  shore. 

There  was  not  an  inhabitant  who  had  not  in  hand  either  arms  or 
the  spade,  or  the  pickaxe.  The  blacks,  who  bad  been  called  in 
from  the  country,  admirably  seconded  the  whites  in  all  the  labors  of 
fortification.  The  chief  command  belonged  to  general  Lee,  who 
possessed  the  entire  confidence  of  the  troops  and  of  the  people  ;  none 
rivalled  him  in  devotion  to  the  common  cause.  The  hatred  he  had 
long  borne  towards  the  English  government,  the  love  of  glory,  and 
the  desire  of  answering  the  universal  expectation,  continually  excited 
his  natural  ardor.  Rutledge,  a  man  of  great  influence  in  the  pro- 
vince, also  manifested  the  most  active  zeal  in  animating  the  inhabit- 


312  THE    AMEKICAN    WAH. 


BOOK  VI. 


ants  to  defend  themselves.  His  example  and  his  exhortations  ob- 
tained the  most  happy  results.  Every  one  was  at  his  post,  expecting 
the  enemy  with  intrepid  confidence.  Meanwhile,  the  British  fleet 
appeared,  and  cast  anchor  to  the  north  of  Sullivan's  Island. 

The  ships  of  war  were  the  Bristol  and  Experiment  of  fifty  guns  ; 
four  frigates,  the  Active,  the  Jlcteon,  the  Solebay,  and  the  Syren  of 
twenty-eight ;  the  Sphynx  of  twenty,  the  Friendship  of  twenty-two, 
two  smaller  vessels  of  eight,  and  the  Thunder,  a  bomb-ketch. 

It  was  very  difficult,  especially  for  the  large  ships,  to  pass  the  bar 
which  is  found  at  the  entrance  of  the  channel  of  Charleston. 

It  was  not  without  extreme  fatigue  that  the  English  succeeded  in 
crossing  it  with  the  Bristol  and  Experiment,  even  after  they  had 
lightened  them  of  their  artillery  and  a  great  part  of  their  lading. 
They  struck,  aad  it  was  thought  they  would  bilge  immediately  ;  but 
the  skill  of  the  officers  and  the  efforts  of  the  sailors  at  length  pre- 
served them.  The  intention  of  the  English  was  to  reduce  fort 
Moultrie,  in  order,  afterwards,  to  attack  the  city  without  obstacle. 
General  Clinton  issued  a  proclamation,  which  he  sent  into  the  city 
by  a  flag  ;  he  therein  reminded  the  inhabitants  of  the  subversion  of 
all  laws,  of  the  tyranny  established  in  the  hands  of  the  Congress,  the 
committees,  and  other  unconstitutional  authorities  ;  he  gave  them  a 
last  admonition,  before  proceeding  to  extremities  ;  he  exhorted  them 
to  avert  from  their  heads,  by  a  prompt  return  to  obedience,  the  ven- 
geance of  a  powerful  and  irritated  nation.  He  offered  pardon,  at  the 
same  time,  to  all  those  who  should  lay  down  arms  and  submit  im- 
mediately. 

This  summons  produced  no  effect  whatever. 

The  English  generals  had  arranged  their  attack  in  the  following 
manner.  The  ships  were  to  cannonade  fort  Moultrie  in  front,  while 
a  corps  of  troops  landed  for  this  purpose  in  Long  Island,  to  the  east 
of  Sullivan's  Island,  should  cross  the  narrow  arm  of  the  sea  that 
separates  them,  and  which  was  believed  fordable.  This  corps 
would  then  have  pressed  the  fort  on  the  part  of  the  land,  which  was 
much  less  strongly  fortified.  This  plan  offered  them  so  fair  a  pro- 
spect of  success,  that  general  Lee  himself,  having  doubts  whether 
the  fort  could  be  defended,  recommended  that  it  should  be  evacuat- 
ed, and  that  all  efforts  should  be  concentrated  for  the  defence  of  the 
city.  But  the  inhabitants,  who  dreaded  bombs  out  of  measure,  re- 
solved to  attempt,  by  all  means,  the  defence  of  the  fort. 

All  the  preparations  being  completed  on  the  one  part,  and  on  the 
other,  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  the  ketch  Thun- 
der, protected  by  another  armed  vessel,  took  post  and  began  to 
throw  bombs  into  fort  Moultrie,  while  the  rest  of  the  squadron 
advanced. 

About,  eleven  o'clock,  the  Bristol,  the  Experiment,  the  Active,  and 
the  Solebay,  having  formed  in  line,  opened  a  violent  fire  against  the 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  313 

fort.  The  Sphynx,  the  Acteon,  and  the  Syren,  went  to  take  their 
station  to  the  west,  between  the  point  of  Sullivan's  Island  and  the 
city,  partly  to  be  able  to  sweep  the  interior  of  the  works,  and  partly 
to  intercept  all  communication  between  the  island  and  the  main  land, 
which  would  deprive  the  garrison  of  the  means  of  retreat,  prevent 
them  from  receiving  succours  of  men  and  of  munitions,  and  prohibit 
the  Carolinians  from  annoying  the  besiegers  by  fire  ships  or  other 
engines  of  war.  The  unskilfulness  of  the  pilots  caused  the  miscar- 
riage of  these  dispositions  ;  the  three  vessels  struck  upon  a  bank 
named  the  Middle  Grounds,  two  of  them,  by  the  exertions  of  the 
mariners,  were  again  set  afloat,  but  not  without  having  received  consi- 
derable damage.  Whether  on  account  of  the  hour  already  become 
late,  or  in  consequence  of  this  damage,  they  were  no  longer  in  a 
situation  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  captains.  As  to  the  Acteon, 
she  was  totally  stranded,  and,  the  next  morning,  burned.  During 
this  time,  the  four  first  vessels  had  kept  up  a  furious  cannonade 
against  the  fort,  which  was  returned  with  equal  vivacity.  The 
Thunder,  after  having  discharged  upwards  of  sixty  bombs,  found 
herself  so  disabled,  that  she  discontinued  her  fire  ;  but  the  others 
maintained  it;  and  if  the  attack  was  vigorous,  the  defence  was  not 
feeble.  The  English  themselves  were  constrained  to  admire  the 
intrepidity  of  the  Americans  in  so  hot  an  action. 

The  garrison  of  the  fort,  which  consisted  only  in  militia  and  a  few 
soldiers  of  the  line,  displayed  an  incredible  coolness  and  gallantry, 
in  the  service  of  their  artillery,  in  the  midst  of  the  tempest  of  balls 
which  was  hailed  upon  them  by  the  enemy's  squadron.  The  Ameri- 
cans aimed  with  an  extreme  precision.  The  English  ships  suffered 
excessively ;  and  their  loss  in  men  was  not  inconsiderable.  The 
Bristol,  especially,  being  damaged  in  all  her  rigging,  was  for  some 
time  so  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  batteries,  that  she  narrowly  escaped 
being  sunk.  Captain  Morris,  who  commanded  the  Acteon,  had 
already  received  several  wounds,  and  the  greater  part  of  his  men 
were  killed  ;  left  almost  alone  upon  the  deck,  he  refused  to  be  carried 
below,  until  a  ball  took  off  one  of  his  legs,  and  then  was  removed 
without  hope  of  life.  The  admiral  himself,  Peter  Parker,  received 
a  severe  contusion. 

Lord  Campbell,  who  a  little  before  was  governor  of  the  province, 
was  mortally  wounded. 

The  loss  of  the  garrison  was  very  inconsiderable ;  nevertheless 
their  fire  slackened,  and  at  length  ceased  altogether.  Their  ammuni- 
tion was  exhausted,  and  the  English  considered  their  victory  as 
already  secure.  But  the  Americans  soon  succoured  the  fort,  and  the 
cannonade  was  renewed  with  the  same  fury  as  at  first.  It  continued 
till  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening. 

The  English  then  perceiving  the  inutility  of  their  attack,  and  the 
deplorable  state  cf  their  vessels,  and  not  seeing  the  corps  make  its 
VOL.  i.  40 


314  THE    AMEBICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI, 

appearance  which  was  to  have  come  up  on  the  part  of  Long  Island, 
determined  to  abandon  the  enterprise. 

Generals  Clinton  and  Cornwallis  would  have  crossed  the  arm  of 
the  sea  which  separates  the  two  neighboring  islands,  in  order  to  attack 
Fort  Moultrie  on  the  land  side,  as  it  had  been  concerted,  but  the  water 
was  found  too  deep,  and  the  ford  impracticable  ;  this,  at  least,  they 
alleged.  On  the  other  hand,  even  though  they  should  have  succeed- 
ed in  surmounting  these  obstacles,  it  is  probable  they  would  have 
found  others  more  formidable  still  upon  the  shores  of  Sullivan's 
Island.  Colonel  Thompson,  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  grenadiers 
of  his  regiment ;  colonel  Clark,  with  two  hundred  soldiers  of  North 
Carolina ;  colonel  Horry,  followed  by  two  hundred  militiamen  of 
South  Carolina,  and  Racoon's  company  of  riflemen,  with  some  pieces 
of  artillery,  had  occupied  the  posts  situated  at  the  eastern  extremity 
of  the  island.  It  is,  therefore,  credible,  that  it  was  more  the  prepa- 
rations of  defence  made  by  the  Americans,  than  the  difficulty  of  the 
ford  which  prevented  the  English  generals  from  attempting  the  pas- 
sage. Can  it  be  supposed  that  officers,  so  experienced,  should  have 
continued  nine  whole  days  in  Long  Island  without  having  caused  the 
depth  of  the  waters  to  be  sounded,  and  ascertaining  long  before  the 
time  of  the  action,  whether  they  were  fordable  or  not  ? 

It  appears  equally  difficult  to  comprehend  how,  after  having  disco- 
vered either  that  the  ford  was  impracticable,  or  the  position  of  the 
Americans  impregnable,  the  English  should  have  remained  inactive 
in  Long  Island,  instead  of  endeavoring  to  land  upon  some  other 
part  of  Sullivan's  Island  by  means  of  the  boats  they  had  assembled. 
This  circumstance  presents  several  points  which  it  is  impossible  to 
explain.  However  it  may  be,  the  English  retired  during  the  night, 
and  the  following  morning  their  ships  were  already  at  the  distance  of 
two  miles  from  the  island.  A  few  days  after,  having  reernbarked 
their  troops,  they  made  sail  for  New  York,  where  the  army,  increased 
by  all  the  ^enforcements  it  had  received  from  England,  expected 
general  Howe. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  attack  of  Fort  Moultrie  by  the  English. 
It  placed  the  affairs  of  South  Carolina,  for  the  present,  in  a  state  of 
security,  The  fort  itself  received  little  injury,  either  because  the 
balls  of  the  enemy  passed  above  it,  or  because  the  spongy  wood,  of 
which  it  was  constructed,  diminished  their  effect. 

This  battle  was  remarkable  on  the  side  of  the  Americans  for  some 
of  those  traits  of  obstinate  courage  which  are  the  usual  result  of  the 
fermentation  of  minds  in  the  midst  of  political  revolutions.  Among 
others,  it  is  recorded,  that  a  sergeant  of  grenadiers,  named  Jasper, 
on  seeing  the  staff  of  the  American  standard  cut  by  a  ball,  sprung 
after  it  to  the  ground,  and  fastened  it  to  the  rammer  of  a  cannon  ; 
then  mounting  upon  the  parapet,  hoisted  it  anew  in  the  midst  of  the 
most  violent  fire  of  the  enemy.  President  Rutledge  presented  him 
with  a  sword,  complimenting  him  highly  and  publicly. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  315 

Sergeant  Macdonald,  mortally  wounded,  and  upon  the  point  of 
expiring,  continued  to  encourage  his  soldiers  in  the  defence  of  country 
and  of  liberty.  These  examples  of  intrepidity  were  the  object  of 
great  encomium  in  all  the  journals,  and  in  all  assemblies,  both  public 
and  private. 

These  happy  successes  inflamed  the  minds  of  the  Americans  with 
new  ardor.  The  event  having  demonstrated  of  what  importance  was 
Fort  Moultrie,  and  on  the  other  hand,  how  difficult  it  was  to  throw 
succours  into  it  by  way  of  the  sea,  it  was  resolved  to  unite  Sullivan's 
Island  to  the  continent  by  a  bridge.  This  important  work,  notwith- 
standing all  the  obstacles  it  presented,  was  executed  by  general  Gads- 
den,  a  zealous  patriot,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
province.  The  Congress,  by  a  special  decree,  voted  their  thanks  to 
major-general  Lee,  to  colonel  Moultrie,  to  colonel  Thompson,  and  to 
all  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  displayed  eq.ual  courage  and 
patriotism  in  this  memorable  defence. 

At  this  epoch,  America  was  found  in  a  strange  situation,  and 
actually  unheard  of  till  then.  The  war  she  had  carried  on  with  so 
much  vigor,  now,  for  more  than  a  year,  was  directed  against  a  king 
to  whom  she  incessantly  renewed  her  protestations  of  obedience  ; 
and  the  same  men.  who  committed  all  the  acts  of  rebellion,  would  by 
no  means  be  called  rebels.  In  all  the  tribunals,  justice  was  still 
administered  in  the  name  of  the  king  ;  and  in  the  churches,  prayers 
were  continually  repeated  for  the  preservation  and  happiness  of  that 
prince,  whose  authority  was  not  only  entirely  rejected,  but  also  fought 
against  with  incredible  obstinacy.  It  was  declared  to  be  the  general 
wish  to  resume  the  ancient  connection,  to  reestablish  the  original  form 
of  the  royal  government,  whereas,  in  reality,  the  republican  system 
had  been  long  since  introduced.  A  desire  was  pretended  to  arrive 
at  one  object,  while  all  those  means  were  resorted  to  which  led  to 
another  absolutely  opposite  ;  in  effect,  in  no  revolution  of  state  has 
there  ever  been  observed  so  much  incongruity  between  words  and 
actions. 

Such  a  state  of  things  could  not  have  duration  ;  if  the  vulgar 
persuaded  themselves  that  force  of  arms  would  reduce  the  govern- 
ment to  bend  before  their  will,  enlightened  citizens  perceived, 
distinctly,  that  the  wound  was  become  incurable ;  and  that  it  was 
hoped,  in  vain,  to  see  the  restoration  of  ancient  ties  between  the 
colonies  and  the  parent  state.  They  well  knew  that  the  obstinacy  of 
the  British  government  was  the  fruit  of  pride,  and  that  whatever 
success  the  Americans  might  obtain  in  the  course  of  the  war,  they 
could  never  be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  alarm  this  government  for 
its  own  existence ;  the  only  extremity,  however,  that  would  be  capa- 
ble of  inducing  it  to  listen  to  a  negotiation  of  accord. 

The  Americans  could  wage  only  a  defensive  war ;  and  even  sup- 
posing they  should  vanquish  the  armies  of  Great  Britain,  she  would 


316  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI. 

always  be  able  to  renew  the  conflict.  On  the  other  hand,  the  mere 
loss  of  commerce  with  America,  would  not  suffice  to  determine  the 
government  to  accede  to  the  conditions  of  the  colonists,  since  all  the 
other  parts  of  the  globe  were  open  to  it.  Besides,  great  naval  forces 
being  the  surest  guaranty  of  the  safety  of  commerce,  that  nation, 
whose  marine  shall  have  acquired  an  acknowledged  superiority,  will 
see  its  commerce  increase  and  flourish  under  the  protection  of  its 
flag.  Nor  should  it  be  omitted,  that  however  the  principle  of  the 
quarrel  seemed  to  consist  in  a  struggle  between  limited  monarchy  and 
absolute  monarchy,  it  now  existed,  in  fact,  only  between  the  monar- 
chy and  the  republic.  The  Americans,  therefore,  could  have  no 
other  prospect  but  of  entire  liberty  and  independence;  or  of  total 
dependence  and  servitude. 

In  this  state  of  things,  there  was  not  a  man  endowed  with  penetra- 
tion and  experience,  who  did  not  perceive  that  an  open  and  solemn 
declaration  of  the  object  it  was  desired  to  attain  was  the  wisest,  and 
even  the  only  resolution  the  Americans  could  adopt.  Their  situation 
was  not  rendered  by  it  more  critical ;  it  even  offered  immediate 
advantages,  and  still  greater  in  perspective.  Their  counsels  would 
thus  acquire  more'  firmness,  a  point  essential  to  the  success  of  such 
an  enterprise,  and  foreign  succours  would  become  more  easily  attaina- 
ble. It  might  then  be  believed  that  the  colonists,  after  having 
solemnly  proclaimed  their  independence,  would  combat  to  the  last  in 
its  defence.  . 

The  apprehension  of  a  sudden  reconciliation  no  longer  restraining 
foreign  powers,  they  might  openly  succour  them.  And  perhaps  the 
pride  of  England  would  be  less  hurt,  in  case  of  reverse,  at  negotiating 
with  the  Americans  as  with  an  independent  nation,  than  in  submitting 
to  the  conditions  which  had  been  the  first  occasion  of  the  quarrel ; 
for  war  can  have  no  result  more  bitter  than  that  of  compelling  him 
that  has  waged  it  to  give  up  to  his  enemy  the  very  object  in  dispute. 
The  course,  therefore,  which  the  Americans  had  to  pursue,  was  no 
longer  doubtful,  and  the  Congress  was  not  slow  to  perceive  it.  If 
the  resolution  was  urgent,  it  could  never  be  taken  in  circumstances 
more  propitious,  or  under  auspices  more  favorable.  The  success 
of  the  arms  of  the  patriots  in  Massachusetts,  Virginia  and  South 
Carolina,  provinces  of  such  chief  importance  ;  the  prosperity  of  their 
first  maritime  enterprises ;  and  the  multitude  of  prizes  taken  from  the 
enemy  by  their  privateers,  inspired  a  well  grounded  hope,  that  what- 
ever should  be  decreed  by  the  Congress  would  have  the  concurrence 
of  all  America.  The  terror  of  the  English  arms  had  diminished  in 
the  minds  of  all,  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  confidence  in  the 
national  forces ;  the  union  of  the  different  provinces  became  more 
intimate ;  the  ill  success  of  the  loyalists,  in  their  first  attempts,  had 
discouraged  them,  and  caused  them  to  be  looked  upon  by  the  patriots 
as  enemies  little  to  be  feared.  But  if  this  party  was  impotent  in  arms, 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  317 

they  neglected  not  to  resort  to  plots,  the  immediate  effect  of  which 
was  to  redouble  the  animosity  of  the  patriots  against  a  government, 
that  not  content,  as  they  said,  with  employing  force,  also  hired  incen- 
diaries and  assassins  to  practice  their  horrible  arts  against  innocent 
cities,  and  the  most  virtuous  citizens. 

Certain  loyalists  of  New  York,  gained  and  instigated,  as  it  was 
rumored,  by  governor  Tryon,  had  formed  a  conspiracy,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  arrest,  and  perhaps  to  murder,  general  Washington 
and  the  other  principal  officers ;  to  set  fire  to  the  magazines,  and  to 
occupy  all  the  avenues  of  the  city  at  the  moment  when  the  British 
troops,  that  were  expected,  should  have  presented  themselves  before 
it.  The  plot  having  been  discovered,  many  individuals,  who  had 
been  concerned  in  it,  were  seized,  among  others,  two  of  the  general's 
guards,  and  his  steward  himself;  some  were  executed. 

The  horrible  project  of  setting  fire  to  so  considerable  a  city,  and 
attempting  the  life  of  a  man  to  whom  the  people  bore  so  much  reve- 
rence and  love,  transported  tlbe  patriots  with  indignation.  They 
demanded,  with  loud  cries,  to  be  liberated  forever  from  the  power  of 
a  government  which,  according  to  the  general  opinion,  gave  wages  to 
such  infamous  assassins.  England  herself,  by  her  public  acts,  pre- 
cipitated the  moment  of  this  total  separation. 

The  discourse  held  by  the  king  to  the  parliament  had  persuaded 
the  Americans  that  nothing  would  be  remitted  of  the  measures  of 
rigor  adopted  against  them,  and  consequently  that  their  preparations 
of  war  could  not  be  too  formidable. 

The  discussions  and  decisions  of  parliament,  disclosed  to  them  the 
impotence  of  those  who  attempted  to  defend  their  cause.  But  the 
act  of  the  fifteenth  of  May,  which  abandoned  American  property, 
private  as  well  as  public,  to  those  who  could  find  the  way  to  seize  it, 
had  thoroughly  apprised  the  colonists  that  it  was  resolved  not  only  to 
exercise  against  them  the  extremes  of  hostility,  but  that  it  was 
intended  to  violate,  with  respect  to  them,  all  the  principles  of  those 
laws  which,  among  civilised  nations,  still  plead  for  humanity  even  in 
the  midst  of  carnage  and  devastation.  In  a  word,  they  no  longer 
doubted  but  that  the  English  ministry  was  determined  to  organise 
against  them  a  system  of  piracy  and  robbery.  No  foreign  nation, 
when  their  enemy,  had  ever  perpetrated  such  excesses;  much  less 
could  they  endure  them  on  the  part  of  their  own  fellow-citizens.  But 
was  it  possible  still  to  give  this  name  to  enemies  who  no  longer 
observed  any  measure  ?  Affection,  which  has  its  source  in  the  ties 
of  blood  and  political  union,  can  no  longer  exist,  when  not  only  the 
laws  in  use  among  friendly  nations,  but  even  usages  respected  by 
civilised  people  in  the  midst  of  the  most  cruel  discords,  have  been 
trampled  under  foot.  And  if  the  English  resolved  to  wage  a  war  of 
barbarians  against  America,  the  least  that  could  follow  was,  that  the 
latter  should  view  them  as  foreigners. 


318  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

The  resolution  taken  by  England  to  employ,  and  send  against  the 
Americans,  the  mercenary  troops  of  Germany,  whom  the  colonists 
looked  upon  as  men  devoid  of  all  humanity,  had  produced  the  most 
violent  impression  upon  their  minds.  From  this  moment  they  abjured 
all  sentiment  of  consanguinity  towards  a  people  who  sent  against  their 
children  such  cruel  executors  of  their  will.  *  Behold  then,'  they 
cried,  'the  ministers  of  peace,  the  negotiators  that  England  sends  us! 
The  soldiers  of  the  princes  of  Hesse,  of  Brunswick,  and  of  Waldeck  ! 
The  devastations,  the  massacres,  the  implacable  fury  of  these  hireling 
Germans,  the  horrible  barbarities  of  the  Indian  savages,  such  are  the 
instruments  the  British  government  employs  to  vanquish  our  con- 
stancy, and  subject  us  anew  to  its  yoke  !  The  English  arm  foreigners 
against  us;  then  let  us  combat  the  English  themselves,  as  if  they  were 
foreigners.  Their  laws,  no  less  cruel  than  their  soldiers,  have  severed 
all  our  ties;  have  despoiled  us  even  of  the  hope  to  reunite  them; 
wherefore,  then,  do  we  still  hesitate  to  adopt  a  resolution,  which  if  at 
first  it  appeared  to  us  painful  and  prejudicial,  every  thing  now  demon- 
strates to  be  useful  and  even  necessary?' 

It  is  certain,  that  the  very  measures  from  which  the  ministers 
expected  the  return  of  the  Americans  to  submission,  served  but  to 
redouble  their  obstinacy,  and  furnished  new  arms  to  the  Congress, 
and  to  all  the  partisans  of  independence. 

Even  the  greater  part  of  those  who  had  professed  contrary 
opinions,  were  seen  to  join  with  them,  or  at  least  to  manifest  an 
extreme  indifference  for  the  interests  of  England.  Her  enemies 
increased  every  day  in  number  and  hardiness;  and  every  day  her 
friends  lost  their  influence  and  their  zeal.  A  memorable  example 
for  those  who,  in  their  blind  precipitation,  imagine  that  measures 
proper  to  divide  men,  and  to  arm  them  against  one  another  when 
they  are  cool,  will  produce  the  same  effect  when  they  are  animated 
by  some  violent  passion!  Then  what  should  appease,  irritates;  what 
should  intimidate,  encourages;  and  what  should  divide,  assembles  and 
unites.  The  desire  of  independence  insinuated  itself  little  by  little 
into  the  minds  of  all.  In  public,  particularly,  the  harangues  had  no 
other  object ;  the  general  attention  was  fixed  upon  events.  At  this 
epoch  appeared  a  writing  entitled  Common  Sense;  it  was  the  produc- 
tion of  Thomas  Paine,  born  in  England,  and  arrived  not  long  before 
in  America.  No  writer,  perhaps,  ever  possessed,  in  a  higher  degree, 
the  art  of  moving  and  guiding  the  multitude  at  his  will.  It  may  be 
affirmed,  in  effect,  that  this  work  was  one  of  the  most  powerful  instru- 
ments of  American  independence. 

The  author  endeavored,  with  very  plausible  arguments,  to  demon- 
strate that  the  opposition  of  parties,  the  diversity  of  interests,  the 
arrogance  of  the  British  government,  and  its  ardent  thirst  of  ven- 
geance, rendered  all  reconciliation  impossible.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  enlarged  upon  the  necessity,  utility,  and  possibility  of  independence. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  319 

He  omitted  not  to  sprinkle  his  pamphlet  with  declamations  calcu- 
lated to  render  monarchy  odious  to  the  people,  and  to  inspire  them 
with  the  desire  of  a  republic.  The  excellency  of  the  English  consti- 
tution had  never  till  then  been  called  in  question  ;  Paine  criticised  it 
very  freely  in  the  part  which  relates  to  the  royal  power ;  but  praised 
its  other  institutions.  He  painted  all  the  calamities  which  had  weighed 
upon  England,  notwithstanding  the  much  extolled  goodness  of  its 
constitution,  especially  since  the  reestablishment  of  monarchy  ;  thence 
he  inferred  that  it  contained  some  essential  vice  which  opposed  the 
happiness  of  the  people ;  and  this  lurking  defect  he  affirmed  was 
royalty. 

To  this  he  attributed  intestine  discords,  and"  the  frequency  of 
foreign  wars ;  he  congratulated  the  Americans  that  heaven  had 
placed  it  in  their  power  to  create  a  constitution  that  should  embrace 
all  the  excellencies  of  that  of  England  without  any  of  its  defects ; 
and  thus,  again,  he  intimated  the  exclusion  of  royalty.  The  success 
of  this  writing  of  Paine  cannot  be  described. 

The  vehemence  of  opinions  redoubled  in  the  minds  of  all ;  even 
loyalists  were  seen  to  declare  for  liberty  ;  an  unanimous  cry  arose  for 
independence. 

The  Congress  determined  to  seize  the  opportunity.  But  to  pro- 
ceed with  prudence,  they  wished  first  to  sound  the  minds  of  the 
people  by  passing  a  resolution,  which,  if  it  was  not  independence 
itself,  evidently  led  to  it.  They  intended  to  observe  its  effects,  in 
order  to  govern  their  subsequent  conduct  accordingly.  They  de- 
creed, that  whereas  the  British  king,  in  conjunction  with  the  lords 
and  commons  of  Great  Britain,  had,  by  the  late  acts  of  parliament, 
excluded  the  united  colonies  from  the  protection  of  his  crown  ;  and 
whereas  no  answer  had  been,  or  probably  would  be,  given  to  their 
humble  petitions  for  the  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  laws,  and  for  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Great  Britain  ;  that,  on  the  contrary,  all  the  force  of 
that  realm,  with  the  aid  of  mercenary  foreigners,  was  to  be  employed 
for  the  destruction  of  the  good  people  of  the  colonies;  and  finally, 
whereas  it  is  contrary  to  sound  reason,  and  to  the  consciences  of  this 
people,  to  take  the  oaths  and  make  the  engagements  necessary  to  the 
assumption  and  exercise  of  offices  under  the  crown  of  Great  Britain; 
and  it  is  necessary  that  the  exercise  of  every  authority,  proceeding 
from  the  said  crown,  should  be  totally  annulled,  and  all  the  powers  of 
government  exercised  under  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of  the 
colonies ;  and  this  in  order  to  maintain  internal  peace,  good  morals, 
and  public  order,  as  well  as  to  defend  their  lives,  liberty,  and  pro- 
perty, from  the  assaults  and  cruel  rapine  of  their  enemies;  therefore 
it  was  recommended  to  the  respective  assemblies  and  conventions  of 
the  united  colonies,  where  no  government  suited  to  the  exigency  of 
affairs  had  till  then  been  constituted,  that  they  should  establish  such 
governments,  as  according  to  the  opinion  of  the  representatives  of 


'320  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

the  people,  should  be  most  conducive  to  the  happiness  and  security 
of  their  constituents,  and  of  America  in  general.  This  resolution  of 
Congress  being  rapidly  notified  to  all  the  colonies,  encountered  among 
them,  respectively,  a  different  reception.  Some  had  already  antici- 
pated it,  and,  assuming  the  powers  of  government,  had  created  insti- 
tutions independent  of  the  crown,  and  these  no  longer  temporary,  as  at 
first,  but  stable,  and  subject  to  no  limitation  of  time  or  of  condition. 
Thus  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  had  proceeded.  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island  needed  no  change  ;  since  there,  from  the  earliest  times, 
every  authority  originated  in  the  people,  by  whom  all  public  officers 
were  chosen,  as  well  those  to  whom  were  entrusted  the  legislative,  as 
those  who  exercised  the  executive  powers.  Maryland,  Pennsylvania 
and  New  York,  hesitated  ;  but  at  length  yielded  to  the  necessity  of 
the  times.  Thus  the  people  of  the  colonies  set  about  framing  new 
constitutions ;  but,  with  the  exception  of  the  parts  which  relate  to 
regal  authority,  all  preserved  those  forms  which  are  peculiar  and 
appropriate  to  the  English  constitution. 

The  three  powers,  legislative,  executive  and  judiciary,  were  care- 
fully separated  from  each  other ;  and  great  jealousy  was  manifested 
of  the  executive. 

In  some  colonies,  the  legislature  was  divided  into  two  branches  ;  in 
others  it  formed  but  one  corps ;  but  in  all,  those  who  held  offices  of 
trust  or  power  under  the  executive  were  excluded.  The  judges 
were  paid  either  by  the  legislature  or  by  the  executive.  In  some  their 
tenure  of  office  was  for  a  limited  period,  in  others  during  good  beha- 
vior. The  governors  were  elected  for  a  longer  or  shorter  term  of 
time,  according  to  the  greater  or  less  jealousy  of  the  people.  In 
some  colonies  they  possessed  the  right  of  veto  ;  in  others  not.  Here 
the  governor  was  made  responsible  for  all  his  acts,  there  for  none, 
because  he  was  subject  to  the  decisions  of  an  executive  council.  In 
all  these  deliberations,  so  important  to  the  happiness  of  the  united 
colonies,  no  threats,  discord,  or  reproaches,  were  heard  ;  and  it  ap- 
peared as  if  all,  laying  aside  ambition,  aspired  to  nothing  but  the 
prosperity  and  liberty  of  their  country.  A  memorable  example  of  pru- 
dence, moderation,  and  concord  !  Let  other  nations  reflect  on  this 
and  blush,  for  having  acted  in  all  times  so  differently  from  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  if,  indeed,  corruption  of  morals  has  left  still  the  power  of 
blushing  to  those  who  rush  from  conflicts  of  opinion  to  discord,  and 
from  discord  to  the  effusion  of  blood. 

The  Congress  had  found  all  minds  disposed  to  adopt  the  resolution 
they  meditated ;  but  to  accomplish  the  work  they  had  commenced, 
it  was  requisite  that  they  should  be  formally  authorised  by  the  colo- 
nies to  proclaim  independence. 

This  great  business  was  conducted  with  so  much  prudence,  and 
the  people  were  so  much  inclined  to  favor  the  design,  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  provincial  assemblies  invested  their  representatives  in 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  321 

Congress  with  full  powers  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Some  also  author- 
ised them  to  conclude  alliances  with  foreign  princes.  Pennsylvania 
and  Maryland  alone  remained  in  opposition. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things,  when  in  the  sitting  of  Congress  of  the 
eighth  of  June,  a  motion  having  been  made  to  declare  independence, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  one  of  the  deputies  from  Virginia,  spoke  as  fol- 
lows, and  was  heard  with  profound  attention; 

*  I  know  not,  whether  among  all  the  civil  discords  which  have  been 
recorded  by  historians,  and  which  have  been  excited  either  by  the 
love  of  liberty  in  the  people,  or  by  the  ambition  of  princes,  there  has 
ever  been  presented  a  deliberation  more  interesting  or  more  import- 
ant than  that  which  now  engages  our  attention;  whether  we  con- 
sider the  future  destiny  of  this  free  and  virtuous  people,  or  that  of 
our  enemies  themselves,  who,  notwithstanding  their  tyranny  and  this 
cruel  war,  are  still  our  brethren,  and  descended  from  a  common 
stock ;  or  finally,  that  of  the  other  nations  of  the  globe,  whose  eyes 
are  intent  upon  this  great  spectacle,  and  who  anticipate  from  our  suc- 
cess more  freedom  for  themselves,  or  from  our  defeat  apprehend 
heavier  chains  and  a  severer  bondage.  For  the  question  is  not 
whether  we  shall  acquire  an  increase  of  territorial  dominion,  or  wick- 
edly wrest  from  others  their  just  possessions ;  but  whether  we  shall 
preserve,  or  lose  forever,  that  liberty  which  we  have  inherited  from 
our  ancestors,  which  we  have  pursued  across  tempestuous  seas,  and 
which  we  have  defended  in  this  land  against  barbarous  men,  fero- 
cious beasts,  and  an  inclement  sky.  And  if  so  many  and  distinguish- 
ed praises  have  always  been  lavished  upon  the  generous  defenders  of 
Greek  and  of  Roman  liberty,  what  will  be  said  of  us  who  defend  a 
liberty  which  is  founded  not  upon  the  capricious  will  of  an  unstable 
multitude,  but  upon  immutable  statutes  and  tutelary  laws;  not  that 
which  was  the  exclusive  privilege  of  a  few  patricians,  but  that  which 
is  the  property  of  all ;  not  that  which  was  stained  by  iniquitous  ostra- 
cisms, or  the  horrible  decimation  of  armies,  but  that  which  is  pure, 
temperate,  and  gentle,  and  conformed  to  the  civilisation  ot  the  pre- 
sent age.  Why  then  do  we  longer  procrastinate,  and  wherefore  are 
these  delays  ?  Let  us  complete  the  enterprise  already  so  well  com- 
menced ;  and  since  our  union  with  England  can  no  longer  consist 
with  that  liberty  and  peace  which  are  our  chief  delight,  let  us  dissolve 
these  fatal  ties,  and  conquer  forever  that  good  which  we  already 
enjoy  ;  an  entire  and  absolute  independence. 

'  But  ought  I  not  to  begin  by  observing,  that  if  we  have  reached 
that  violent  extremity,  beyond*  which  nothing  can  any  longer  exist 
between  America  and  England,  but  either  such  war  or  such  peace 
as  are  made  between  foreign  nations,  this  can  only  be  imputed  to  the 
insatiable  cupidity,  the  tyrannical  proceedings,  and  the  outrages,  for 
ten  years  reiterated,  of  the  British  ministers.  What  have  we  not 
done  to  restore  peace,  to  reestablish  harmony  ?  Who  has  not  heard 

VOL.     I.  41 


322  THE    AMERICAN    WAtt.  BOOK     VI. 

our  prayers,  and  who  is  ignorant  of  our  supplications  ?  They  have 
wearied  the  universe.  England  alone  was  deaf  to  our  complaints, 
and  wanted  that  compassion  towards  us  which  we  have  found  among 
all  other  nations.  And  as  at  first  our  forbearance,  and  then  our  re- 
sistance, have  proved  equally  insufficient,  since  our  prayers  were  una- 
vailing, as  well  as  the  blood  lately  shed  ;  we  must  go  further,  and 
proclaim  our  independence.  Nor  let  any  one  believe  that  we  have 
any  other  option  left.  .The  time  will  certainly  come  when  the  fated 
separation  must  take  place,  whether  you  will  or  no  ;  for  so  it  is  decreed 
by  the  very  nature  of  things,  the  progressive  increase  of  our  population, 
the  fertility  of  our  soil,  the  extent  of  our  territory,  the  industry  of  our 
countrymen,  and  the  immensity  of  the  ocean  which  separates  the  two 
states.  And  if  this  be  true,  as  it  is  most  true,  who  does  not  see  that 
the  sooner  it  takes  place  the  better  ;  and  that  it  would  be  not  only 
imprudent,  but  the  height  of  folly,  not  to  seize  the  present  occasion, 
when  British  injustice  has  filled  all  hearts  with  indignation,  inspired 
all  minds  with  courage,  united  all  opinions  in  one,  and  put  arms  in 
every  hand  ?  And  how  long  must  we  traverse  three  thousand  miles 
of  a  stormy  sea,  to  go  and  solicit  of  arrogant  and  insolent  men,  either 
counsels  or  commands  to  regulate  our  domestic  affairs  ?  Does  it  not 
become  a  great,  rich,  and  powerful  nation,  as  we  are,  to  look  at  borne, 
and  not  abroad,  for  the  government  of  its  own  concerns?  And 
how  can  a  ministry  of  strangers  judge,  with  any  discernment,  of  our 
interests,  when  they  know  not,  and  when  it  little  imports  them  to 
know,  what  is  good  for  us,  and  what  is  not  ?  The  past  justice  of  the 
British  ministers  should  warn  us  against  the  future,  if  they  should 
ever  seize  us  again  in  their  cruel  claws.  Since  it  has  pleased  our 
barbarous  enemies  to  place  before  us  the  alternative  of  slavery  or  of 
independence,  where  is  the  generous  minded  man  and  the  lover  of 
his  country,  who  can  hesitate  to  choose  ?  With  these  perfidious  men 
no  promise  is  secure,  no  pledges  sacred.  Let  us  suppose,  which 
heaven  avert,  that  we  are  conquered  ;  let  us  suppose  an  accommoda- 
tion. What  assurance  have  we  of  the  British  moderation  in  victory, 
or  good  faith  in  treaty  ?  Is  it  their  having  enlisted  and  let  loose  against 
us  the  ferocious  Indians,  and  the  merciless  soldiers  of  Germany?  Is 
it  that  faith,  so  often  pledged  and  so  often  violated  in  the  course  of 
the  present  contest ;  this  British  faith,  which  is  reputed  more  false 
than  Punic  ?  We  ought  rather  to  expect,  that  when  we  shall  have 
fallen  naked  and  unarmed  into  their  hands,  they  will  wreak  upon  us 
their  fury  and  their  vengeance  ;  they  will  load  us  with  heavier  chains, 
in  order  to  deprive  us  not  only  of  the  power,  but  even  of  the  hope 
of  again  recovering  our  liberty.  But  I  am  willing  to  admit,  although 
it  is  a  thing  without  example,  that  the  British  government  will  forget 
past  offences  and  perform  its  promises,  can  we  imagine,  that  after  so 
long  dissentions,  after  so  many  outrages,  so  many  combats,  and  so 
much  bloodshed,  our  reconciliation  could  be  durable,  and  that  every 


BOOK    ri.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  323 

day,  in  the  midst  of  so  much  hatred  and  rancor,  would  not  afford 
some  fresh  subject  of  animosity  .?  The  two  nations  are  already  sepa- 
rated in  interest  and  affections  ;  the  one  is  conscious  of  its  ancient 
strength,  the  other  has  become  acquainted  with  its  newly  exerted 
force ;  the  one  desires  to  rule  in  an  arbitrary  manner,  the  other  will 
not  obey  even  if  allowed  its  privileges.  In  such  a  state  of  things, 
what  peace,  what  concord,  can  be  expected.  The  Americans  may 
become  faithful  friends  tb  the  English,  but  subjects,  never.  And 
even  though  union  could  be  restored  without  rancor,  it  could  not 
without  danger.  The  wealth  and  power  of  Great  Britain  should 
inspire  prudent  men  with  fears  for  the  future.  Having  reached  such 
a  height  of  grandeur  that  she  has  no  longer  any  thing  to  dread  from 
foreign  powers,  in  the  security  of  peace  the  spirit  of  her  people  will 
decay,  manners  will  be  corrupted,  her  youth  will  grow  up  in  the  midst 
of  vice,  and  in  this  state  of  degeneration,  England  will  become  the 
prey  of  a  foreign  enemy,  or  an  ambitious  citizen.  If  we  remain 
united  with  her,  we  shall  partake  of  her  corruptions  and  misfortunes, 
the  more  to  be  dreaded  as  they  will  be  irreparable ;  separated  from 
her,  on  the  contrary,  as  we  are,  we  should  neither  have  to  fear  the 
seductions  of  peace  nor  the  dangers  of  war.  By  a  declaration  of 
our  freedom,  the  perils  would  not  be  increased  ;  but  we  should  add 
to  the  ardor  of  our  defenders,  and  to  the  splendor  of  victory.  Let 
us  then  take  a  firm  step,  and  escape  from  this  labyrinth ;  we  have 
assumed  the  sovereign  power,  and  dare  not  confess  it ;  we  disobey  a 
king,  and  acknowledge  ourselves  his  subjects  ;  wage  war  against  a 
people,  on  whom  we  incessantly  protest  our  desire  to  depend.  What 
is  the  consequence  of  so  many  inconsistencies?  Hesitation  paralyses 
all  our  measures ;  the  way  we  ought  to  pursue,  is  not  marked  out ; 
our  generals  are  neither  respected  nor  obeyed  ;  our  soldiers  have 
neither  confidence  nor  zeal ;  feeble  at  home,  and  little  considered 
abroad,  foreign  princes  can  neither  esteem  nor  succour  so  timid  and 
wavering  a  people.  But  independence  once  proclaimed,  and  our 
object  avowed,  more  manly  and  decided  measures  will  be  adopted  ; 
all  minds  will  be  fired  by  the  greatness  of  the  enterprise,  the  civil 
magistrates  will  be  inspired  with  new  zeal,  the  generals  with  fresh 
ardor,  and  the  citizens  with  greater  constancy,  to  attain  so  high  and 
so  glorious  a  destiny.  There  are  some  who  seem  to  dread  the  effects 
of  this  resolution.  But  will  England,  or  can  she,  manifest  against  us 
greater  vigor  and  rage  than  she  has  already  displayed  .?  She  deems 
resistance  against  oppression  no  less  rebellion  than  independence 
itself.  And  where  are  those  formidable  troops  that  are  to  subdue  the 
Americans .?  What  the  English  could  not  do,  can  it  be  done  by  Ger- 
mans ?  Are  they  more  brave,  or  better  disciplined  ?  The  number  of 
our  enemies  is  increased  ;  but  our  own  is  not  diminished,  and  the 
battles  we  have  sustained  have  given  us  the  practice  of  arms  and 
the  experience  of  war.  Who  doubts  then,  that  a  declaration  of  inde- 


324  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

pendence  will  procure  us  allies  ?  All  nations  are  desirous  of  procur- 
ing, by  commerce,  the  productions  of  our  exuberant  soil ;  they  will 
visit  our  ports,  hitherto  closed  by  the  monopoly  of  insatiable  England. 
They  are  no  less  eager  to  contemplate  the  reduction  of  her  hated 
power  ;  they  all  loathe  her  barbarous  dominion  ;  their  succours  will 
evince  to  our  brave  countrymen  the  gratitude  they  bear  them  for 
having  been  the  first  to  shake  the  foundations  of  this  Colossus.  Fo- 
reign princes  wait  only  for  the  extinction  of  all  hazard  of  reconcilia- 
tion to  throw  off  their  present  reserve.  If  this  measure  is  useful,  it 
is  no  less  becoming  our  dignity.  America  has  arrived  at  a  degree  of 
power  which  assigns  her  a  place  among  independent  nations  ;  we  are 
not  less  entitled  to  it  than  the  English  themselves.  If  they  have 
wealth,  so  also  have  we ;  if  they  are  brave,  so  are  we  ;  if  they  are 
more  numerous,  our  population,  through  the  incredible  fruitfulness  of 
our  chaste  wives,  will  soon  equal  theirs  ;  if  they  have  men  of  renown 
as  well  in  peace  as  in  war,  we  likewise  have  such  ;  political  revolu- 
tions usually  produce  great,  brave,  and  generous  spirits.  From  what 
we  have  already  achieved  in  these  painful  beginnings,  it  is  easy  to 
presume  what  we  shall  hereafter  accomplish;  for  experience  is  the 
source  of  sage  counsels,  and  liberty  is  the  mother  of  great  men. 
Have  you  not  seen  the  enemy  driven  from  Lexington  by  thirty  thou- 
sand citizens  armed  and  assembled  in  one  day  ?  Already  their  most 
celebrated  generals  have  yielded  in  Boston  to  the  skill  of  ours;  already 
their  seamen,  repulsed  from  our  coasts,  wander  over  the  ocean,  where 
they  are  the  sport  of  tempest,  and  the  prey  of  famine.  Let  us  hail 
the  favorable  omen,  and  fight  not  for  the  sake  of  knowing  on  what 
terms  we  are  to  be  the  slaves  of  England,  but  to  secure  to  ourselves 
a  free  existence,  to  found  a  just  and  independent  government.  Ani- 
mated by  liberty,  the  Greeks  repulsed  the  innumerable  arrny  of  Per- 
sians ;  sustained  by  the  love  of  independence,  the  Swiss  and  the 
Dutch  humbled  the  power  of  Austria  by  memorable  defeats,  and 
conquered  a  rank  among;  nations.  But  the  sun  of  America  also 
shines  upon  the  heads  of  the  brave ;  the  point  of  our  weapons  is  no 
less  formidable  than  theirs ;  here  also  the  same  union  prevails,  the 
same  contempt  of  dangers  and  of  death  in  asserting  the  cause  of 
country. 

*  Why  then  do  we  longer  delay,  why  still  deliberate?  Let  this 
most  happy  day  give  birth  to  the  American  republic.  Let  her  arise, 
not  to  devastate  and  conquer,  but  to  reestablish  the  reign  of  peace 
and  of  the  laws.  The  eyes  of  Europe  are  fixed  upon  us  ;  she 
demands  of  us  a  living  example  of  freedom,  that  may  contrast,  by 
the  felicity  of  the  citizens,  with  the  ever  increasing  tyranny  which 
desolates  her  polluted  shores.  She  invites  us  to  prepare  an  asylum 
where  the  unhappy  may  find  solace,  and  the  persecuted  repose. 
She  entreats  us  to  cultivate  a  propitious  soil,  where  that  generous 
plant  which  first  sprung  up  and  grew  in  England,  but  is  now  withered 


BOOK  VJ.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  325 

by  the  poisonous  blasts  of  Scottish  tyranny,  may  revive  and  flourish, 
sheltering  under  its  salubrious  and  interminable  shade  all  the  unfor- 
tunate of  the  human  race.  This  is  the  end  presaged  by  so  many 
omens,  by  our  first  victories,  by  the  present  ardor  and  union,  by  the 
flight  of  Howe,  and  the  pestilence  which  broke  out  amongst  Dun- 
rnore's  people,  by  the  very  winds  which  baffled  the  enemy's  fleets 
and  transports,  and  that  terrible  tempest  which  ingulfed  seven  hun- 
dred vessels  upon  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland.  If  we  are  not  this 
day  wanting  in  our  duty  to  country,  the  names  of  the  American 
legislators  will  be  placed,  by  posterity,  at  the  side  £>f  those  of  The- 
seus, of  Lycurgus,  of  Romulus,  of  Numa,  of  the  three  Williams  of 
Nassau,  and  of  all  those  whose  memory  has  been,  and  will  be,  for- 
ever dear  to  virtuous  men  and  good  citizens.' 

Lee  had  scarcely  ceased  speaking,  when  no  dubious  signs  of 
approbation  were  manifested  on  all  parts.  But  the  deputies  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  not  being  present,  and  the  Congress 
desirous,  by  some  delay,  to  evidence  the  maturity  of  their  delibera- 
tions, adjourned  the  further  consideration  of  the  subject  to  the  first 
of  July.  Meanwhile,  the  patriots  labored  strenuously  to  induce  the 
two  dissenting  provinces  also  to  decide  for  independence.  They 
employed  the  most  earnest  persuasions,  to  which  they  added  also 
threats,  intimating  that  not  only  would  the  other  colonies  exclude 
them  from  the  confederation,  but  that  they  would  immediately  treat 
them  as  enemies.  The  provincial  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  remain- 
ed inflexible.  At  length,  the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  formed  a 
convention,  in  which  the  debates  and  disputes  upon  the  question  of 
independence  were  many  and  vehement. 

John  Dickinson,  one  of  the  deputies  of  the  province  to  the  general 
Congress,  a  man  of  prompt  genius,  of  extensive  influence,  and  one 
of  the  most  zealous  partisans  of  American  liberty,  restricted  however 
to  the  condition  of  union  with  England,  harangued,  it  is  said,  in  the 
following  manner  against  independence. 

1  It  too  often  happens,  fellow-citizens,  that  men,  heated  by  the 
spirit  of  party,  give  more  importance  in  their  discourses  to  the  sur- 
face and  appearance  of  objects,  than  either  to  reason  or  justice  ; 
thus  evincing  that  their  aim  is  not  to  appease  tumults,  but  to  excite 
them  ;  not  to  repress  the  passions,  but  to  inflame  them  ;  not  to  com- 
pose ferocious  discords,  but  to  exasperate  and  imbitter  them  more 
and  more.  They  aspire  but  to  please  the  powerful,  to  gratify  their 
own  ambition,  to  flatter  the  caprices  of  the  multitude,  in  order  to 
captivate  their  favor.  Accordingly,  in  popular  commotions,  the 
party  of  wisdom  and  of  equity  is  commonly  found  in  the  minority  ; 
and  perhaps  it  would  be  safer,  in  difficult  circumstances,  to  consult 
the  smaller  instead  of  the  greater  number.  Upon  this  principle  I 
invite  the  attention  of  those  who  hear  me,  since  my  opinion  may 
differ  from  that  of  the  majority  ;  but  I  dare  believe  it  will  be  shared 


326  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

by  all  impartial  and  moderate  citizens,  who  condemn  this  tumultuous 
proceeding,  this  attempt  to  coerce  our  opinions,  and  to  drag  us  with 
so  much  precipitation  to  the  most  serious  and  important  of  decisions. 
But  coming  to  the  subject  in  controversy,  I  affirm,  that  prudent  men 
do  not  abandon  objects  which  are  certain,  to  go  in  pursuit  of  those 
which  offer  only  uncertainty.  Now  it  is  an  established  fact,  that 
America  can  be  well  and  happily  governed  by  the  English  laws, 
under  the  same  king,  and  the  same  parliament.  Two  hundred  years 
of  happiness  furnish  the  proof  of  it ;  and  we  find  it  also  in  the  pre- 
sent prosperity  which  is  the  result  of  these  venerable  laws  and  of 
this  ancient  union.  It  is  not  as  independent,  but  as  subjects  ;  not  as 
republic,  but  as  monarchy  ;  that  we  have  arrived  at  this  degree  of 
power  and  of  greatness. 

'  What  then  is  the  object  of  these  chimeras  hatched  in  the  days 
of  discord  and  war  ?  Shall  the  transports  of  fury  have  more  power 
over  us  than  the  experience  of  ages  f  Shall  we  destroy,  in  a  moment 
of  anger,  the  work  cemented  and  tested  by  time  ? 

'  I  know  the  name  of  liberty  is  dear  to  each  one  of  us  ;  but  have 
we  not  enjoyed  liberty  even  under  the  English  monarchy  ?  Shall  we 
this  day  renounce  that,  to  go  and  seek  it  in  I  know  not  what  form  of 
republic,  which  will  soon  change  into  a  licentious  anarchy  and  popu- 
lar tyranny  ?  In  the  human  body  the  head  only  sustains  and  governs 
all  the  members,  directing  them,  with  admirable  harmony,  to  the 
same  object,  which  is  self-preservation  and  happiness ;  so  the  head 
of  the  body  politic,  that  is  the  king  in  concert  with  the  parliament, 
can  alone  maintain  the  union  of  the  members  of  this  empire,  lately 
so  flourishing,  and  prevent  civil  war  by  obviating  all  the  evils  produc- 
ed by  variety  of  opinions  and  diversity  of  interests.  And  so  firm  is 
my  persuasion  of  this,  that  I  fully  believe  the  most  cruel  war  which 
Great  Britain  could  make  upon  us,  would  be  that  of  not  making 
any  ;  and  that  the  surest  means  of  bringing  us  back  to  her  obedience, 
would  be  that  of  employing  none.  For  the  dread  of  the  English 
arms  once  removed,  provinces  would  rise  up  against  provinces,  and 
'cities  against  cities  ;  and  we  should  be  seen  to  turn  against  ourselves 
the  arms  we  have  taken  up  to  combat  the  common  enemy. 

'  Insurmountable  necessity  would  then  compel  us  to  resort  to  the 
tutelary  authority  which  we  should  have  rashly  abjured,  and  if  it 
consented  to  receive  us  again  under  its  Egis,  it  would  be  no  longer 
as  free  citizens,  but  as  slaves.  Still  inexperienced,  and  in  our 
infancy,  what  proof  have  we  given  of  our  ability  to  walk  without  a 
guide  .?  none  ;  and  if  we  judge  of  the  future  by  the  past,  we  must 
conclude  that  our  concord  will  continue  as  long  as  the  danger,  and 
no  longer. 

{  Even  when  the  powerful  hand  of  England  supported  us,  for  the 
paltry  motives  of  territorial  limits  and  distant  jurisdictions,  have  we 
not  abandoned  ourselves  to  discords,  and  sometimes  even  to  vie- 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  327 

lence  ?  And  what  must  we  not  expect  now  that  minds  are  heated, 
ambitions  roused,  and  arms  in  the  hands  of  all  ? 

*  if,  therefore,  our  union  with  England  offers  us  so  many  advan- 
tages for  the  maintenance  of  internal  peace,  it  is  no  less  necessary 
to  procure  us  with  foreign  powers  that  condescension  and  respect 
which  is  so  essential  to  the  prosperity  of  our  commerce,  to  the 
•enjoyment  of  any  consideration,  and  to  the  accomplishment  of  any 
enterprise.  Hitherto  in  our  intercourse  with  the  different  nations  of 
the  world,  England  has  lent  us  the  support  of  her  name  and  of  her 
arms  ;  we  have  presented  ourselves  in  all  the  ports  and  in  all  the 
cities  of  the  globe,  not  as  Americans,  a  people  scarcely  heard  of,  but 
as  English  ;  under  the  shadow  of  this  respected  name,  every  port  was 
open  to  us,  every  way  was  smooth,  every  demand  was  heard  with 
favor.  From  the  moment  when  our  separation  shall  take  place, 
every  thing  will  assume  a  contrary  direction.  The  nations  will 
accustom  themselves  to  look  upon  us  with  disdain  ;  even  the  pirates 
of  Africa  and  Europe  will  fall  upon  our  vessels,  will  massacre  our 
seamen,  or  lead  them  into  a  cruel  and  perpetual  slavery. 

'  There  is  in  the  human  species,  often  so  inexplicable  in  their  affec- 
tions, a  manifest  propensity  to  oppress  the  feeble  as  well  as  to  flatter 
the  powerful.  Fear  always  carries  it  against  reason,  pride  against 
moderation,  and  cruelty  against  clemency. 

1  Independence,  I  am  aware,  has  attractions  for  all  mankind  ;  but 
I  maintain,  that  in  the  present  quarrel  the  friends  of  independence 
are  the  promoters  of  slavery,  and  that  those  who  desire  to  separate 
us,  would  but  render  us  more  dependent ;  if  independence  means 
the  right  of  commanding,  and  not  the  necessity  of  obeying,  and  if 
being  dependent  is  to  obey,  and  not  to  command,  If  in  rendering 
ourselves  independent  of  England,  supposing,  however,  that  we 
should  be  able  to  effect  it,  we  might  be  so  at  the  same  time  of  all 
other  nations,  I  should  applaud  the  project ;  but  to  change  the  con- 
dition of  English  subjects  for  that  of  slaves  to  the  whole  world,  is  a 
step  that  could  only  be  counselled  by  insanity.  If  you  would  reduce 
yourselves  to  the  necessity  of  obeying,  in  all  things,  the  mandates  of 
supercilious  France,  who  is  now  kindling  fire  under  our  feel,  declare 
yourselves  independent.  If  to  British  liberty  you  prefer  the  liberty 
of  Holland,  of  Venice,  of  Genoa,  or  of  Ragusa,  declare  yourselves 
independent.  But  if  we  would  not  change  the  signification  of  words, 
let  us  preserve  and  carefully  maintain  this  dependence,  which  has 
been  down  to  this  very  hour  the  principle  and  source  of  our  pros- 
perity, of  our  liberty,  of  our  real  independence. 

'  But  here  I  am  interrupted,  and  told  that  no  one  questions  the 
advantages  which  America  derived  at  first  from  her  conjunction  with 
England  ;  but  that  the  new  pretensions  of  the  ministers  have  changed 
all,  have  subverted  all.  If  I  should  deny  that,  for  the  last  twelve 
years,  the  English  government  has  ^iven  the  most  fatal  direction  to 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  and  that  its  measures  towards  us  savor  of 
tyranny,  1  should  deny  not  only  what  is  the  manifest  tVuth,  but  even 
what  1  have  so  often  advanced  and  supported.  But  is  there  any 
doubt  that  it  already  feels  a  secret  repentance?  These  arms,  these 
soldiers,  it  prepares  against  us,  are  not  designed  to  establish  tyranny 
upon  our  shores,  but  to  vanquish  our  obstinacy,  and  compel  us  to 
subscribe  to  conditions  of  accommodation.  In  vain  is  it  asserted 
that  the  ministry  will  employ  all  means  to  make  themselves  quite 
sure  of  us,  in  order  to  exercise  upon  us,  with  impunity,  all  the  rigor 
of  their  power  ;  for  to  pretend  to  reduce  us  to  an  absolute  impossi- 
bility of  resistance  in  cases  of  oppression,  would  be,  on  their  part,  a 
chimerical  project.  The  distance  of  the  seat  of  government,  the 
vast  extent  of  intervening  seas,  the  continual  increase  of  our  popula- 
tion, our  warlike'spirit,  our  experience  in  arms,  the  lakes,  the  rivers, 
the  forests,  the  defiles  which  abound  in  our  territory,  are  our  pledges 
that  England  will  always  prefer  to  found  her  power  upon  moderation 
and  liberty,  rather  than  upon  rigor  and  oppression.  An  uninterrupted 
succession  of  victories  and  of  triumphs  could  alone  constrain  England 
to  acknowledge  American  independence;  which,  whether  we  can 
expect,  whoever  knows  the  instability  of  fortune  can  easily  judge. 

'  If  we  have  combated  successfully  at  Lexington  and  at  Boston, 
Quebec  and  all  Canada  have  witnessed  our  reverses.  Every  one 
sees  the.  necessity  of  opposing  the  extraordinary  pretensions  of  the 
ministers;  but  does  every  body  see  also  that  of  fighting  for  inde- 
pendence ? 

'  It  is  to  be  feared,  that  by  changing  the  object  of  the  war,  the 
present  harmony  will  be  interrupted,  that  the  ardor  of  the  people  will 
be  chilled  by  apprehensions  for  their  new  situation.  By  substituting 
a  total  dismemberment  to  the  revocation  of  the  laws  we  complain  of, 
we  should  fully  justify  the  ministers;  we  should  merit  the  infamous 
name  of  rebels,  and  all  the  British  nation  would  arm,  with  an  unani- 
mous impulse,  against  those  who,  from  oppressed  and  complaining 
subjects,  should  have  become  all  at  once  irreconcilable  enemies. 
The  English  cherish  the  liberty  we  defend  ;  they  respect  the  dignity 
of  our  cause ;  but  they  will  blame,  they  will-  detest,  our  recourse  to 
independence,  and  will  unite  with  one  consent  to  combat  us. 

4  The  propagators  of  the  new  doctrine  are  pleased  to  assure  us  that, 
out  of  jealousy  towards  England,  foreign  sovereigns  will  lavish  their 
succours  upon  us  ;  as  if  these  sovereigns  could  sincerely  applaud 
rebellion  ;  as  if  they  had  not  colonies,  even  here  in  America,  in 
which  it  is  important  for  them  to  maintain  obedience  and  tranquillity. 
Let  us  suppose,  however,  that  jealousy,  ambition,  or  vengeance, 
should  triumph  over  the  fear  of  insurrections;  do  you  think  U^ese 
princes  will  not  make  you  pay  dear  for  the  assistance  with  which  they 
flatter  you  ?  Who  has  not  learnt,  to  his  cost,  the  perfidy  and  the  cupidi- 
ty of  Europeans?  They  will  disguise  their  avarice  under  pompous 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  329 

words  ;  under  the  most  benevolent  pretexts  they  will  despoil  us  of  out 
territories,  they  will  invade  our  fisheries  and  obstruct  our  navigation, 
they  will  attempt  our  liberty  and  our  privileges.  We  shall  learn  too 
late  what  it  costs  to  trust  in  those  European  flatteries,  and  to  place 
that  confidence  in  inveterate  enemies  which  has  been  withdrawn  from 
long  tried  friends. 

1  There  are  many  persons  who,  to  gain  their  ends,  extol  the  advan- 
tages of  a  republic  over  monarchy.  I  will  not  here  undertake  to 
examine  which  of  these  two  forms  of  government  merits  the  pre- 
ference. I  know,  however,  that  the  English  nation,  after  having 
tried  them  both,  has  never  found  repose  except  in  monarchy.  I 
know,  also,  that  in  popular  republics  themselves,  so  necessary  is 
monarchy  to  cement  human  society,  it  has  been  requisite  to  institute 
monarchical  powers,  more  or  less  extensive,  under  the  names  of 
Jlrchons,  of  Consuls,  of  Doges,  of  Gonfaloniers,  and  finally  of 
Kings.  Nor  should  I  here  omit  an  observation,  the  truth  of  which 
appears  to  me  incontestable ;  the  English  constitution  seems  to  be 
the  fruit  of  the  experience  of  all  anterior  time;  in  which  monarchy 
is  so  tempered,  that  the  monarch  finds  himself  checked  in  his  efforts 
to  seize  absolute  power  ;  and  the  authority  of  the  people  is  so  regu- 
lated, that  anarchy  is  not  to  be  feared.  But  for  us  it  is  to  be  appre- 
hended, that  when  the  counterpoise  of  monarchy  shall  no  longer 
exist,  the  democratic  power  may  carry  all  before  it,  and  involve  the 
whole  state  in  confusion  and  ruin.  Then  an  ambitious  citizen  may 
arise,  seize  the  reins  of  power,  and  annihilate  liberty  forever ;  for 
such  is  the  ordinary  career  of  ill  balanced  democracies,  they  fall 
into  anarchy,  and  thence  under  despotism. 

'  Such  are  the  opinions  which  might  have  been  offered  you  with 
more  eloquence,  but  assuredly  not  with  more  zeal  or  sincerity.  May 
heaven  grant  that  such  sinister  forebodings  be  not  one  day  accom- 
plished !  May  it  not  permit  that,  in  this  solemn  concourse  of  the  friends 
of  country,  the  impassioned  language  of  presumptuous  and  ardent 
men  should  have  more  influence  than  the  pacific  exhortations  of 
good  and  sober  citizens  ;  prudence  and  moderation  found  and  preserve 
empires,  temerity  and  presumption  occasion  their  downfall.' 

The  discourse  of  Dickinson  was  heard  with  attention  ;  but  the 
current  flowed  irresistibly  strong  in  a  contrary  direction,  and  fear 
acting  upon  many  more  powerfully  even  than  their  opinion,  the 
majority  pronounced  in  favor  of  independence.  The  deputies  of 
Pennsylvania  were  accordingly  authorised  to  return  to  Congress,  and 
to  consent  that  the  confederate  colonies  should  declare  themselves 
free  and  independent  states. 

The  formal  opposition  of  Dickinson  caused  him  to  be  excluded. 

The  same  things  took  place  in  Maryland ;  this  province,  feeble   by 

itself,  and   situated  in  the  midst  of  the  others,  also  empowered  its 

deputies  to  resume  their  seats  in  Congress,  and  to  approve  independ- 

VOL.  i.  42 


330  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

ence.  Consequently,  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  upon  the  report  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman, 
and  Philip  Livingston,  the  thirteen  confederate  colonies  dissolved  all 
their  allegiance  towards  the  British  crown,  and  declared  themselves 
free  and  independent,  under  the  name  of  the  thirteen  United  States 
of  America.  The  manifesto  which  the  Congress  caused  to  be 
published  to  justify  their  resolution  in  the  sight  of  all  mankind,  was 
attributed  particularly  to  Jefferson  ;  it  was  drawn  up  with  great 
energy  of  style  and  argument.  The  writers  of  the  time  bestowed 
the  highest  encomiums  on  this  declaration,  which  laid  the  foundation 
of  the  independence  of  a  rich  and  powerful  nation. 

It  commenced  with  these  words ; 

4  When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  for 
one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them 
with  another,  and  to  assume  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the 
separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's 
God  entitle  them,  a  decent  regard  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires 
that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  sepa- 
ration. 

*  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self  evident ;  that  all  men  are  created 
equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unaliena- 
ble  rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted 
among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed  ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destruc- 
tive of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it, 
and  to  institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundations  on  such 
principles,  and  organising  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall 
seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence, 
indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments  long  established,  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes  ;  and  accordingly  all  experience 
hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils 
are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to 
which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and 
usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to 
reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty, 
to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their 
future  felicity.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  colo- 
nies, and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter 
their  former  systems  of  government.' 

After  an  exact  enumeration  of  the  wrongs  received,  and  of  the 
oppression  sustained,  it  was  added,  that  'a  prince,  whose  character 
is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to 
be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people.'  Then  having  recounted  the  public 
appeals  made  at  different  times  to  the  English  people,  their  constant 
refusal  to  hear  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity,  the  mani- 
festo concluded  with  these  words  ; 


BOOK  VI.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  331 

*  We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  denounces 
our  separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind, 
enemies  in  war,  in  peace  friends. 

1  We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica, in  general  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  supreme  judge 
of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  and  by  authority  of 
the  good  people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare, 
That  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connexion  between  them  and  the 
state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that 
as  free  and  independent  states,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war, 
conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do 
all  other  acts  and  things  which  independent  states  may  of  right  do. 
And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the 
protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other 
our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor.'* 

Such  was  this  famous  declaration  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  which,  if  it  was  necessary,  as  it  appears  to  have 
been,  was  not,  however,  exempt  from  peril.  For  although  the 
greater  part  of  the  Americans  perceived  that  the  course  of  things 
must  have  led  them  to  this  extremity,  there  were  still  many  who 
openly  manifested  contrary  sentiments.  They  were  unfortunately 
more  numerous  in  the  provinces  menaced  by  the  English  than  in 
any  other.  The  American  armies  were  feeble,  the  treasury  poor, 
foreign  succours  uncertain,  and  the  ardor  of  the  people  might  abate 
all  at  once. 

It  was  known  that  England  was  determined  to  exert  all  her 
forces  for  the  reduction  of  the  colonies,  before  they  should  have 
time  to  become  confirmed  in  their  rebellion  ;  or  to  form  alliances 
with  foreign  powers.  If  the  American  arms,  as  there  was  but  too 
much  reason  to  fear,  should  prove  unfortunate  in  the  ensuing  cam- 
paign, it  could  not  be  disguised  that  the  people  would  lay  it  to  the 
charge  of  independence  ;  and  that  according  to  the  ordinary  move- 
ment of  the  human  mind,  they  would  rapidly  retrograde  towards  the 
opinions  they  had  abjured.  When  despair  once  begins,  the  prostra- 
tion of  energy  follows  as  its  immediate  consequence.  But  the  war 
was  inevitable,  all  arrangement  impossible,  and  the  Congress  urged 
by  necessity  to  take  a  decisive  resolution.  On  every  side  they  saw 
dangers,  but  they  preferred  to  brave  them  for  the  attainment  of 
a  determinate  object,  rather  than  trust  any  longer  to  the  uncertain 
hope  of  the  repeal  of  the  laws  against  which  they  were  in  arms. 

For  it  was  even  difficult  to  designate  which  of  these  laws  were  to 
be  revoked.  Some  desired  to  have  all  those  repealed  which  had 

f  See  Note  I. 


332  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

been  passed  since  the  year  1763  ;  others  only  proscribed  a  part  of 
them  ;  and  there  were  still  others  whom  a  total  abrogation  would 
not  have  satisfied,  and  who  wished  also  for  the  abolition  of  some 
ancient  statutes.  In  the  heat  of  debates,  propositions  had  been 
advanced  to  which  it  was  impossible  that  Great  Britain  should  ever 
consent.  Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  the  declaration  of  independence 
was  conformable  to  the  nature  of  things.  Circumstances  would  not 
have  endured  much  longer  that  a  people  like  that  of  America, 
numerous,  wealthy,  warlike,  and  accustomed  to  liberty,  should 
depend  upon  another,  at  a  great  distance,  and  little  superior  in 
power.  .  The  English  ministry  could  not  shut  their  eyes  upon  it ; 
and  such  was  perhaps  the  secret  reason  of  their  obduracy  in  attempt- 
ing to  load  the  Americans  with  heavier  chains.  It  is  also  certain 
that  foreign  princes  would  not  have  consented  to  succour,  or  to 
receive  into  their  alliance,  a  people  who  acknowledged  themselves 
the  subjects  of  another  power  ;  whereas  it  might  be  expected,  that 
they  would  unite  their  efforts  to  those  of  a  nation  determined,  at  all 
hazards,  to  obtain  the  recognition  of  its  liberty  and  independence. 
In  the  first  case,  even  victory  would  not  have  given  allies  to  the 
Americans ;  in  the  second,  they  were  assured  of  them  only  by 
showing  themselves  resolved  to  sustain  their  cause  with  arms  in 
band. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  declaration  was  receiv- 
ed by  the  people  with  transports  of  joy.  Nor  were  any  of  those 
public  demonstrations  omitted  which  governments  are  accustomed  to 
employ,  on  similar  occasions,  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  the  people  to 
their  determinations.  Independence  was  proclaimed,  with  great 
solemnity,  at  Philadelphia,  the  eighth  of  July.  The  artillery  was 
fired,  bonfires  were  kindled  ;  the  people  seemed  actually  delirious 
with  exultation.  On  the  eleventh,  the  manifesto  of  Congress  was 
published  in  New  York,  and  was  read  to  each  brigade  of  the  Ame- 
rican army,  which,  at  that  lime,  was  assembled  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
city  ;  it  was  received  with  universal  acclamations.  The  same  even- 
ing the  statue  of  king  George  III.,  which  had  been  erected  in  1770, 
was  taken  down  and  dragged  through  the  streets  by  the  sons  of 
liberty.  It  was  decided,  that  the  lead  of  which  it  was  composed, 
should  be  converted  into  musket  balls.  The«se  excesses,  however 
blameable  in  themselves,  were  not  without  utility  if  considered  poli- 
tically ;  they  excited  the  people  and  hurried  them  on  to  the  object 
that  was  desired.  At  Baltimore,  independence  having  been  pro- 
claimed in  the  presence  of  cannoniers  and  militia,  the  people  could 
not  contain  their  enthusiasm.  The  air  resounded  with  salutes  of 
artillery,  and  the  shouts  that  hailed  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  The  effigy  of  the  king  became 
the  sport  of  the  populace,  and  was  afterwards  burnt  in  the  public 
square. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  333 

The  rejoicings  at  Boston  were  the  greatest  of  all.  Independence 
was  there  proclaimed  from  the  balcony  of  the  .  State  house,  in  the 
presence  of  all  the  authorities,  civil  and  military,  and  of  an  immense 
concourse  of  people,  as  well  from  the  city  itself  as  from  the  country. 
The  garrison  was  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  in  King  street,  which 
from  that  moment  took  the  name  of  State  street  ;  the  troops  formed 
in  thirteen  detachments,  to  denote  the  thirteen  United  States.  At  a 
given  signal,  a  salute  of  thirteen  cannon  was  fired  upon  Fort  Hill, 
which  was  immediately  answered  by  an  equal  number  from  the 
batteries  of  the  Castle,  of  the  Neck,  of  Nantasket,  and  of  Point 
Alderton.  The  garrison,  in  their  turn,  fired  thirteen  salutes  of  mus- 
ketry, each  detachment  firing  in  succession.  The  authorities  and 
most  considerable  inhabitants  then  convened  at  a  banquet  prepared 
in  the  council  chamber,  when  they  drank  toasts  to  the  perpetuity 
and  prosperity  of  the  United  States,  to  the  American  Congress,  to 
general  Washington,  to  the  success  of  the  arms  of  the  confederacy, 
to  the  destruction  of  tyrants,  to  the  propagation  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  to  the  friends  of  the  United  States  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 
All  the  bells  rung  in  token  of  felicitation  ;  the  joy  was  universal,  and 
its  demonstrations  were  incessantly  renewed.  In  the  evening,  all 
the  ensigns  of  royalty,  lions,  sceptres  or  crowns,  whether  sculptured 
or  painted,  were  torn  in  pieces  and  burnt  in  State  street. 

But  in  Virginia,  it  would  be  impossible  to  describe  the  exultation 
that  was  manifested. 

The  Virginian  convention  decreed  that  the  name  of  the  king 
should  be  suppressed  in  all  the  public  prayers.  They  ordained  that 
the  great  seal  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  should  represent 
Virtue  as  the  tutelary  genius  of  the  province,  robed  in  drapery  of  an 
Amazon,  resting  one  hand  upon  her  lance,  and  holding  with  the 
other  a  sword,  trampling  upon  tyranny,  under  the  figure  of  a  pros- 
trate man,  having  near  him  a  crown  fallen  from  his  head,  and  bear- 
ing in  one  hand  a  broken  chain,  and  in  the  other  a  scourge.  At 
foot  was  charactered  the  word  Virginia,  and  round  the  effigy  of 
Virtue  was  inscribed — Sic  semper  tyrannis.  The  reverse  repre- 
sented a  group  of  figures  ;  in  the  middle  stood  Liberty  with  her 
wand  and  cap  ;  on  one  side  was  Ceres,  with  the  horn  of  plenty  in 
the  right  hand,  and  a  sheaf  of  wheat  in  the  left ;  upon  the  other 
appeared  Eternity,  with  the  globe  and  the  phoenix.  At  foot  were 
found  these  words — Deus  nobis  hcec  otia  fecit. 

In  the  midst  of  these  transports,  nothing  was  forgotten  that  might 
tend  to  inspire  the  people  with  affection  for  the  new  order  of  things, 
and  a  violent  hatred,  not  only  towards  tyranny,  but  also  against 
monarchy  ;  the  republicans  using  all  their  address  to  confound  the 
one  with  the  other  as  eternally  inseparable  by  their  essence. 

Thus,  on  the  one  hand,  the  American  patriots,  by  their  secret 
manreuvres,  and  then  by  a  daring  resolution  ;  and  on  the  other,  the 


334  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

British  ministers,  at  first  by  oppressive  laws,  and  afterwards  by  hesi- 
tating counsels  and  the  employment  of  an  inadequate  force,  gave 
origin  to  a  crisis  which  eventually  produced  the  entire  dismember- 
ment of  a  splendid  and  powerful  empire.  So  constant  are  men  in 
the  pursuits  of  liberty  ;  and  so  obstinate  in  ambition.  But  also  so 
timid  are  they  in  their  resolutions,  and  ever  more  prompt  to  warn 
their  enemy  of  his  danger  by  threats,  than  to  overwhelm  him  by 
force. 

It  is  certain  that  the  English  ministers  wanted  either  sagacity  to 
foresee  the  evil,  or  energy  to  remedy  it.  The  tumults  of  America 
broke  out  unobserved,  and  grew  without  obstacle,  till  at  length, 
swoln  like  an  overflowing  river,  they  acquired  such  an  impetuosity 
as  to  sweep  before  them  the  impotent  dikes  with  which  it  was 
attempted  too  late  to  oppose  thejn. 


END    OF    BOOK    SIXTH. 


NOTE    TO    BOOK    VI. 

NOTE    I. — PAGE    331. 

THE    MEMBERS    WHO    COMPOSED     THE    CONGRESS,    AND    WHO 
ALL  SIGNED  THE   DECLARATION,  ARE  THE  FOLLOWING  ; 


JOHN  HANCOCK,  President. 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

JOSIAH  BARTLETT, 
WILLIAM  WHIPPLK, 
MATTHEW  THORNTON. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

SAMUEL    ADAMS, 
JOHN    ADAMS, 
ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE, 
ELBRIDGE  GERKY. 

RHODE  ISLAND. 
STEPHEN    HOPKINS, 
WILLIAM  ELLERY. 

CONNECTICUT. 

ROGER   SHERMAN, 
SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON, 
WILLIAM  WILLIAMS, 
OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

NEW  YORK. 

WILLIAM    FLOYD, 
PHILIP   LIVINGSTON, 
FRANCIS  LEWIS, 
LEWIS  MORRIS. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

RICHARD  STOCKTON, 
JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 
FRANCIS  HOPKINSON, 
JOHN  HART, 
ABRAHAM  CLARK. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

ROBERT  MORRIS, 
BENJAMIN  RUSH, 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
JOHN    MORTON, 
GEORGE  CLYMER, 


JAMES  SMITH, 
GEORGE  TAYLOR, 
JAMES  WILSON, 
GEORGE    Ross. 

DELAWARE. 

CJESAR   RODNEY, 
GEORGE    READ, 
THOMAS  M'KEAN. 

MARYLAND. 

SAMUEL  CHASE, 
WILLIAM  PACA, 
THOMAS  STONE, 
CHARLES  CARROLL,  (of  Carrollton.) 

VIRGINIA. 

GEORGE  WYTHE, 
RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 
BENJAMIN   HARRISON, 
THOMAS  NELSON,  Jun. 
FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE, 
CARTER  BRAXTON. 

NORTH   CAROLINA. 

WILLIAM    HOOPER, 
JOSEPH    HEWES, 
JOHN  PENN. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

EDWARD    RUTLEPGE, 
THOMAS  HEYWARD,  Jun. 
THOMAS    LYNCH,  Jun. 
ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 

GEORGIA 

BUTTON   GWINNETT, 
LYMAN  HALL, 
GEORGE  WALTON 


336  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 


BOOK    SEVENTH. 

1776.  HAVING  sketched  the  two  first  periods  of  this  obstinate 
contest,  in  the  first  of  which  we  have  seen  the  British  ministers  pro- 
voking the  Americans,,  by  oppressive  laws,  to  resistance  and  revolt ; 
and  in  the  second,  conducting  the  war  which  ensued  with  feeble 
counsels  and  insufficient  means ;  the  order  of  history  requires  that  we 
should  now  proceed  to  the  recital  of  the  events  which  signalised  the 
third,  wherein,  at  length  displaying  all  their  force,  they  proposed  to 
suppress  the  rebellion  entirely,  and  to  reduce  the  colonists  to  sub- 
jection. 

General  Howe  having  arrived  from  Halifax,  landed  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  June  at  Sandy  Hook,  a  point  of  land  situated  at  the  entrance 
of  the  Gulf,  comprehended  between  the  main  land  of  New  Jersey, 
the  mouth  of  the  Rariton,  Staten  Island,  and  the  opening  of  the  bay 
of  New  York,  on  the  one  side,  and  Long  Island  on  the  other.  On 
the  second  of  July  he  took  possession  of  Staten  Island.  The  reso- 
lution of  independence  may,  therefore,  be  praised  for  its  boldness, 
or  blamed  for  its  temerity ;  which  was  taken,  as  is  seen,  at  the  very 
instant  when  England  was  preparing  to  attack,  with  formidable  forces, 
the  most  vulnerable  parts  of  America.  The  general  would  have 
preferred  waiting  at  Halifax  till  the  arrival  of  the  reenforcements 
expected  from  Europe,  with  the  fleet  of  his  brother,  the  admiral,  in 
order  to  repair,  in  concert  with  him,  to  the  waters  of  New  York,  and 
to  terminate  the  war  by  a  sudden  and  decisive  blow.  But  the  Eng- 
lish fleet  delayed  to  appear,  and  the  quarters  of  Halifax  were  as  in- 
convenient, as  provisions  were  scarce  there  ;  a  part  of  the  troops 
had  been  compelled  to  remain  on  board  the  ships.  The  season  for 
operations  also  advancing,  general  Howe  determined  to  go  and  wait 
for  his  reenforcements  in  the  vicinity  of  New  York  ;  the  squadron  of 
convoy  was  commanded  by  admiral  Shuldam. 

He  was  joined  in  the  passage  by  some  regiments  that,  having  been 
separated  from  the  fleet  by  contrary  winds,  were  steering  alone  for 
Halifax.  Other  corps  fell  into  the  power  of  the  American  cruisers. 
The  inhabitants  of  Staten  Island  received  the  English  general  with 
great  demonstrations  of  joy  ;  the  soldiers  being  quartered  about  in 
the  villages,  found,  in  abundance,  the  refreshments  of  which  they 
were  in  the  greatest  need.  Here  general  Howe  was  visited  by  go- 
vernor Tryon,  who  gave  him  precise  information  with  respect  to  the 
state  of  the  province,  as  also  with  regard  to  the  forces  and  prepa- 
rations of  the  enemy.  Many  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey  came  to 
offer  themselves  to  be  enrolled  for  the  royal  service ;  even  those  of 
Staten  Island  were  forward  to  enlist  under  the  English  standard  ; 
every  thing  announced  that  the  army  had  only  to  show  itself  in  the 


£OOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  337 

provinces  to  be  assured  of  a  prompt  victory.  Admiral  Howe,  after 
touching  at  Halifax,  where  he  found  despatches  from  his  brother, 
who  urged  him  to  come  and  join  him  at  New  York,  made  sail  again 
immediately,  and  landed,  without  accident,  at  Staten  Island,  the 
twelfth  of  July.  General  Clinton  arrived  there  about  the  same  time, 
with  the  troops  he  reconducted  from  the  unfortunate  expedition  of 
Charleston.  Commodore  Hotham  also  appeared  there  with  the  re- 
enforcements  under  his  escort ;  so  that  in  a  short  time  the  army 
amounted  to  about  twenty-four  thousand  men,  between  English,  Hes- 
sians, and  Waldekers.  Several  regiments  of  Hessian  infantry  were 
expected  to  arrive  shortly,  when  the  army  would  be  carried  to  the 
number  of  thirty-five  thousand  combatants,  of  the  best  troops  of  Eu- 
rope. America  had  never  seen  such  a  display  of  forces. 

It  began  now  to  appear  that  the  ministers  had  at  length  adopted 
vigorous  measures,  hoping  to  terminate  the  war  at  a  blow,  and  to 
repair  the  evils  produced  by  their  long  hesitation  and  delays. 

General  and  admiral  Howe,  both  officers  of  high  distinction,  were 
to  combine  their  efforts  against  the  province  of  New  York  ;  which, 
feeble  by  itself,  broken  by  a  great  number  of  islands  and  large  rivers, 
and  offering  a  great  extent  of  coasts,  was  more  exposed  than  any 
other  to  the  attacks  of  an  enemy  that  was  master  at  sea. 

The  English  army  was  abundantly  provided  with  arms  and  muni- 
tions, and  the  soldiers  manifested  an  extreme  ardor  for  the  service 
of  the  king.  The  English,  besides  their  particular  hatred  against 
the  insurgents,  were  also  stimulated  by  their  national  jealousy  towards 
the  Germans  ;  they  considered  the  confidence  placed  by  the  govern- 
ment in  these  strangers  as  indicating  a  want  of  it  in  them.  They 
were  eager  to  prove  to  the  world  that,  without  their  assistance,  they 
were  capable  of  subduing  America.  The  Germans,  on  their  part, 
who  justly  thought  themselves  not  inferior  to  the  English,  would  by 
no  means  appear  to  yield  to  them,  and  this  reciprocal  emulation  war- 
ranted the  expectation  of  extreme  efforts  on  the  one  part  and  on  the 
other.  When  the  submission  of  the  province  of  New  York  should 
have  given  the  English  a  firm  footing  in  America,  small  garrisons, 
supported  by  a  formidable  maritime  force,  would  be  sufficient  to  de- 
fend it  against  the  insults  of  the  enemy,  and  the  army  might  safely 
proceed  to  the  conquest  of  the  adjacent  provinces. 

New  York,  forming  the  centre  of  the  American  colonies,  the  Eng- 
lish army  would  be  able  to  turn  at  will,  either  upon  the  right,  in  order 
to  carry  the  war  into  Connecticut  and  all  New  England,  or  upon  the 
left  to  scour  New  Jersey  and  menace  Philadelphia  itself.  It  was 
besides  very  easy,  by  means  of  frigates  and  other  smaller  vessels,  to 
maintain  the  communication  between  the  two  parts  of  the  army  upon 
the  right  and  left  banks  of  the  Hudson,  and  even  to  pass  it  upon 
occasion,  and  promptly  transport  troops  from  one  side  to  the  other, 
VOL.  i.  43 


338  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

Finally,  this  position  of  New  York,  as  well  by  its  nature  as  by  rea- 
son of  the  numerous  marine  of  the  English,  was  for  them  a  place  of 
arms,  whence  they  could  infest  the  neighboring  places,  attack  their 
enemies 'at  their  own  time,  combat  them  with  success,  and  retreat 
without  danger. 

They  resolved,  accordingly,  to  make  it  the  centre  of  their  opera- 
tions ;  the  loyalists  were  also  very  numerous  theve,  and  in  no  city  of 
America,  was  the  party  of  the  Congress  more  feeble. 

There  occurred,  also,  another  consideration  of  the  highest  import- 
ance. If  general  Carleton,  after  having  passed,  as  was  hoped,  the 
lakes  of  Canada,  could  penetrate  to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  and 
descend  this  river  at  the  same  time  that  general  Howe  should  ascend 
it,  their  conjunction  would  have  the  immediate  effect  of  interrupting  all 
communication  between  the  provinces  of  New  England,  situated  upon 
the  left  bank,  and  those  of  the  middle  and  south,  which  are  found 
upon  the  right ;  and  such  had  always  been  the  favorite  plan  of  the 
ministry. 

Finally,  it  was  considered  that  Long  Island,  separated  from  the 
island  of  New  York  only  by  the  East  river,  and  being  abundant  in 
grains  and  in  cattle,  offered  the  means  of  subsistence  for  the  most 
numerous  army.  Its  inhabitants,  besides,  were  believed  to  be  well 
inclined  towards  the  royal  cause. 

While  general  Howe  was  seconded  in  his  invasion  of  New  York 
by  the  twelve  or  thirteen  thousand  men  coming  from  Canada  under 
governor  Carleton,  general  Clinton  was  to  operate  in  the  provinces  of 
the  south,  and  to  attack  Charleston.  The  American  troops  being 
thus  divided,  and  their  generals  surprised  and  pressed  on  so  many 
sides  at  once,  it  was  not  doubted  but  that  the  British  arms  would  soon 
obtain  a  complete  triumph.  But  there  happened  in  this  occurrence 
what  is  often  seen  in  the  execution  of  human  designs,  when  their 
success  depends  upon  the  concurrence  of  a  great  number  of  parts  ; 
one  proceeds  towards  the  object,  another  recedes  from  it,  and  all 
equally  miss  it. 

A  prosperous  event  in  this  business  appeared  the  less  probable, 
since  independently  of  the  obstacles  raised  by  men,  it  was  necessary 
also  to  combat  the  winds  and  the  seasons.  Would  it  not  have  been 
calculating  upon  a  scarcely  possible  contingency,  to  have  expected 
the  arrival  of  three  distinct  corps  of  the  army  at  their  places  of  de- 
stination at  the  hour  prefixed,  so  as  to  operate  in  perfect  concert:* 
Was  it  even  certain  that  all  the  three  would  prove  victorious  ?  This, 
however,  was  necessary  to  secure  the  execution  of  the  plan  of  the 
campaign. 

It  happened,  therefore,  on  the  one  part,  that  admiral  Howe,  having 
been  retarded  by  contrary  winds,  did  not  land  his  reenforcements  till 
after  the  expedition  of  Charleston  had  totally  miscarried,  as  we  have 
related.  And  on  the  other,  the  army  of  Canada  encountered  so  many 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  339 

obstacles  to  the  passage  of  the  lakes,  that  it  was  not  able  to  make 
its  way  this  year  to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  Whence  it  resulted 
not  only  that  Washington  was  not  compelled  to  weaken  the  already 
feeble  army  which  he  had  upon  the  coasts,  in  order  to  send  suc- 
cours into  South  Carolina,  or  towards  Canada,  but  that  the  same  sol- 
diers who  had  so  valiantly  defended  Charleston,  went  to  reenforce 
those  who  guarded  the  passage  of  the  lakes,  or  joined  the  principal 
army.  But  notwithstanding  these  failures,  it  was  still  confidently 
hoped  that  general  Howe  would  be  able  alone  to  make  a  decisive 
campaign.  This  hope  was  not  perhaps  devoid  of  all  foundation.  It 
is  plain,  therefore,  how  many  probabilities  the  British  ministers 
and  generals  would  have  united  in  their  favor,  if  instead  of  having 
scattered  their  forces  upon  several  points,  they  had  concentrated  them 
in  a  single  mass,  leaving  only  sufficient  garrisons  in  the  places  neces- 
sary to  their  operations. 

The  Americans,  on  their  part,  had  neglected  no  preparative  in 
order  to  resist  the  storm  with  which  they  were  menaced.  The  Con- 
gress had  ordained  the  construction  of  rafts,  of  gun  boats,  of  galleys, 
and  of  floating  batteries,  for  the  defence  of  the  port  of  New  York 
and  the  mouths  of  the  Hudson.  But  it  could  not  be  hoped  that  such 
feeble  preparations  were  competent  to  oppose,  with  any  chance  of 
success,  the  formidable  marine  of  England. 

The  Congress  had  also  decreed  that  thirteen  thousand  of  the  pro- 
vincial militia  should  go  and  join  the  army  of  Washington,  who,  being 
seasonably  apprised  of  the  danger  of  New  York,  had  made  a  movement 
into  that  quarter  ;  they  also  directed  the  organisation  of  a  corps  of  ten 
thousand  men,  destined  to  serve  as  a  reserve  in  the  provinces  of  the 
centre.  All  the  weakest  posts  had  been  carefully  intrenched,  and 
furnished  with  artillery.  A  strong  detachment  occupied  Long  Island, 
to  prevent  the  English  from  landing  there,  or  to  repulse  them  if  they 
should  effect  a  debarkation.  But  tiie  army  of  the  Congress  was  very 
far  from  having  all  the  necessary  means  to  support  the  burthen  of  so 
terrible  a  war.  It  wanted  arms,  and  it  was  wasted  by  diseases. 
The  reiterated  instances  of  the  commander-in-chief  had  drawn  into 
his  camp  the  militia  of  the  neighboring  provinces,  and  some  regular 
regiments  from  Maryland,  from  Pennsylvania,  and  from  New  England, 
which  had  carried  his  army  to  the  number  of  twenty-seven  thousand 
men;  but  a  fourth  part  of  these  troops  was  composed  of  invalids,  and 
scarcely  was  another  fourth  furnished  with  arms.  The  greatest  part, 
without  order,  as  without  discipline,  could  inspire  little  confidence. 

These  inconveniences,  so  seriously  alarming  for  the  success  of  the 
American  cause, 'proceeded  partly  from  the  want  of  money,  which 
prevented  the  Congress  from  paying  regular  troops  and  providing  for 
their  equipment,  and  partly  from  an  impolitic  parsimony  contracted 
during  peace,  which  withheld  them  from  incurring,  with  promptitude, 
the  expenses  rendered  necessary  by  a  state  of  war.  Their  rooted 


340  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

jealousy  of  standing  armies  contributed  also  to  the  same  effect ;  it  had 
even  inspired  them  with  the  idle  hope  of  being  able  to  organise  every 
year  an  army  sufficient  to  resist  the  forces  of  the  enemy. 

Perhaps,  finally,  many  of  the  colonists  were  reluctant  to  take  arms, 
because  they  still  .flattered  themselves  that  the  commissioners  of  the 
king,  being  at  the  same  time  chiefs  of  the  troops,  and  negotiators  of 
peace,  might  succeed  in  effecting  a  general  reconciliation.  , 

The  American  army,  such  as  it  was,  occupied  the  positions  most 
suitable  to  cover  the  menaced  points.  The  corps  which  had  been 
stationed  in  Long  Island  was  commanded  by  major-general  Greene, 
who,  on  account  of  sickness,  was  afterwards  succeeded  by  general 
Sullivan.  The  main  body  of  the  army  encamped  in  the  island  of 
New  York,  which,  it  appeared,  was  destined  to  receive  the  first  blows 
of  the  English. 

Two  feeble  detachments  guarded  Governor's  Island,  and  the 
point  of  Paulus'  Hook,  situated  in  front  of  New  York,  upon  the  right 
bank  of  the  Hudson.  The  militia  of  the  province,  commanded  by 
the  American  general  Clinton,  were  posted  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Sound,  where  they  occupied  the  two  Chesters,  East  and  West,  and 
New  Rochelle.  For  it  was  to  be  feared  that  the  enemy,  landing  in 
force  upon  the  north  shore  of  the  Sound,  might  penetrate  to  Kings- 
bridge,  and  thus  entirely  lock  up  all  the  American  troops  in  the  island 
of  New  York. 

All  being  prepared  on  the  one  side  for  attack,  on  the  other  for 
defence,  and  the  two  parties  appearing  equally  decided  to  refer  the 
destiny  of  America  to  the  chance  of  battles,  the  English  commis- 
sioners, before  coming  to  this  appeal,  wished  to  make  trial  of  the 
pacific  powers  with  which  they  were  invested.  Already,  in  the 
month  of  June,  lord  Howe,  being  upon  the  coasts  of  Massachusetts 
in  the  Eagle  ship  of  the  line,  had,  in  the  name  of  the  king,  addressed 
a  letter  to  all  the  governors  who  had  been  expelled  from  their  pro- 
vinces, enjoining  them  to  use  all  possible  means  to  spread  it  among 
the  inhabitants. 

He  therein  announced  that  the  king  had  authorised  two  commis- 
sioners to  grant  general  or  particular  pardons  to  all  those  who,  during 
the  troubles,  had  departed  from  the  obedience  due  to  the  crown,  but 
who  now  desired  to  return  to  their  duty,  and  participate  in  the  bene- 
fits of  the  royal  clemency.  He  also  declared  that  the  commissioners 
were  empowered  to  proclaim  any  province  or  city  whatsoever  to  be 
in  the  king's  peace,  which  immediately  sheltered  them  from  the  effect 
of  the  penal  laws  against  rebellion.  Finally,  he  promised  large  re- 
compense to  such  as,  by  their  services,  should  contribute  to  rees- 
tablish the  royal  authority.  These  writings,  commonly  brought  by 
flags,  circulated  in  the  country ;  and  general  Washington  sent  by 
express  to  Congress  a  proclamation  which  had  been  addressed  to  the 
city  of  Amboy.  That  assembly  took  the  noble  resolution  of  causing 


HOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  341 

it  to  be  printed  in  all  the  public  papers,  in  order  that  the  good  people 
of  the  United  States,  such  were  the  words  of  the  resolution,  might  be 
informed  of  the  powers  of  the  commissioners,  and  of  the  means  by 
which  Great  Britain  hoped  to  lull  them  into  security  and  to  disarm 
them  ;  and  also  that  the  most  obstinate  might  be  convinced  that  they 
could  no  longer  expect  the  preservation  of  their  privileges,  but  from 
their  arms  alone. 

In  the  meantime,  a  letter  was  brought  from  lord  Howe,  directed 
simply  to  George  Washington,  Esq.  The  general  refused  to  receive 
it,  alleging,  that  whoever  had  written  it  had  not  expressed  his  public 
station,  and  that  as  a  private  individual  he  could  not,  and  would  not, 
hold  any  communication,  whether  written  or  verbal,  with  the  com- 
manders of  the  king.  His  conduct  in  this  instance  was  much  ap- 
plauded by  the  Congress-;  and  they  decreed  that  in  future  none  of 
their  officers  should  receive  letters  or  messages,  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy,  that  were  not  addressed  to  them  according  to  their  respective 
rank. 

The  English  commissioners  were  unwilling  that  a  mere  point  of 
ceremonial  should  interrupt  negotiations  from  which  they  expected 
some  advantage.  They  could  not,  on  the  other  hand,  consent  to 
acknowledge  in  the  generalissimo  of  Congress  a  rank  which  had 
been  conferred,  as  they  believed,  by  an  unlawful  authority. 

They  had  recourse,  therefore,  to  an  expedient  by  which  they 
hoped  to  obviate  all  difficulty;  they  changed  the  address  of  their  letter 
for  the  superscription  following ;  to  George  Washington,  fyc.  fyc. 
Adjutant-general  Patterson  was  sent  with  this  despatch.  Being  intro- 
duced to  Washington,  he  gave  him  in  conversation  the  title  of  Excel- 
lency. The  general  received  him  with  great  politeness,  but  at  the 
same  time  with  much  dignity.  The  adjutant  expressed  great  concern, 
in  the  behalf  of  his  principals,  on  account  of  the  difficulties  that  had 
arisen  about  the  superscription  of  the  letter  ;  assured  him  of  their 
high  regard  for  his  personal  character,  and  that  they  had  no  intention 
to  undervalue  his  rank.  It  was  hoped,  therefore,  that  the  et  ceterns, 
being  in  use  between  ambassadors  when  they  were  not  perfectly 
agreed  upon  points  of  etiquette,  would  remove  all  obstructions  to  their 
mutual  intercourse. 

Washington  answered,  that  a  letter  written  to  a  person  invested 
with  a  public  character  should  specify  it,  otherwise  it  could  not  be 
distinguished  from  a  private  letter ;  that  it  was  true  the  et  ceteras 
implied  every  thing ;  but  it  was  no  less  true  that  they  implied  any 
thing  ;  and  that,  as  to  himself,  he  would  never  consent  to  receive 
any  letter,  relating  to  public  affairs,  that  should  be  directed  to  him, 
without  a  designation  of  his  rank  and  office.  Patterson  requested 
that  this  question  might  be  waved  ;  and  turned  the  conversation  upon 
prisoners  of  war.  He  expatiated  in  magnificent  terms  upon  the 
goodness  and  clemency  of  the  king,  who  had  chosen  for  negotiators 


342  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

lord  and  general  Howe.  He  affirmed  that  their  desire  to  terminate 
the  differences  which  had  arisen  between  the  two  people  was  as 
earnest  as  their  powers  were  ample  ;  and  that  he  hoped  the  general 
would  consider  this  visit  as  the  first  step  towards  it.  Washington 
replied,  that  he  was  not  authorised  to  negotiate ;  but  that  it  did  not 
appear  that  the  powers  of  the  commissioners  consisted  in  any  more 
than  in  granting  pardons ;  that  America,  not  having  committed  any 
offence,  asked  for  no  forgiveness,  and  was  only  defending  her 
unquestionable  rights.  Patterson  exclaimed  that  this  subject  would 
open  too  vast  a  field  of  discussion ;  and  repeating  his  regrets  that  a 
strict  observation  of  formalities  should  interrupt  the  course  of  so 
important  an  affair,  he  took  leave  of  the  general,  and  withdrew. 
This  conference  thus  remained  without  result,  and  all  thoughts  were 
again  concentrated  in  war.  The  Congress  were  perfectly  aware,  on 
the  one  hand,  of  the  shame  they  must  incur  by  departing  from  the 
resolution  so  recently  taken  of  asserting  independence,  and  they 
feared  on  the  other  that  the  propositions  of  England  might  contain 
some  secret  poison.  They  caused  an  exact  relation  to  be  printed  of 
the  interview  between  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  English 
adjutant-general. 

The  British  generals  seeing  that  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans 
left  them  no  longer  any  hope  of  an  accommodation,  directed  their 
entire  attention  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  resolved  to  strike 
the  first  blows  without  longer  delay.  Wishing,  in  the  first  place,  to 
secure  a  post  which  might  serve  in  case  of  need  as  a  place  of  retreat, 
and  to  furnish  the  means  of  subsistence  for  so  powerful  an  army, 
they  decided  to  attack  Long  Island,  in  which  they  depended  for 
success  upon  the  superiority  of  military  talents  which  they  believed 
themselves  to  have,  and  which  they  really  had,  over  the  Americans. 
Accordingly,  having  made  all  their  dispositions,  the  twenty-second  of 
August,  the  fleet  approached  the  west  coast  of  the  island  near  the 
strait,  called  the  Narrows,  which  separates  it  from  Staten  Island  ;  all 
the  troops  found  an  easy  and  secure  landing  place  between  the 
villages  of  Gravesend  and  New  Utrecht,  where  they  debarked  without 
meeting  any  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  Americans. 

A  great  part  of  their  army,  under  the  command  of  general  Putnam, 
encamped  at  Brookland  or  Brooklyn,  in  a  part  of  the  island  itself 
which  forms  a  sort  of  peninsula.  He  had  strongly  fortified  the 
entrance  of  it  with  moats  and  intrenchinents  ;  his  left  wing  rested 
upon  the  Wallabout  bay,  and  his  right  was  covered  by  a  marsh  con- 
tiguous to  another  bay,  called  Gowan's  Cove.  Behind  him  he  had 
Governor's  Island,  and  the  arm  of  the  sea  which  separates  Long 
Island  from  the  island  of  New  York,  and  which  gave  him  a  direct 
communication  with  the  city,  where  the  other  part  of  the  army  was 
stationed  under  Washington  himself.  The  commander-in-chief 
perceiving  that  battle  was  approaching,  continually  exhorted  his  men 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  343 

to  keep  their  ranks,  and  summon  all  their  courage  ;  he  reminded  them 
that  in  their  valor  rested  the  only  hope  that  remained  to  American 
liberty  ;  that  upon  their  resistance  depended  the  preservation  or  the 
pillage  of  their  property  by  barbarians  ;  that  they  were  about  to 
combat  in  defence  of  their  parents,  their  wives,  their  children,  from 
the  outrages*  of  a  licentious  soldiery  ;  that  the  eyes  of  America  were 
fixed  upon  her  champions,  and  expected  from  their  success  on  this 
day  either  safety  or  total  destruction. 

The  English  having  effected  their  landing,  marched  rapidly  forward. 
The  two  armies  were  separated  by  a  chain  of  hills,  covered  with 
woods,  called  the  heights  of  Guan,  and  which,  running  from  west  to 
east,  divide  the  island  into  two  parts.  They  are  only  practicable 
upon  three  points ;  one  of  which  is  near  the  Narrows,  the  road  lead- 
ing to  that  of  the  centre  passes  by  a  village  named  Flalbush,  and  the 
third  is  approached,  far  to  the  right,  by  the  route  of  another  village 
called  Flatland.  Upon  the  summit  of  the  hills  is  found  a  road  which 
follows  the  length  of  the  range,  and  leads  from  Bedford  to  Jamaica, 
which  is  intersected  by  the  two  roads  last  'described  ;  these  ways 
are  all  interrupted  by  precipices,  and  by  excessively  difficult  and 
narrow  defiles. 

The  American  general  wishing  to  arrest  the  enemy  upon  these 
heights,  had  carefully  furnished  them  with  troops,  so  that  if  all  had 
done  their  duty,  the  English  would  not  have  been  able  to  force  the 
passages  without  extreme  difficulty  and  danger.  The  posts  were  so 
frequent  upon  the  road  from  Bedford  to  Jamaica,  that  it  was  easy  to 
transmit,  from  one  of  these  points  to  the  other,  the  most  prompt 
intelligence  of  what  passed  upon  the  three  routes. 

Colonel  Miles,  with  his  battalion,  was  to  guard  the  road  of  Flatland, 
and  to  scour  it  continually  with  his  scouts,  as  well  as  that  of  Jamaica, 
in  order  to  reconnoitre  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  Meanwhile, 
the  British  army  pressed  forward,  its  left  wing  being  to  the  north, 
and  its  right  to  the  south  ;  the  village  of  Falmouth  was  found  in  its 
centre.  The  Hessians,  commanded  by  general  Heister,  formed  the 
main  body  ;  the  English,  under  major-general  Grant,  the  left ;  and 
other  corps,  conducted  by  general  Clinton,  and  the  two  lords,  Percy 
and  Cornwallis,  composed  the  right.  In  this  wing  the  British 
generals  had  placed  their  principal  hope  of  success ;  they  directed 
it  upon  Flatland.  Their  plan  was,  that  while  the  corps  of  general 
Grant,  and  the  Hessians  of  general  Heister,  should  disquiet  the 
enemy  upon  the  two  first  defiles,  the  left  wing,  taking  a  circuit,  should 
march  through  Flatland,  and  endeavor  to  seize  the  point  of  intersec- 
tion of  this  road  with  that  of  Jamaica  ;  and  then  rapidly  descending 
into  the  plain  which  extends  at  the  foot  of  the  heights,  upon  the 
other  side,  should  fall  upon  the  Americans  in  flank  and  rear.  The 
English  hoped,  that  as  this  post  was  the  most  distant  from  the  centre 
of  the  army,  the  advanced  guards  would  be  found  more  feeble  there. 


344  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

and  perhaps  more  negligent ;  finally,  they  calculated  that,  in  all 
events,  the  Americans  would  not  be  able  to  defend  it  against  a  force 
so  superior.  This  right  wing  of  the  English  was,  in  effect,  the  most 
numerous,  and  entirely  composed  of  select  troops. 

The  evening  of  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  general  Clinton  com- 
manding the  vanguard,  which  consisted  in  light  infantry ;  lord  Percy 
the  centre,  where  were  found  the  grenadiers,  the  artillery,  and  the 
cavalry  ;  and  Cornwallis  the  rear  guard,  followed  by  the  baggage, 
some  regiments  of  infantry  and  of  heavy  artillery ;  all  this  part  of 
the  English  army  put  itself  in  motion  with  admirable  order  and 
silence,  and  leaving  Flatland,  traversed  the  country  called  New  Lots. 
Colonel  Miles,  who  this  night  performed  his  service  with  little  exact- 
ness, did  not  perceive  the  approach  of  the  enemy  ;  so  that  two  hours 
before  day  the  English  were  already  arrived  within  a  half  mile  of  the 
road  of  Jamaica,  upon  the  heights.  Then  general  Clinton  halted, 
and  prepared  himself  for  the  attack.  He  had  met  one  of  the  enemy's 
patrols  and  made  him  prisoner. 

General  Sullivan,  who  commanded  all  the  troops  in  advance  of  the 
camp  of  Brooklyn,  had  no  advice  of  what  passed  in  this  quarter. 
He  neglected  to  send  out  fresh  scouts ;  perhaps  he  supposed  the 
English  would  direct  their  principal  efforts  against  his  right  wing,  as 
being  the  nearest  to  them. 

General  Clinton  learning  from  his  prisoners  that  the  road  of  Jamai- 
ca was  not  guarded,  hastened  to  avail  himself  of  the  circumstance, 
and  occupied  it  by  a  rapid  movement.  Without  loss  of  time,  he 
immediately  bore  to  his  left  towards  Bedford,  and  seized  an  import- 
ant defile  which  the  American  generals  had  left  unguarded.  From 
this  moment  the  success  of  the  day  was  decided  in  favor  of  the 
English. 

Lord  Percy  came  up  with  his  corps ;  and  the  entire  column 
descended  by  the  village  of  Bedford  from  the  heights  into  the  plain 
which  lay  between  the  hills  and  the  camp  of  the  Americans.  During 
this  time  general  Grant,  in  order  to  amuse  the  enemy  and  divert  his 
attention  from  the  events  which  took  place  upon  the  route  of  Flat- 
land,  endeavored  to  disquiet  him  upon  his  right ;  accordingly,  as  if 
he  intended  to  force  the  defile  which  led  to  it,  he  had  put  himself  in 
motion  about  midnight,  and  had  attacked  the  militia  of  New  York 
and  of  Pennsylvania  who  guarded  it.  They  at  first  gave  ground  ; 
but  general  Parsons  being  arrived,  and  having  occupied  an  eminence, 
he  renewed  the  combat,  and  maintained  his  position  till  brigadier- 
general  lord  Sterling  came  to  his  assistance  with  fifteen  hundred  men. 
The  action  became  extremely  animated,  and  fortune  favored  neither 
the  one  side  nor  the  other.  The  Hessians,  on  their  part,  had 
attacked  the  centre  at  break  of  day  ;  and  the  Americans,  commanded 
by  general  Sullivan  in  person,  valiantly  sustained  their  efforts.  At 
the  same  time  the  English  ships,  after  having  made  several  move- 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  345 

ments,  opened  a  very  brisk  cannonade  against  a  battery  established 
in  the  little  island  of  Red  Hook,  upon  the  right  flank  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, who  combated  against  genera!  Grant. 

This  also  was  a  diversion,  the  object  of  which  was  to  prevent  them 
from  attending  to  what  passed  in  the  centre  and  on  the  left.  The 
Americans  defended  themselves,  however,  with  extreme  gallantry, 
ignorant  that  so  much  valor  was  exerted  in  vain,  since  victory  was 
already  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  General  Clinton  being  descended 
into  the  plain,  fell  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  centre,  which  was 
engaged  with  the  Hessians.  He  had  previously  detached  a  strong 
corps  in  order  to  intercept  the  Americans. 

As  soon  as  the  appearance  of  the  English  light  infantry  apprised 
them  of  their  danger,  they  sounded  the  retreat,  and  retired  in  good 
order  towards  their  camp,  bringing  off  their  artillery.  But  they  soon 
fell  in  with  the  party  of  royal  troops  which  had  occupied  the  ground 
on  their  rear,  and  who  now  charged  them  with  fury ;  they  were 
compelled  to  throw  themselves  into  the  neighboring  woods,  where 
they  met  again  with  the  Hessians,  who  repulsed  them  upon  the 
English,  and  thus  the  Americans  were  driven  several  limes  by  the 
one  against  the  other  with  great  loss. 

They  continued  for  some  time  in  this  desperate  situation,  till  at 
length  several  regiments,  animated  by  an  heroic  valor,  opened  their 
way  through  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  and  gained  the  camp  of  general 
Putnam  ;  others  escaped  through  the  woods.  The  inequality  of  the 
ground,  the  great  number  of  positions  which  it  offered,  and  the 
disorder  which  prevailed  throughout  the  line,  were  the  cause  that 
for  several  hours  divers  partial  combats  were  maintained,  in  which 
many  of  the  Americans  fell. 

Their  left  wing  and  centre  being  discomfited,  the  English,  desirous 
of  a  complete  victory,  made  a  rapid  movement  against  the  rear  of 
the  right  wing,  which,  in  ignorance  of  the  misfortune  which  had 
befallen  the  other  corps,  was  engaged  with  general  Grant.  Finally, 
having  received  the  intelligence,  they  retired.  But  encountering  the 
English  who  cut  off  their  retreat,  a  part  of  the  soldiers  took  shelter 
in  the  woods,  others  endeavored  to  make  their  way  through  the 
marshes  of  Gowan's  Cove ;  but  here  many  were  drowned  in  the 
waters,  or  perished  in  the  mud  ;  a  very  small  number  only  escaped 
the  hot  pursuit  of  the  victors,  and  reached  the  camp  in  safety.  The 
total  loss  of  the  Americans,  in  this  battle,  was  estimated  at  more  than 
three  thousand  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  Among  the 
last  were  found  general  Sullivan,  and  brigadier-generals  lord  Sterling 
and  Woodhull.  Almost  the  entire  regiment  of  Maryland,  consisting 
of  young  men  of  the  best  families  in  that  province,  was  cut  in  pieces. 
Six  pieces  of  cannon  fell  into  the  power  of  the  victors.  The  loss  of 
the  English  was  very  inconsiderable  ;  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prison- 
ers, it  did  not  amount  to  four  hundred  men. 
VOL.  i.  44 


346  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

The  Americans,  in  this  day,  assuredly  committed  a  great  fault, 
since  they  were  forced  to  combat  with  a  part  of  their  forces  against 
all  those  of  the  enemy.  They  omitted  to  use  the  requisite  diligence 
to  inform  themselves  of  the  quantity  of  troops  disembarked  ;  they 
neglected  to  cause  the  roads  of  the  heights  to  be  properly  scoured 
by  their  scouts,  and  especially  those  upon  their  left,  which  was  the 
menaced  part ;  finally,  they  had  not  sufficiently  guarded  the  difficult 
passes  upon  the  road  of  Jamaica.  There  even  arose  some  rumors 
which  threw  suspicions  of  treachery  upon  those  who  were  charged 
with  this  guard  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  they  were  culpable  rather  of* 
negligence  than  of  evil  intentions.  Colonel  Miles  enjoyed  a  reputa- 
tion that  placed  him  above  suspicion.  It  appears,  indeed,  that 
general  Sullivan,  either  from  too  much  confidence  or  too  much 
mildness,  did  not  employ  all  the  rigorous  means  which  so  important 
a  circumstance  exacted,  to  prevent  the  secret  intelligence  of  the 
loyalists  with  the  English  ;  these  were,  therefore,  diligently  informed 
of  the  weakest  places,  and  of  the  negligence  with  which  the  service 
was  performed.  The  English  and  the  Hessians  combated  not  only 
with  courage,  but  even  with  an  impetuous  ardor,  excited  by  their 
reciprocal  emulation,  and  by  the  desire  to  efface  the  stains  of  former 
defeats. 

In  the  height  of  the  engagement,  general  Washington  had  crossed 
over  to  Brooklyn  from  New  York,  and  seeing  some  of  his  best  troops 
slaughtered  or  taken,  he  uttered,  it  is  said,  an  exclamation  of 
anguish.  He  could,  if  he  saw  fit,  draw  out  of  their  encampment  all 
the  troops,  and  send  them  to  succour  the  corps  that  were  engaged 
with  the  enemy  ;  he  might  also  call  over  all  the  forces  he  had  in 
New  York,  and  order  them  to  take  part  in  the  battle.  But  all 
these  reenforcements  would  by  no  means  have  sufficed  to  render  his 
army  equal  to  that  of  the  English.  Victory  having  already  declared 
in  their  favor,  the  courage  with  which  it  inspired  them,  and  the 
superiority  of  their  discipline,  cut  off  all  hope  of  being  able  to  restore 
the  battle.  If  Washington  had  engaged  all  his  troops  in  the  action, 
it  is  probable  that  the  entire  army  would  have  been  destroyed  on 
this  fatal  day,  and  America  reduced  to  subjection.  Great  praise, 
therefore,  is  due  him  for  not  having  allowed  himself,  in  so  grave  an 
occurrence,  to  be  transported  into  an  inconsiderate  resolution,  and 
for  having  preserved  himself  and  his  army  for  a  happier  future. 

The  English  were  so  elated  with  victory,  that  eager  to  profit  by 
their  advantages  they  would  fain  have  immediately  assaulted  the 
American  camp.  But  their  general  manifested  more  prudence  ; 
whether  he  believed  the  intrenchments  of  the  enemy  stronger  than 
they  really  were,  or  whether  he  considered  himself  already  sure  of 
entering  New  York  without  encountering  new  perils,  he  repressed 
the  ardor  of  his  troops.  Afterwards,  having  encamped  in  front  of 
the  enemy's  lines  in  the  night  of  the  twenty-eighth,  he  broke  ground 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  347 

within  six  hundred  paces  of  a  bastion  upon  the  left.  His  intention 
was  to  approach  by  means  of  trenches,  and  to  wait  till  the  fleet  could 
cooperate  with*  the  land  troops. 

The  situation  of  the  Americans  in  their  camp  became  extremely 
critical.  They  had  in  front  an  enemy  superior  in  number,  and  who 
could  attack  them  at  every  moment  with  a  new  advantage.  Their 
intrenchments  were  of  little  moment,  and  the  English,  pushing  their 
works  with  ardor,  had  every  probability  of  success  in  their  favor. 

For  two  days  and  two  nights  the  rain  had  fallen  by  torrents  ;  the 
'arms  and  -ammunition  suffered  from  it  alike.  The  soldiers,  over- 
whelmed with  fatigue  and  discouraged  by  defeat,  would  have  made 
but  a  feeble  resistance.  The  English  ships  were  in  readiness,  to 
enter  the  East  river.  They  had  hitherto  been  prevented  by  a  north- 
east wind,  which  for  them  was  as  contrary  as  it  was  propitious  for 
the  Americans.  But  it  might  change  the  next  moment,  and  the 
English  once  masters  of  this  river,  retreat  was  intercepted  to  the 
soldiers  of  Congress,  and  the  whole  army  would  have  incurred  the 
danger  of  being  forced  to  surrender  to  the  superior  force  of  the 
enemy.  The  council  of  war  being  assembled,  the  American  generals 
resolved  to  evacuate  their  position,  and  to  withdraw  into  New  York. 
All  the  dispositions  having  been  made,  the  retreat  across  the  East 
river  was  undertaken.  Colonel  Glover  commanded  the  vessels  and 
flat  boats  of  transport,  general  Macdougall  was  charged  with  the 
embarkation,  and  colonel  Mifflin  was  to  cover  the  rear  guard.  The 
twenty-ninth,  at  eight  in  the  evening,  the  troops  began  to  move  with 
the  greatest  silence.  But  they  were  not  on  board  before  eleven.  A 
violent  northeast  wind  and  the  ebb  tide,  which  rendered  the  current 
very  rapid,  prevented  the  passage  ;  the  time  pressed  however.  For- 
tunately, the  wind  suddenly  veered  to  the  northwest  ;  they  imme- 
diately made  sail,  and  landed  in  New  York.  Providence  appeared 
to  have  watched  over  the  Americans  ;  about  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  a  thick  fog,  and  at  this  season  of  the  year  extraordinary, 
covered  all  Long  Island,  whereas  the  air  was  perfectly  clear  on  the 
side  of  New  York. 

Notwithstanding  the  entreaties  of  his  officers,  Washington  remain- 
ed the  last  upon  the  shore  ;  he  refused  to  embark  till  he  saw 
his  troops  all  on  board.  They  amounted  in  all  to  nine  thousand 
men. 

The  artillery,  baggage,  camp  equipage,  munitions,  every  thing  was 
safely  transported  to  the  other  side.  It  was  not  till  the  next  morn- 
ing, the  sun  being  already  high,  and  after  the  mist  was  dissipated, 
that  the  English  discovered,  to  their  great  surprise,  that  the  Ame- 
ricans had  abandoned  their  camp,  and  were  already  sheltered  fronl 
all  pursuit.  They  perceived  only  a  part  of  the  rear  guard,  out  of 
reach  in  their  boats,  who  had  returned  to  carry  away  some  munitions 
which  had  been  left  in  the  island. 


348  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

Whoever  will  attend  to  all  the  details  of  this  retreat,  will  easily 
believe  that  no  military  operation  was  ever  conducted  by  great 
captains  with  more  ability  and  prudence,  or  under  more  favorable 
auspices. 

It  still  remained  to  evacuate  Governor's  Island,  situated  at  the 
mouth  of  the  East  river  ;  it  was  occupied  by  two  regiments,  with  a 
numerous  artillery  and  abundant  munitions.  The  Americans  had 
fortified  it  to  interdict  the  entrance  of  this  river  to  the  English.  But 
after  the  loss  of  Long  Island,  it  could  not  be  hoped  to  defend  the 
passage,  and  the  garrison  was  in  danger  of  falling  into  the  power  of 
the  enemy.  The  evacuation  of  Governor's  Island  was  also  effected 
without  accident,  notwithstanding  the  vicinity  of  the  English  ships. 
Thus  all  the  American  army,  after  the  defeat  of  Long  Island,  found 
itself  united  in  the  island  of  New  York. 

The  check  of  Brooklyn  had  made  upon  the  Americans  a  pro- 
found impression  of  terror,  and  their  position  actually  became  very 
alarming. 

Until  then,  they  had  flattered  themselves  that  heaven  would  con- 
stantly favor  their  arms  ;  and  it  was,  in  truth,  the  first  time  that 
fortune  had  betrayed  them  so  cruelly.  But  not  having  been  accus- 
tomed to  her  rigors,  from  the  excess  of  confidence  which  intoxicated 
them  in  prosperity,  they  fell  all  at  once  into  that  of  dejection. 

They  had  persuaded  themselves  that  personal  valor  completely 
supplied  the  want  of  discipline  ;  and  they  had  gone  so  far  as  even 
to  hold  in  derision  the  European  system  of  tactics.  But  since  they 
had  found,  by  fatal  experience,  of  how  much  utility  it  was  in  regular 
battles,  tbeir  eyes  were  opened,  and  they  had  lost  all  confidence  in 
themselves.  At  first  they  had  believed  that  courage,  without  disci- 
pline, could  do  all  ;  they  now  thought  it  could  do  nothing.  At  every 
moment  they  were  apprehensive  of  some  new  surprise  ;  at  every  step 
of  falling  into  an  ambuscade.  Thus,  from  discouragement,  they 
became  still  more  negligent  of  order.  The  militia,  especially,  ac- 
cording to  the  usage  of  multitudes  armed  in  moments  of  emergency, 
became  every  day  more  disorderly  and  intractable.  Not  content 
with  enjoying  a  liberty  without  bounds  in  the  camp,  they  abandoned 
their  colors  by  hundreds,  and  entire  regiments  deserted  to  return  to 
their  provinces.  Their  example  became  fatal  to  the  regular  troops 
themselves  ;  their  subordination  diminished,  and  desertion  enfeebled 
them  daily.  Their  engagement  was  but  for  one  year,  and  even  in 
some  corps  only  for  a  few  weeks  ;  the  hope  of  soon  returning  to 
their  families  and  friends  so  acted  upon  these  soldiers  that  they 
avoided  dangers.  Ardor  and  enthusiasm  had  at  first  overruled  these 
domestic  affections  ;  but  they  now  triumphed  over  a  zeal  extinguished 
by  ill  fortune. 

The  fidelity  of  the  generals  was  not  suspected,  but  their  talents 
were  distrusted,  and  every  thing  appeared  to  threaten  a  total  dissolu- 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  349 

tion.  Confounded  by  the  blows  of  fortune,  and  little  used  to  support 
them,  the  Americans  thus  gave  themselves  up  for  lost.  Washington 
contended  earnestly  with  exhortations,  with  persuasions,  and  with 
promises,  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  disorganisation.  Wherein,  if 
he  did  not  succeed  according  to  his  desires,  he  obtained,  however, 
more  than  his  hopes.  The  greater  part,  yielding  to  his  authority, 
and  the  benevolence  they  bore  him,  consented  to  remain.  He  had 
not  neglected  to  address  the  Congress  an  energetic  picture  of  the 
deplorable  situation  of  his  army  ;  he  represented  to  them  how  import- 
ant it  was  to  accept  no  more  engagements,  but  for  the  total  duration 
of  the  war  ;  and  he  assured  them  that  he  must  despair  of  American 
liberty,  unless  he  was  furnished  with  an  army  that  should  stand  by 
him  till  the  conclusion  of  the  enterprise.  The  remonstrances  and 
instances  of  the  commander-in-chief,  were  seconded  by  all  the  mili- 
tary chiefs  of  distinction  that  were  found  at  that  time  in  America, 
and  the  Congress  at  length  yielded  to  their  desires.  They  decreed 
that  a  regular  army  should  be  formed,  in  which  the  soldiers  should 
be  enlisted  to  serve  during  the  present  war  ;  and  that  it  should  be 
composed  of  eighty-eight  battalions,  to  be  raised  in  all  the  provinces 
according  to  their  respective  abilities.*  To  induce  the  inhabitants 
to  enlist,  the  Congress  decreed,  besides,  that  a  bounty  of  twenty 
dollars  should  be  given  to  each  man  at  the  time  of  engagement,  and 
portions  of  unoccupied  lands  were  promised  to  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers.f  But  from  the  difficulty  of  finding  men  who  would  enlist  for 
the  whole  term  of  the  war,  this  resolution  was  afterwards  modified, 
so  as  to  admit  of  engagements  either  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war  ;  specifying,  however,  that  such  as  enlisted  only  for  three  years 
had  no  right  to  grants  of  land.  This  measure  was  of  great  utility. 
Here  also  is  seen  the  power  of  good  or  ill  fortune  over  nations.  If 
those  who  allow  themselves  to  be  over  elated  by  prosperity,  are 
without  courage  in  adversity,  those  who  use  the  favors  of  fortune 
with  moderation,  are  able  to  support  its  reverses  with  fortitude. 

General  Howe,  wishing  to  take  advantage  of  the  terror  which 
victory  inspires,  and  persuading  himself  that  the  Americans,  disheart- 
ened by  so  many  checks,  would  be  more  modest  in  their  pretensions, 
despatched  general  Sullivan  to  the  Congress  with  a  message  purport- 
ing, that  though  he  could  not  consistently  treat  with  that  assembly  in 
the  character  they  had  assumed,  yet  he  would  gladly  confer  with 
some  of  their  members  in  their  private  capacity,  and  would  meet  them 

*  The  eighty-eight  battalions  decreed  by  Congress,  were  to  be  furnished  in  the  fol- 
lowing proportion.  Three  in  New  Hampshire,  fifteen  in  Massachusetts,  two  in 
Rhode  Island,  eight  in  Connecticut,  four  in  New  York,  four  in  New  Jersey,  twelve  in 
Pennsylvania,  one  in  Delaware,  eight  in  Maryland,  fifteen  in.  Virginia,  nine  in  North 
Carolina,  six  in  South  Carolina,  and  one  in  Georgia. 

t  The  grant  of  lands  was  thus  regulated.  Five  hundred  acres  to  a  colonel,  four 
hundred  to  a  major,  three  hundred  to  a  captain,  two  hundred  to  a  lieutenant,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  to  an  ensign,  and  one  hundred  to  noncommissioned  officers  and 
soldiers. 


350  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

at  any  place  they  would  appoint.  He  informed  them  that  he  was 
empowered,  with  the  admiral  his  brother,  to  terminate  the  contest 
between  Great  Britain  and  America  upon  conditions  equally  advan- 
tageous to  both  ;  these  conditions,  he  added,  he  had  not  been  able 
to  obtain  till  after  two  months  delay,  which  had  prevented  him  from 
arriving  before  the  declaration  of  independence.  He  expressed  an 
earnest  desire  that  an  arrangement  might  take  place  before  the 
events  of  the  war  became  so  decisive  as  to  render  it  no  longer  a 
matter  of  choice  for  one  of  the  parties  to  treat.  He  assured  them, 
that  if  they  were  inclined  to  enter  into  an  agreement,  much  might  be 
granted  to  them  which  they  had  not  required.  He  concluded  by 
saying,  that  should  the  conference  produce  the  probability  of  an 
accommodation,  the  authority  of  Congress  would  be  acknowledged 
in  order  to  render  the  treaty  valid  and  complete  in  every  respect. 
The  commissioners  hoped  thus,  by  insidious  words,  to  dispose  the 
Americans  to  resume  the  yoke  of  England  without  dread. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  decide  whether  these  propositions  announc- 
ed, on  the  part  of  the  English,  more  hope  than  despair  of  victory. 
Perhaps  the  commissioners,  not  being  authorised  to  grant  all  the 
conditions  they  offered,  merely  threw  them  out  to  create  parties,  or 
to  amuse  the  Americans  and  to  divert  them  from  their  preparations 
of  war.  However  this  may  be,  the  Congress  deliberated  maturely 
upon  this  overture.  Their  refusal  to  listen  to  the  proffered  terms 
might  alienate  the  minds  of  many  ;  and  tfreir  consenting  to  enter 
into  negotiation  was  a  tacit  admission  that  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence was  not  irrevocable,  or  that  ill  fortune  began  to  shake 
their  constancy.  The  Congress,  to  avoid  either  of  these  inconve- 
niences, though  persuaded  of  the  insincerity  of  the  commissioners, 
decided  for  a  middle  course.  They  made  answer,  through  general 
Sullivan,  that  the  Congress  of  the  free  and  independent  states  of 
America  could  not,  consistently  with  the  trust  reposed  in  them,  send 
any  of  their  members  to  confer  with  whomsoever,  otherwise  than  in 
their  public  capacity.  But  that  as  they  desired  that  peace  might  be 
concluded  upon  equitable  conditions,  they  would  depute  a  committee 
of  their  .body  to  learn  whether  the  commissioners  were  authorised 
to  treat,  and  what  proposals  they  had  to  offer.  Washington  was 
instructed,  at  the  same  time,  to  answer  any  overtures  that  might  be 
made  him,  by  saying  that  the  United  States  having  taken  arms  to 
defend  their  existence  and  their  liberty,  would  willingly  consent  to 
peace,  provided  the  terms  of  it  were  reasonable,  and  drawn  up  first 
in  writing,  in  order  to  be  laid  before  Congress. 

Thus  the  Americans  appeared  to  incline  for  independence,  with- 
out insisting,  however,  upon  this  point  as  an  indispensable  condition 
of  peace,  in  order  to  reserve  a  way  open  to  reconciliation  if  the  fate 
of  arms  should  prove  too  adverse.  The  deputies,  appointed  by 
Congress  to  hear  the  propositions  of  the  commissioners,  were  Benja- 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  351 

min  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  all  three  zealous 
partisans  of  independence.  Tbje  interview  took  place  the  eleventh 
of  September,  in  Staten  Island,  opposite  Amboy.  Admiral  Howe 
spoke  the  first,  saying,  that  though  he  could  not  treat  with  them  as  a 
committee  of  Congress,  yet  as  he  was  authorised  to  confer  with  nny 
gentlemen  of  influence  in  the  colonies,  on  the  means  of  restoring 
peace,  he  felt  a  real  gratification  in  the  present  occasion  to  discourse 
with  them  upon  this  important  subject. 

The  deputies  replied,  that  since  they  were  come  to  hear  him,  he 
was  at  liberty  to  look  upon  them  in  what  light  he  pleased  ;  that  they 
could  not,  however,  consider  themselves  in  any  other  character  than 
that  in  which  the  Congress  had  placed  them.  Howe  then  entered 
upon  the  subject  of  the  meeting  ;  he  demanded  that  the  colonies 
should  return  to  their  allegiance  and  duty  towards  the  British 
crown  ;  he  assured  them  of  the  earnest  desire  of  the  king  to  make 
his  government  easy  and  acceptable  to  them  in  every  respect ;  that 
those  acts  of  parliament  which  were  so  obnoxious  to  them  would 
undergo  a  revisal,  and  the  instructions  to  governors  would  be  recon- 
sidered ;  that  if  any  just  causes  of  complaint  were  found  in  the 
acts  or  instructions,  they  might  be  removed. 

After  having  recounted  the  tyrannical  act,s  of  parliament,  of  which 
all  their  supplications  had  failed  to  procure  the  repeal,  the  deputies 
added,  in  reply,  that  a  return  to  the  domination  of  Great  Britain  was 
not  now  to  be  expected.  'There  was  no  doubt,  they  said,  that  the 
Americans  were  inclined  to  peace,  and  willing  to  enter  into  any 
treaty  with  Britain  that  might  be  advantageous  to  both  countries.  If 
there  was  the  same  good  disposition  on  her  part,  it  would  be  easier 
for  the  commissioners,  though  not  empowered  at  present  to  treat 
with  them  as  independent  states,  to  obtain  fresh  powers  from  their 
government  for  that  purpose,  than  it  would  be  for  the  Congress  to 
procure  them  from  the  colonies  to  consent  to  submission.' 

Howe  then  put  an  end  to  the  conference,  by  saying  that  he  deeply 
regretted  there  was  no  longer  any  hope  of  an  accommodation. 

The  three  deputies  made  their  report  to  Congress  of  the  issue  of 
this  interview,  observing  that  the  powers  of  the  English  commission- 
ers were  insufficient,  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  place  any  depend- 
ence upon  their  offers  or  their  promises.  The  Congress  approved 
their  conduct.  This  attempt  at  negotiation,  therefore,  served  only 
to  demonstrate,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  Congress  persevering  in 
their  resolution  and  undaunted  by  reverses,  were  determined  not  to 
receive  conditions  from  their  enemies  ;  and  on  the  other,  how  greatly 
the  English  government  was  still  deceived  with  respect  to  the  spirit 
which  prevailed  in  America,  and  as  to  the  means  proper  to  be  em- 
ployed for  the  reestablishment  of  the  ancient  order  of  things. 

But  it  seems  in  this  revolution  to  have  been  the  destiny  of  things, 
that  the  remedies  should  always  arrive  after  the  evils  were  become 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

incurable  ;  and  that  the  government  refusing  out  of  pride  at  the 
favorable  moment,  to  acquiesce  in  useful  concessions,  should  after- 
wards have  to  submit  to  the  rejection  of  its  useless  propositions. 

The  English  generals,  convinced  by  experience,  that  they  must 
renounce  all  hope  of  accommodation,  now  turned  their  attention 
exclusively  to  military  operations.  The  royal  army  found  itself 
separated  from  that  of  the  Congress  only  by  the  East  river,  which 
communicating  with  Harlem  Creek  flows  between  Long  Island  and 
Morrisania  on  the  one  part,  and  the  island  of  New  York  on  the 
other.  The  intention  of  the  English  was  to  land  in  some  part  of 
this  last,  where  the  least  resistance  could  be  opposed  to  them.  Their 
ships  cruised  along  the  coasts,  threatening  sometimes  one  place  and 
sometimes  another,  in  order  to  keep  the  enemy  at  all  points  in 
uncertainty,  and  afterwards  to  attack  upon  one  only  with  more  ad- 
vantage. A  part  of  the  fleet  having  doubled  Long  Island  appeared 
in  the  Sound,  a  gulf  of  great  breadth  which  separates  this  island 
from  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  and  communicates  with  the  East 
river,  by  means  of  a  narrow  channel,  which  a  very  dangerous  naviga- 
tion and  frequent  shipwrecks  have  caused  to  receive  the  name  of 
Hell  Gate. 

The  English  had  taken  possession  of  the  island  of  JMontesoro, 
situated  in  this  strait,  where  they  had  erected  a  battery  to  answer 
that  which  the  Americans  had  planted  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river  at  Hovenshook.  Two  frigates,  passing  between  Governor's 
Island  and  the  point  of  Red  Hook,  had  ascended  into  the  East  river, 
without  receiving  any  injury  from  the  artillery  of  the  enemy,  and  had 
anchored  out  of  its  reach  near  a  little  island.  The  main  body  of 
the  English  fleet  was  moored  in  the  waters  of  Governor's  Island, 
ready  to  attack  the  city  of  New  York  itself,  or  to  enter  either  the 
East  river,  or  the  Hudson. 

Meanwhile,  the  ships  were  continually  engaged  with  the  batteries 
on  shore,  and  frequent  actions  ensued  for  the  possession  of  the  little 
islands  which  are  found  in  the  first  of  these  rivers.  The  English 
had  need  of  them  for  the  execution  of  their  projects,  and  the  Ame- 
ricans saw  the  necessity  of  defending  them.  But  whether  the 
English  artillery  was  better  served,  or  that  the  soldiers  of  this  nation 
had  acquired  more  confidence  from  their  victory,  and  especially 
owing  to  the  assistance  of  their  ships,  they  succeeded  in  carrying, 
one  after  another,  such  of  these  islands,  as  their  convenience  ac- 
quired, and  thus  secured  for  themselves  the  entrance  of  the  East 
river. 

Washington  had  furnished  the  two  shores  of  the  island  of  New 
York  with  a  numerous  artillery,  and  had  thrown  up  intrenchments  in 
different  places.  He  had  four  thousand  five  hundred  men  in  the 
city ;  six  thousand  five  hundred  at  Harlem,  a  village  situated  in  front 
of  the  opening  of  the  sound  ;  and  twelve  thousand  at  Kingsbridge,  at 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAIi.  353 

the  extremity  of  the  island.  He  had  been  particularly  careful  to 
fortify  this  passage,  in  order  to  secure  a  free  communication  with  the 
continent,  and  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  seizing  it  by  surprise,  and 
thus  entirely  locking  up  the  American  army  within  the  island  itself. 
But  the  commander-in-chief  felt  extreme  apprehensions  for  the  city, 
and  began  to  despair  of  preserving  it  in  the  power  of  the  confedera- 
tion. The  enemy  being  considerably  reenforced  in  the  northern 
parts  of  Long  Island,  and  having  the  command  of  the  sound,  it  was 
to  be  feared  he  might  disembark  in  the  centre  of  the  island  of  New 
York,  near  the  mouth  of  the  sound,  in  which  case  the  garrison  of  the 
city,  and  all  the  troops  encamped  in  its  environs,  having  their  retreat 
intercepted,  would  have  been  compelled  to  surrender;  or  else  that, 
traversing  the  sound  and  Morrisania,  he  would  go  and  establish  him- 
self with  the  greater  part  of  his  army  in  the  rear  of  Kingsbridge. 

In  this  last  hypothesis  the  Americans  losing  all  communication  with 
the  continent,  would  be  forced  either  to  capitulate,  or  to  fight  a  battle 
whose  success  appeared  secure  in  advance  to  the  English  by  the 
choice  of  ground  and  of  time,  and  the  discouragement  which  still 
prevailed  among  the  troops  of  the  Congress. 

The  fortune  of  the  Americans  would  then  be  past  all  hope,  as  well 
in  consequence  of  the  terror  with  which  they  would  be  seized,  as 
from  the  loss  of  arms,  of  munitions,  and  of  baggage.  Washington 
had,  therefore,  signified  to  Congress  his  apprehensions,  praying  them 
to  inform  him  of  their  intentions  relative  to  the  city  of  New  York,  if 
he  found  himself  constrained  to  evacuate  it.  The  Congress  humanely 
replied,  that  it  should  be  left  entire  and  safe.  Having  afterwards 
assembled  a  council  of  war,  he  invited  them  to  deliberate  upon  the 
necessity  of  an  immediate  evacuation  of  the  city,  and  it  evidently 
appeared  that  he  was  himself  in  favor  of  this  measure.  Some  were 
of  the  same  opinion,  for  the  reasons  above  mentioned,  in  which  they 
were  confirmed  by  another  consideration  ;  they  calculated,  that  by 
retiring  further  into  the  country,  the  English  would  be  deprived  of 
the  important  advantage  they  derived  from  the  cooperation  of  their 
fleets.  Other  members  of  the  council  manifested  a  contrary  senti- 
ment, because  they  considered  that  the  defence  of  New  York  would 
cause  the  enemy  to  consume  time,  and  that,  in  the  meanwhile,  the 
season  for  military  operations  would  have  elapsed.  They  also  thought 
that  the  evacuation  of  New  York  would  have  too  much  the  appearance 
of  cowardice,  and  that  it  might  have  the  most  fatal  influence  upon 
the  spirit  of  the  soldiers  and  of  the  inhabitants  ;  the  opinion  of  these 
prevailed.  But  at  length  the  English  having  reenforced  themselves 
greatly  at  the  entrance  of  the  sound,  and  in  the  islands  of  Montesoro 
and  of  Buchanan,  a  second  council  of  war  decided  that  it  was  not 
only  prudent  but  even  necessary  to'  abandon  New  York.  Accord- 
ingly, no  time  was  lost  in  removing,  by  way  of  the  Hudson  river,  the 
sick,  the  baggage,  and  the  munitions,  which  were  landed  far  above, 
VOL.  i.  45 


354  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Vll. 

upon  the  shore  of  New  Jersey.     Some  days  after,  the  garrison  march- 
ed out  of  the  city,  leaving  it  entirely  in  the  power  of  the  enemy. 

While  this  evacuation  was  effected  with  great  order  on  the  part  of 
the  troops,  but  with  much  terror  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants,  a 
report  was  suddenly  spread  that  the  enemy  had  landed  in  the  island. 
The  soldiers  hastened  to  make  their  junction  with  those  stationed  at 
Harlem. 

While  some  of  the  English  ships  had  entered  the  Hudson  river,  in 
order  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  American  generals  on  that  side, 
and  to  interrupt  the  transportation  of  baggage  and  munitions,  the  first 
division  of  the  British  army,  commanded  by  general  Clinton,  had 
embarked  at  the  head  of  the  bay  at  Newtown,  and  proceeding  by  the 
sound,  entered  the  East  river  through  Hell  Gate  ;  thence  descending 
with  the  current,  it  had  gone  to  disembark  at  Kipps  Bay,  three  miles 
north  of  New  York.  This  point  was  the  weakest  of  all ;  and  the 
English  troops,  protected  by  the  fire  of  the  ships,  effected  a  landing 
there  almost  without  resistance.  When  Washington  was  apprised  of 
the  debarkation,  he  detached  the  brigades  of  generals  Parsons  and 
Fellows  to  reenforce  the  corps  that  defended  Kipps  Bay.  But  they 
had  already  turned  their  backs  ;  the  others  imitated  them  and  shame- 
fully fled,  in  defiance  of  the  efforts  of  their  officers  to  retain  them. 
Washington  arrived  himself,  and  rallied  them  ;  but  at  sight  of  the 
English  troops  these  militia  disbanded  anew.  If  the  English  had 
immediately  pressed  forward  they  would,  without  any  doubt,  have 
intercepted  the  retreat  of  the  garrison  of  New  York.  But  whether 
their  generals  could  not  credit  so  much  pusillanimity  on  the  part  of 
the  Americans,  and  were  unwilling  to  risk  themselves  between  two 
fires ;  or  whether,  as  some  writers  assert,  being  elated  with  their  suc- 
cess, they  halted  for  the  space  of  full  two  hours  to  divert  themselves 
in  the  house  of  a  gentlewoman  of  the  country,  it  is  certain  that  they 
gave  time  to  general  Putnam,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  to  defile 
and  to  rejoin  the  rest  of  the  army.  The  Americans,  however,  left 
in  the  power  of  the  enemy  their  heavy  artillery,  a  great  proportion  of 
their  baggage  and  munitions,  and  particularly  their  tents,  of  which 
they  had  the  greatest  need.  They  lost  but  few  soldiers,  and  those 
in  a  skirmish  near  Bloomingdale. 

The  British  army  having  despatched  a  strong  detachment  to  take 
possession  of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  affords  accommodation 
for  a  considerable  garrison,  went  to  encamp  in  the  centre  of  the  island, 
its  right  wing  being  posted  at  Horen's  Hook,  upon  the  East  river,  and 
its  left  at  Bloomingdale,  upon  the  Hudson.  It  thus  occupied  the 
entire  breadth  of  the  island,  from  one  shore  to  the  other,  which  in 
this  place  is  more  than  a  mile.  The  Americans  were  strongly  in- 
trenched in  the  northern  part  of  the  island,  and  especially  at  Kings- 
bridge  ;  they  had,  besides,  a  position  upon  the  heights  of  Harlem, 
distant  only  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  English  outposts.  They 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  355 

occupied  another  difficult  passage  between  Harlem  and  Kingsbridge, 
as  well  as  the  fort  they  had  named  Washington,  upon  the  left  bank 
of  the  Hudson. 

There  resulted,  from  the  respective  situation  of  the  armies,  fre- 
quent rencounters,  in  which  the  Americans  gradually  resumed  cou- 
rage, and  accustomed  themselves  anew  to  look  the  enemy  in  the 
face.  Washington  ardently  desired  that  his  troops  should  often  have 
these  affairs  with  the  English.  Among  others,  there  ensued  one  very 
hot  action  in  the  plain  of  Harlem,  where  some  corps  of  English  and 
Hessians,  led  on  too  far  by  their  ardor,  fell  into  an  ambuscade  which 
the  Americans  had  laid  for  them,  and  were  handled  very  roughly. 
Washington  in  his  official  letters,  highly  commended  the  valor  dis- 
played by  his  troops  on  this  occasion. 

A  few  days  after  the  important  position  of  New  York  was  come 
into  the  power  of  the  royal  troops,  there  broke  out  in  it  a  conflagra- 
tion, which  some  attributed  to  the  malice  of  certain  individuals  among 
the  inhabitants  themselves,  to  deprive  the  English  of  the  resources 
offered  them  by  this  great  city  ;  others  merely  to  chance.  It  was 
published  at  the  time,  that  the  fire  had  been  kindled  in  various  places 
at  once,  by  means  of  combustibles  disposed  with  great  dexterity  ;  but 
the  Americans  positively  denied  it.  Such  was  the  rapidity  of  the 
flames,  the  wind  being  violent  and  the  weather  very  dry,  that  not- 
withstanding the  speed  and  activity  with  which  the  garrison  exerted 
themselves,  a  fourth  part  of  the  city  was  consumed.  In  the  fury 
which  transported  them,  they  seized  several  of  those  whom  they 
considered  as  the  authors  of  this  disaster,  and  precipitated  them  into 
the  midst  of  the  fire. 

The  English  general,  perceiving  that  the  strength  of  the  enemy's 
intrenchments  was  such  as  to  render  the  attempt  to  dislodge  him  by 
an  attack,  both  extremely  hazardous  and  of  doubtful  success,  took 
the  resolution  which,  perhaps,  he  should  have  taken  at  first,  that  is, 
to  go  and  encamp  behind  the  position  which  the  Americans  occupied 
at  Kingsbridge,  and  thus  compel  him  to  combat  with  disadvantage, 
to  retire  with  loss,  or  to  remain  with  peril.  Accordingly,  having  left 
lord  Percy  with  two  English  brigades,  and  one  of  Hessians  in  the 
encampment  of  Harlem,  for  the  protection  of  New  York,  he  em- 
barked with  the  rest  of  the  army  in  flat  bottomed  boats;  and  having 
safely  entered  the  sound  through  Hell  Gate,  proceeded  to  disembark 
at  Frogs  Neck,  in  the  vicinity  of  West  Chester,  upon  the  confines  of 
New  York  and  Connecticut. 

This  movement  of  general  Howe  has  been  the  object  of  some  cri- 
ticisms ;  it  was  pretended  that  the  Americans  might  have  overwhelm- 
ed, by  a  sudden  attack,  the  corps  left  at  Harlem,  and  thus  recovered 
possession  of  New  York.  But,  perhaps,  he  founded  the  success  of 
his  operation  upon  the  discouragement  of  the  colonial  troops,  and 
upon  the  presence  of  the  fleet,  which  in  any  event  could  afford  n 


356  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII, 

shelter  to  the  corps  of  Harlem,  if  they  should  find  themselves  too 
hard  pressed.  General  Howe  had  also  strongly  fortified  Gowans 
Hill,  in  order  to  cover  the  city.  Then,  with  a  view  to  prevent  the 
enemy  from  receiving  provisions  from  New  Jersey  by  means  of  the 
Hudson  river,  he  had  ordered  three  frigates  to  pass  up  the  river 
above  forts  Washington  and  Lee  ;  the  first  situated  upon  the  left 
bank,  and  the  second  upon  the  right.  This  order  was  executed 
with  extreme  ability,  notwithstanding  the  artillery  of  the  two  forts, 
and  the  obstructions  with  which  the  Americans  had  endeavored  to 
impede  the  navigation. 

The  English  general  remained  several  days  at  Frogs  Neck,  as  well 
to  repair  the  bridges  which  the  enemy  had  broken,  as  to  wait  for  a 
considerable  reenforcement  which  he  had  called  from  Staten  Island. 
The  road  from  Frogs  Neck  to  Kingsbridge  is  excessively  rough  with 
continual  masses  of  small  stones,  and  the  Americans  had  also  ob- 
structed it  in  many  places.  Washington,  who  had  assembled  all  his 
army  at  Kingsbridge,  sent  forward  his  light  infantry  to  scour  the 
country,  and  to  harass  the  enemy  in  his  march. 

General  Howe,  having  received  his  reenforcements,  put  himself  in 
motion  with  all  his  troops  ;  he  crossed  Pelliam  Manor,  and  went  to 
encamp  at  New  Rochelle,  where  he  was  joined  bythe  second  divi- 
sion of  Hessians,  and  of  the  troops  of  Waldeck  under  general  Knyp- 
hauseir,  and  by  a  regiment  of  cavalry  lately  arrived  at  New  York 
from  Ireland.  As  the  principal  project  of  the  expedition  was  to 
intercept  the  communication  of  Washington  with  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces, and  then,  if  he  declined  to  venture  an  engagement,  to  shut 
him  up  in  the  island  of  New  York,  consequently  it  was  necessary  to 
occupy  the  two  roads  leading  into  Connecticut  ;  the  one  upon  the 
coast  of  the  sound,  and  the  other  more  inland.  The  first  was 
already  in  the  power  of  the  English  ;  but  in  attempting  to  occupy 
the  second,  it  was  requisite  to  traverse  the  difficult  country  of  which 
we  have  already  made  mention,  in  order  to  secure  the  post  of  the 
highlands,  known  by  the  name  of  White  Plains,  upon  the  rear  of 
Kingsbridge.  General  Howe  determined  to  take  this  route  ;  he 
marched,  however,  slowly  and  with  extreme  caution,  after  leaving  at 
New  Rochelle  the  German  corps,  lately  arrived,  to  secure  the  lower 
road,  and  the  communication  with  those  places  whence  stores  and 
necessaries  were  to  arrive. 

Washington  examined,  with  attention,  the  danger  of  his  position. 
He  penetrated  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  and  consequently  decided 
to  abandon,  with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  the  encampment  of 
Kingsbridge.  Extending,  therefore,  his  left  wing,  he  took  post  with 
it  in  the  White  Plains,  while  the  right  occupied  the  heights  of  Valen- 
tine's Hill,  near  Kingsbridge  ;  the  centre  exactly  filled  the  space 
comprehended  between  these  two  points.  Here  he  intrenched  him- 
self with  the  greatest  care.  His  army  thus  formed  a  well  secured 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  357 

line,  parallel  to  the  river  Brunx,  which  lay  on  its  front,  and  separated 
it  tVom  the  English,  who  marched  up  along  the  left  bank  of  this 
stream. 

Washington  had  behind -him  the  great  river  Hudson,  into  which 
the  English  frigates  had  net  ;yet  been  able  to  penetrate  so  far  as  to 
intercept  the  supplies  of  provisions  which  he  received  from  the 
upper  parts.  With  his  left  wing  he  occupied  the  upper  road  of 
Connecticut,  by  which  he  was  also  abundantly  supplied  with  provi- 
sions and  munitions.  He  had  left  sufficient  garrisons  at  Kingsbridge, 
at  Harlem,  and  in -fort  Washington;  in  this  last  place,  however, 
against  his  own  opinion.  Meanwhile,  he  detached  numerous  parties, 
over  the  Brunx,  in  order  to  retard  the  motions  of  the  enemy. 
Hence  frequent-  skirmishes  ensued,  and  though  the  royalists  had 
generally  the  advantage  in  these  rencounters,  they  still  served  to 
dissipate  the  terror  of  the  Americans,  who  every  day  showed  them- 
selves more  bold  in  defying  the  enemy. 

Upon  the  approach  of  the  English  to  the  White  Plains,  Washing- 
ton, all  at  once,  called  in  his  detachments,  and  abandoning  the  posi- 
tions he  had  occupied  akrng  the  Brunx,  assembled  all  his  troops  in  a 
strong  camp  upon  the  heights,  near  these  plains,  in  front  of  the 
enemy.  His  right  flank  was  protected  by  the  Brunx,  which,  by  its 
windings,  also  covered  the  front  of  the  right  wing.  The  main  body 
was  nearly  parallel  to  the  river,  and  the  left  wing  being  placed  at  a 
right  angle  upon  the  centre,  and  consequently  parallel  to  the  right, 
extended  towards  the  north  upon  the  hilis,  as  much  as  was  necessary 
to  guard  the  defiles  leading  to  the  upper  mountainous  regions,  into 
which  the  army,  if  expedient,  might  retire.  But  the  right  wing, 
being  posted  in  more  level  and  less  difficult  ground,  found  itself  more 
exposed ;  wherefore  general  Macdougall  was  ordered  to  occupy, 
with  a  strong  detachment,  a  mountain  about  a  mile  distant  from 
the  camp  ;  he  intrenched  himself  there  as  well  as  the  time  would 
admit  of. 

Such  was  the  position  of  the  American  army  when  the  English 
arrived  within  seven  or  eight  miles  of  White  Plains,  and  prepared 
themselves  to  attack  without  loss  of  time.  On  the  morning  of  the 
twenty-eighth  of  October,  they  advanced  in  two  columns,  the  right 
commanded  by  general  Clinton,  and  the  left  by  general  Heister. 
At  noon,  all  the  outposts  being  driven  back  by  the  English  and 
Hessian  light  infantry,  the  British  army  appeared  before  the  Ame- 
rican carnp.  Immediately  there  ensued  a  cannonade,  but  to  very 
little  effect.  The  English  drew  up  in  order  of  battle  ;  their  right 
occupied  the  road  which  leads  to  Merrineck,  about  a  mile  distant 
from  the  centre  of  the  enemy  ;  while  the  left,  equally  distant  from 
his  right,  bordered  the  Brunx.  The  English  general  having  observ- 
ed the  importance  of  the  position  taken  by  general  Macdougall,  and 
being  persuaded  that  the  right  of  the  enemy,  which  was  his  only 


358  T£E    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

assailable  point,  could  not  be  forced  so  long  as  it  should  be  protected 
by  a  post  of  such  strength,  resolved  to  wrest  it  from  the  Americans. 
He  ordered  a  Hessian  regiment,  commanded  by  colonel  Ralle,  to 
ford  the  Brunx,  and  by  a  circuitous  movement  to  fall  upon  the  flank 
of  general  Macdougall,  while  general  Leslie  should  attack  him  in 
front  with  a  brigade  of  English  and  Hessians.  Colonel  Ralle  having 
arrived  at  the  point  indicated,  Leslie,  who  had  also  crossed  the 
Brunx,  furiously  assaulted  the  intrenchments  of  Macdougall.  The 
militia  soon  fled,  but  the  regular  troops  made  a  valiant  resistance. 
A  regiment  of  Maryland,  conducted  by  colonel  Smallwood,  and  a 
regiment  of  New  York,  under  colonel  Ratzemar,  ventured  even  to 
come  out  of  the  lines  and  to  charge  the  enemy  at  the  very  foot  of 
the  mountain,  but  they  were  overpowered  by  number  and  forced  to 
retire.  Then  the  English  and  Hessians  ascended  the  heights  with 
singular  intrepidity,  and  took  possession  of  them  after  a  vigorous 
struggle.  The  Americans,  however,  continued  for  some  time  to  fire 
from  behind  the  walls  of  enclosures,  and  thus  retarded  the  progress 
of  the  assailants.  But  general  Putnam,  who  had  been  sent  to  their 
succour,  could  hot  arrive  in  season.  The  loss  of  men  in  this  action 
was  great  on  the  one  part  as  well  as  on  the  other. 

Washington,  calmly  expecting  that  the  enemy  would  come  to 
attack  him  next,  had  already  sent  into  his  rear  the  sick  and  the 
baggage  ;  but  as  it  grew  towards  the  close  of  day,  the  English 
general  determined  to  defer  the  assault  till  the  next  morning.  He 
caused  his  troops  to  encamp  within  cannon  shot  of  the  American 
lines.  Washington  took  advantage  of  the  night  to  strengthen  them 
with  additional  works,  and  to  occupy  a  stronger  position  in  the  rear 
with  his  left  wing,  which,  by  the  loss  of  the  mountain,  had  become 
more  exposed.  When  the  light  appeared,  general  Howe  reconnoitred 
the  intrenchments  of  the  enemy,  and  found  them  sufficiently  for- 
midable to  determine  him  to  wait  the  arrival  of  some  battalions  that 
had  been  left  at  New  York,  under  the  command  of  lord  Percy,  and 
of  several  companies  from  Merrineck.  These  reenfofcements  being 
received  on  the  evening  of  the  thirtieth,  he  appointed  the  following 
morning  for  the  assault,  but  the  excessive  rain  which  fell  during  the 
night  and  also  in  the  morning,  compelled  him  to  defer  it.  The 
American  general,  in  the  meantime,  examined  his  position  with  his 
accustomed  prudence  ;  he  was  decided  not  to  risk  a  pitched  battle 
without  the  strongest  hope  of  success.  He  perceived  that  the 
English  had  already  erected  four  or  five  batteries,  and  that  by  turn- 
ing his  right  flank  they  might  get  possession  of  the  heights  situated 
upon  his  rear.  He  concluded,  therefore,  to  break  up  his  camp  in 
the  night  of  the  first  of  November.  He  removed  it  into  a  country 
still  more  mountainous  in  the  vicinity  of  North  Castle  ;  having  pre- 
viously set  fire  to  the  houses  in  White  Plains  and  the  neighborhood, 
and  to  the  forage  that  was  found  in  the  camp.  He  immediately 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  359 

detached  a  strong  corps  to  occupy  the  bridge  over  the  Croton  river, 
Which  leads  to  the  upper  parts  of  the  Hudson.  On  the  following 
morning  the  English  took  possession  of  the  American  camp. 

General  Howe,  perceiving  that  his  enemy  declined  an  engage- 
ment, and  that  from  the  situation  of  the  country,  and  his  knowledge 
of  every  advantageous  position,  it  would  be  impossible  to  compel 
him  to  fight  but  upon  the  most  unequal  and  hazardous  terms,  took 
the  determination  to  discontinue  the  pursuit,  and  to  turn  his  attention 
to  the  reduction  of  the  forts  and  fastnesses  still  occupied  by  the 
Americans  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  York.  His  views  were 
particularly  directed  upon  fort  Washington,  which  was  its  principal 
bulwark.  But,  though  the  ground  where  this  fortress  had  been 
erected  was  very  rough  and  difficult,  its  fortifications  were  not 
sufficiently  strong  to  resist  heavy  artillery.  It  was  incapable,  from 
its  little  extent,  of  containing  more  than  a  thousand  defenders  ;  the 
outworks  that  surrounded  it,  especially  to  the  south,  towards  New 
York,  might  lodge,  it  is  true,  a  much  stronger  garrison. 

The  comrnander-in-chief,  as  if  he  had  foreseen  the  event,  had 
written  to  general  Greene,  who  commanded  in  this  part,  enjoining 
him  to  reflect  maturely  upon  his  position,  and  in  case  he  should  find 
that  fort  Washington  was  not  in  a  situation  to  sustain  an  assault,  to 
cause  it  to  be  forthwith  evacuated  ;  and  to  transport  the  garrison  to 
the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson.  But  this  general,  either  believing 
that  the  strength  of  the  place  and  the  valor  of  the  troops  would 
assure  him  a  long  defence,  or  from  the  apprehension  that  his  retreat 
would  increase  the  already  too  general  discouragement  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, took  the  resolution  to  hold  out  to  the  last.  He  was  herein  the 
more  easily  determined,  as  he  believed  that  the  garrison  would 
always  be  able  to  retreat  into  fort  Lee,  situated  upon  the  other  bank 
of  the  river.  But  Washington  judged  less  favorably  of  the  future  ; 
he  was  persuaded  that  the  English  would  not  remain  satisfied  with 
the  reduction  of  the  first  fort ;  but  that  crossing  the  river,  and  mak- 
ing themselves1  masters  of  the  second,  which  was  not  tenable,  they 
would  spread  themselves  in  the  province  of  New  Jersey.  He  left 
therefore  general  Lee,  with  the  militia  of  the  eastern  provinces,  upon 
the  left  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  having  secured  the  strong  positions 
towards  the  Croton  river,  and  especially  that  of  Peeks  Kill,  near  the 
Hudson  itself,  he  crossed  that  river  with  the  main  body  of  his  army, 
and  went  to  rejoin  general  Greene  in  his  camp  under  fort  Lee. 
General  Lee  himself  had  orders  to  come  with  all  speed  and  join 
him,  in  case  the  enemy,  after  having  taken  the  forts,  should  show 
himself  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson.  He  afterwards  wrote 
to  the  governor  of  New  Jersey,  requesting  him  to  remove  the  maga- 
zines of  provisions  into  the  most  remote  parts,  and  to  call  out  all  the 
militia.  AH  these  dispositions  being  made  to  his  wish,  Washington 
watched  with  an  attentive  eye  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 


360  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

Meanwhile,  general  Howe  had  ordered  general  Knyphausen  to 
march  from  New  Rochelle,  and  to  occupy  Kirigsbridge.  This  he 
executed  without  obstacles,  the  Americans,  who  guarded  this  posi- 
tion, having  fallen  back  upon  fort  Washington.  The  corps  of  general 
Knyphausen  consequently  penetrated  into  the  island  of  New  York, 
and  proceeded  to  invest  the  fort,  on  the  part  of  the  north. 

A  short  time  after,  the  English  general  himself  abandoned  the 
White  Plains,  and  descending  along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  con- 
ducted the  rest  of  the  army  to  Kingsbridge.  He  pitched  his  camp 
upon  the  heights  of  Fordham,  his  right  wing  being  covered  by  the 
Hudson,  and  his  left  by  the  Bronx. 

The  royalists  then  prepared  to  attack  fort  Washington  ;  its  interior 
and  appertenances  were  defended  by  full  three  thousand  men,  under 
the  command  of  colonel  Magaw,  a  brave  and  experienced  officer. 
He  was  summoned  in  vain  to  surrender.  The  besiegers  proceeded 
to  the  assault  in  four  divisions,  the  first  from  the  north,  commanded 
by  general  Knyphausen,  and  consisting  of  Hessians  and  the  troops 
of  Waldeck  ;  the  second  from  the  east,  composed  of^English  light 
infantry  and  two  battalions  of  guards,  conducted  by  'general  Mat- 
thews. This  corps  was  to  attack  the  intrenchments  which  extended 
from  fort  Washington  almost  to  the  East  river;  the  third,  commanded 
by  colonel  Sterling,  was  destined  to  pass  this  river  lower  down  than 
the  second,  in  order  to  assail  the  fort  more  to  the  south  ;  but  this  was 
only  a  feint.  The  fourth,  which  obeyed  the  orders  of  lord  Percy, 
a  very  strong  corps,  was  directed  to  aim  its  assault  against  the 
western  flank  of  the  fortress.  These  different  divisions  were  pro- 
vided with  a  numerous  and  excellent  artillery.  The  Hessians, 
under  general  Knyphausen,  were  to  pass  through  a  very  thick 
forest,  where  colonel  Rawlings  was  already  posted  with  his  regiment 
of  riflemen.  An  extremely  warm  affair  was  engaged,  in  which  the 
Germans  sustained  a  severe  loss.  The  Americans  ambushed  behind 
the  trees  and  rocks,  fired  in  security  ;  but  at  last,  the  Hessians  re- 
doubling their  efforts,  gained  a  very  steep  ascent,  whence  they  came 
down  upon  the  enemy  with  an  irresistible  impetuosity  ;  the  divisions 
which  followed  them  were  thus  enabled  to  land  without  molestation. 
Colonel  Rawlings  retreated  under  the  cannon  of  the  fort.  Lord 
Percy,  on  his  part,  had  carried  an  advanced  work,  which  facilitated 
the  debarkation  of  the  party  under  colonel  Sterling,  who,  the  moment 
he  had  landed,  forced  his  way  up  a  difficult  height,  which  was  very 
resolutely  defended  ;  he  gained  the  summit,  where  he  took  a  consi- 
derable number  of  prisoners,  notwithstanding  their  gallant  resistance. 
Colonel  Cadwallader,  who  was  charged  with  the  defence  of  this 
part,  retired  also  into  the  fort. 

Colonel  Ralle,  who  led  the  right  column  of  general  Knyphausen's 
attack,  surmounted  all  obstacles  with  admirable  valor,  and  lodged  his 
column  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  fort.  Soon  after  general 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  361 

Knyphausen  joined  him  with  the  left  column  ;  having  at  length  extri- 
cated himself  from  the  difficulties  encountered  in  the  forest.  The 
garrison  having  thus  lost,  though  not  without  glory,  all  their  advanced 
works,  found  themselves  closely  invested  within  the  hody  of  the 
fortress.  The  besiegers  then  summoned  colonel  Magaw  to  surren- 
der. He  had  already  consumed  nearly  all  his  ammunition.  The 
very  multitude  of  defenders  pressed  into  so  narrow  a  space,  was 
prejudicial  to  defence,  and  every  thing  demonstrated  that  he  could 
not  sustain  an  assault.  Accordingly  he  decided  to  capitulate.  The 
garrison,  amounting  to  two  thousand  six  hundred  men,  inclusive  of 
the  country  militia,  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.  The  Americans 
had  few  killed  ;  the  royalists  lost  about  eight  hundred,  the  greater 
part  Germans. 

The  reduction  of  fort  Washington  thus  gave  the  royal  army  entire 
possession  of  the  island  of  New  York. 

Wishing  to  avail  himself  to  the  utmost  of  the  defeat  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, and  to  prevent  them  from  rallying  at  another  point,  general 
Howe  confided  to  lord  Cornwallis  the  command  of  a  corps  of  about 
six  thousand  men,  directing  him  to  pass  the  Hudson  at  Dobb's  Ferry, 
and  forthwith  to  invest  fort  Lee,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  surprise  the 
garrison,  which  consisted  in  two  thousand  men.  They  had  scarcely 
time  to  save  themselves  by  abandoning  the  place,  the  moment  they 
heard  of  the  surrender  of  fort  Washington,  of  the  passage  of  the 
enemy,  and  of  his  force.  Their  artillery  and  military  stores,  their 
baggage,  and  particularly  their  tents,  a  loss  the  most  sensible,  fell  into 
the  power  of  the  victors.  The  vanquished  retired  to  the  other  side 
of  the  Hackensack.  The  British  could  now  penetrate  into  the  very 
heart  of  New  Jersey. 

These  successive  checks,  the  loss  of  the  two  forts,  Washington 
and  Lee,  and  especially  the  excessive  vigor  of  the  attack,  which  had 
constrained  the  first  to  surrender,  produced  a  deplorable  change  in 
the  fortune  of  the  Americans.  They  beheld  all  at  once  what  the 
fatal  battle  of  Brooklyn  had  not  been  able  to  operate  ;  the  dissolution 
of  their  army. 

The  militia  disbanded  and  precipitately  retired  to  their  habitations  ; 
even  the  regular  troops,  as  if  struck  with  despair,  also  filed  off,  and 
deserted  in  parties. 

Every  thing  at  this  period  of  the  war,  threatened  America  with  an 
inevitable  catastrophe. 

The  army  of  Washington  was  so  enfeebled  thnt  it  scarcely 
amounted  to  three  thousand  man,  who  had  lost  all  courage  and 
all  energy,  and  were  exposed  in  an  open  country,  without  instru- 
ments to  intrench  themselves,  without  tents  to  shelter  them  from  the 
inclemency  of  the  season,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  population  little 
zealous,  or  rather  hostile  towards  the  republic. 
VOL.  i.  46 


362  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

The  genera]  of  Congress  had  10  face  a  victorious  army,  more  than 
twenty  thousand  strong,  composed  entirely  of  disciplined  and  veteran 
troops.  The  excellent  generals  who  commanded  it,  using  the  ardor 
inspired  by  victory,  pursued  their  advantages  with  vivacity,  and  flat- 
tered themselves  that  a  few  days  would  suffice  to  crush  the  wrecks 
of  the  republican  army,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war.  To  all  the 
difficulties  against  which  Washington  had  to  contend,  should  be 
added,  that  the  English  cavalry,  though  without  being  very  numerous, 
scoured  all  the  flat  country,  whereas  he  had  nothing  to  oppose  to 
it  except  a  few  diminutive  and  feeble  hackneys  from  Connecticut, 
commanded  by  major  Shelden.  So  total  a  deficiency  of  cavalry,  in 
the  immense  plains  of  this  country,  appeared  to  extinguish  for  the 
Americans  their  little  chance  of  success.  They  were  no  better  pro- 
vided with  artillery  than  with  horses.  The  greater  part  of  their 
feeble  army  consisted  in  militia,  almost  all  from  New  Jersey.  These 
were  either  of  suspicious  fidelity,  or  desirous  of  returning  to  their 
habitations,  to  rescue  their  property  and  families  from  the  perils  that 
menaced  them.  The  few  regular  soldiers  who  still  remained  with 
their  colors,  completed  their  term  of  service  with  the  expiration  of 
the  year  ;  it  was  therefore  to  be  feared  that  this  phantom  of  an  army 
would  vanish  entirely  in  the  space  of  a  few  days. 

In  so  profound  a  distress,  the  American  general  could  not  hope  to 
receive  prompt  or  sufficient  reenforcements.  Consternation  reigned 
in  all  the  contiguous  provinces ;  so  that  each,  trembling  for  himself, 
refused  to  succour  others.  There  still  remained  a  few  regiments  of 
regular  troops  upon  the  frontiers  of  Canada  ;  but  they  were  neces- 
sary there  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  enemy  ;  and,  besides,  the 
term  of  engagement  was  about  to  dissolve  them  shortly.  Upon  the 
heel  of  so  many  disasters  was  the  imminent  danger  of  seditions  on 
the  part  of  the  disaffected,  who  in  various  places  loudly  invoked  the 
name  of  England.  An  insurrection  appeared  ready  to  explode  in 
the  county  of  Monmouth,  in  this  very  province  of  New  Jersey,  so 
that  Washington  found  himself  constrained  to  detach  a  part  of  his 
army,  already  a  mere  skeleton,  to  overawe  the  agitators.  The  pre- 
sence of  a  victorious  royal  army  had  dissipated  the  terror  with  which 
the  patriots  at  first  had  inspired  the  loyalists.  They  began  to  aban- 
don themselves  without  reserve  to  all  the  fury  which  animated  them 
against  their  adversaries.  The  English  commissioners  determined 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  disposition  of  the  inhabitants  to  revolt 
against  the  authority  of  Congress.  Accordingly  the  two  brothers 
Howe  drew  up  a  proclamation,  which  they  circulated  profusely 
throughout  the  country.  They  commanded  all  those  who  had  arms 
in  hand  to  disperse  and  return  to  their  habitations;  and  all  those  who 
exercised  civil  magistracies  to  cease  their  functions  and  divest  them- 
selves of  their  usurped  authority.  But,  at  the  same  time,  they 
offered  a  full  pardon  to  all  such  as  within  the  space  of  sixty  days 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  363 

should  present  themselves  before  the  civil  or  military  officers  of  the 
crown,  declaring  their  intention  to  take  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty, 
and  promising  a  sincere  return  to  the  obedience  due  to  the  laws  and 
to  the  royal  authority.  This  proclamation  had  the  effect  which  the 
commissioners  had  promised  themselves  from  it.  A  multitude  of 
persons  of  every  rank,  availing  themselves  of  the  clemency  of  the 
victor,  came  daily  to  implore  his  forgiveness,  and  to  protest  their 
submission. 

It  was  remarked,  however,  that  they  belonged  for  the  greater  part 
to  the  class  of  the  very  poor,  or  of  the   very  rich.     The   inhabitants 
of  a  middle   condition  manifested  more   constancy  in  their  opinions. 
Several  of  the  newly  reconciled  had  occupied  the  firsi  stations  in  the 
popular  order  of  things  ;  they  had  been   members  either  of  the  pro- 
vincial  government,   or  of  the  council  of  general   snfety,   or  of  the 
tribunals  of  justice.     They  excused    themselves  by  saying  that   they 
had  only  acted,  in  what  they  had  hitherto  done,  with  a  view  to  promote 
the   public   welfare,  and  to  prevent  greater   disorders  ;  they  alleged, 
finally,   that   they   had    been    drawn  in  by  their  parents   and    friends, 
whom   they  were   unable  to  refuse.     Those   who   had    contemplated 
them  in  all   their   arrogance,   and    who   saw   them   then  so  meek,   so 
submissive,   and  so  humble  in  their   words,  could   scarcely  persuade 
themselves  that  they  were  indeed  the  same  individuals.     But  men  of 
this  stamp  dread  much  less  to  be  considered  inconstant  and  perfidious, 
than  rebels  to  the  laws  of  the  strongest ;  they  much  prefer  to  escape 
danger   with   infamy,   than  to  encounter  it  with   honor.     Nor   was   it 
only  in  New  Jersey,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  victorious  royal   troops, 
that   these  abrupt  changes  of  party  were   observed  ;  the   inhabitants 
of  Pennsylvania  flocked  in  like  manner  to  humble   themselves  at  the 
feet  of  the    English  commissioners,   and  to  promise  them    fealty  and 
obedience.     Among  others  there  came  the  Galloways,  the   family  of 
the   Aliens,    and  some    others  of  the    most   wealthy  and   reputable. 
The   example   became  pernicious,  and  the  most   prejudicial   effects 
were  to  be   apprehended  from  it.      Every  day  ushered  in  some   new 
calamity  ;  the   cause  of  America   seemed   hastening  to  irretrievable 
ruin.     The  most  discreet  no  longer  dissembled  that  the  term  of  the 
war  was  at  hand  ;  and  that  the  hour  was  come  in  which  the  colonies 
were   about  to  resume  the  yoke.*     But  Washington,  in  the  midst  of 
so   much  adversity,    did    not    despair  of   the    public   safety.       His 
constancy  was   an   object   of  admiration.     Far   from   betraying  any 
symptoms  of  hesitation  or  of  fear,  he  showed  himself  to  his  dejected 
soldiers  with  a  serene  countenance,   and  radiant,  as  it  were,  with  a 
certain  hope  of  a  better  future.     Adverse  fortune  had  not  been  able 
to  vanquish,   nay,  not   even  to  shake  this   invincible   spirit.      Firmly 
resolved  to  pursue  their  object  through   every  fortune,  the  Congress 
manifested  a  similar  constancy.     It  appeared  as  if  the  spirit  of  these 
great  minds  increased  with  adversity. 


364  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

America  is  assuredly  indebted  to  the  magnanimity  of  her  chiefs 
for  the  victory  and  independence  which  have  crowned  her  efforts. 

Thus  pressed  by  time  and  circumstances,  Washington  took  all  the 
measures  suggested  by  prudence  in  order  to  reenforce  his  army,  not 
with  the  hope  of  being  able  to  arrest  the  enemy  in  his  triumphant 
march,  but  at  least  that  he  might  not  appear  to  have  entirely  aban- 
doned the  republic ;  and  finally,  to  keep  his  standard  waving  till 
Divine  Providence,  or  the  benignity  of  fortune,  should  offer  him  an 
occasion  to  retrieve  the  affairs  of  his  country. 

He  had  some  time  before,  as  we  have  already  related,  directed 
general  Lee  to  occupy,  with  a  part  of  the  army,  the  country  watered 
by  the  Upper  Hudson,  in  order  to  be  at  hand  to  succour  the  corps  of 
Canada  which  opposed  general  Carleton  upon  the  lakes.  But  on 
seeing  New  Jersey  unguarded,  and  the  danger  which  instantly 
menaced  the  city  of  Philadelphia  itself,  he  ordered  him  to  come,  by 
forced  marches,  to  rejoin  him.  This  order  was  the  more  easy  to  be 
executed,  as  it  was  soon  known. that  general  Carleton,  after  having 
occupied  Crown  Point  and  made  himself  master  of  Lake  Charnplain, 
as  will  be  seen  in  the  course  of  this  history,  had  retired  without 
having  ventured  to  attack  Ticonderoga.  The  cornmander-inrchief, 
therefore,  instructed  general  Schuyler  to  send  him,  without  delay, 
the  troops  of  Pennsylvania  and  of  New  Jersey,  that  were  upon  the 
frontiers  of  Canada.  General  Mercer,  who  commanded  a  corps  of 
light  infantry  at  Berghen,  likewise  received  orders  to  rejoin  the  prin- 
cipal army  with  all  speed.  Little  calculation,  however,  could  be 
made  upon  these  reenforcements  in  the  present  state  of  things  ;  the 
march  was  long,  the  road  difficult,  the  engagement  of  the  soldiers 
almost  expired,  and  the  victorious  enemy  menaced  upon  all  points 
at  once.  The  American  general  neglected  not  to  resort  to  the 
succours  of  the  militia.  He  had  represented  to  the  principal  authori- 
ties of  Pennsylvania  the  critical  situation  of  Philadelphia,  which 
could  not  be  saved  unless  his  army  was  promptly  reenforced  ;  he 
therefore  earnestly  pressed  them  to  send  him  the  militia  of  the 
province.  Washington  finding  his  letters  nearly  without  effect, 
despatched  general  Mifflin,  who  enjoyed  great  popular  favor  in  this 
province,  to  paint,  with  vivid  coloring,  the  urgency  of  the  danger, 
and  the  necessity  of  a  general  effort  to  avert  it.  He  wrote  also  to 
the  governor  of  New  Jersey,  apprising  him  that  unless  he  assembled 
the  militia  and  caused  them  to  join  the  army  immediately,  he  must 
expect  to  see  the  enemy  overrun  the  entire  province  as  a  conqueror, 
pass  the  Delaware  and  seize  Philadelphia. 

All  his  efforts  were  equally  ineffectual  in  this  part.  The  lower 
districts  of  the  province,  either  wanting  zeal  or  chilled  with  terror, 
made  no  movement ;  and  it  was  not  without  a  sort  of  repugnance 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  upper  countries  took  arms  for  the  defence 
of  country. 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  365 

Reduced  to  the  uncertain  hope  of  these  feeble  reenforcernents, 
the  Americans  saw  their  enemies  redoubling  activity  to  render  their 
triumph  more  complete.  The  army  of  Congress,  after  its  retreat, 
had  the  Hackensack  upon  its  front ;  but  this  narrow  stream  could 
not  be  considered  as  a  sufficient  defence  against  the  keen  pursuit  of 
the  English.  Besides,  as  the  Passaick  flowed  at  no  great  distance 
in  the  rear  of  Washington,  and  the  light  troops  of  the  enemy  inundat- 
ed the  country,  he  ran  the  risk  of  being;  locked  in  between  these 
two  rivers.  He  therefore  crossed  the  Passaick  over  the  bridge  of 
Aquakannunk,  and  took  up  his  quarters  at  Newark,  upon  the  right 
bank.  The  English  immediately  also  passed  the  Hackensack,  and 
overran  the  country  up  to  the  Passaick.  Washington  seeing  lord 
Cornwallis  approach  with  rapidity,  abandoned  the  borders  of  this 
river,  and  retiring  behind  the  Rariton  took  post  at  New  Brunswick. 
Here  the  troops  of  Maryland  and  of  New  Jersey  declared  their 
term  of  engagement  was  expired,  and  deserting  the  rest  of  the  army, 
retired  to  their  respective  homes.  Some  corps  of  the  Pennsylvania 
militia  followed  this  example  ;  and  the  army,  already  so  feeble, 
found  itself  upon  the  point  of  ceasing  to  exist.  The  English  showed 
themselves  every  where,  and  always  equally  animated. 

Washington,  with  the  few  regiments  he  had  left,  ventured  to  make 
some  demonstrations  as  if  he  intended  to  resume  the  offensive  ;  but 
this  manoeuvre  was,  in  fact,  designed  to  cover  his  retreat  to  Trenton, 
upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Delaware.  Lord  Sterling  was  left  at 
Princeton,  with  twelve  hundred  men,  to  observe  the  motions  of  the 
enemy.  Having  little  hope  of  being  able  to  maintain  even  this  posi- 
tion long,  he  sent  across  the  river  the  sick,  the  baggage,  and  the 
munitions,  and  caused  all  the  boats  to  be  withdrawn  to  the  opposite 
bank,  that  the  English  might  not  use  them  to  effect  their  passage. 
He  determined,  however,  to  remain  upon  the  frontiers  of  New 
Jersey,  in  order  to  be  always  at  hand  to  retard  the  progress  of  the 
enemy.  At  length  having  received  a  reenforcement  of  two  thousand 
men,  composed  of  the  armed  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  and  of  the 
German  battalion  already  mentioned,  he  pressed  forward  with  the 
intention  of  returning  to  Princeton.  But  upon  the  rumor,  continually 
increasing:,  that  lord  Cornwallis  was  on  his  march  from  New  Bruns- 
wick with  a  formidable  force,  divided  in  several  columns  so  as  to 
endanger  his  communications  with  the  river,  he  retreated  anew,  and 
the  eighth  of  December,  leaving  the  frontiers  of  New  Jersey  entirely 
in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  he  withdrew  upon  the  right  bank  of  the 
Delaware,  having  first,  however,  cut  the  bridges,  broken  the  roads, 
and  removed  all  the  ferry  boats.  Scarcely  Had  the  rear  guard  gained 
the  right  bank,  when  the  English  light  troops  began  to  appear  upon 
the  left ;  but  finding  no  means  to  cross  the  river,  they  could  pursue 
no  further. 


360  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

The  river  Delaware  was  now  the  last  defence  that  remained  to 
he  American  troops  ;  if  the  English  could  pass  it,  they  infallibly 
oecame  masters  of  Philadelphia.  And  the  acquisition  of  a  city  of 
such  importance,  which  was  at  once  the  capital  of  the  confederation, 
the  seat  of  government,  as  well  as  of  the  principal  authorities,  and 
the  central  repository  of  military  stores  and  provisions,  must  have 
produced  such  an  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  people,  as  perhnps 
would  have  given  the  English  a  complete  triumph,  or  at  least  would 
have  authorised  them  to  expect  a  prompt  termination  of  the  war  in 
their  favor. 

But  lord  Cornwallis,  following  the  orders  of  general  Howe,  who 
did  not  proceed  in  this  operation  with  the  requisite  ardor,  had  re- 
mained too  long  at  New  Brunswick  ;  he  thus  left  Washington  at 
liberty  to  interpose  every  obstacle  to  the  passage  of  the  river.  It  is 
impossible  here  not  to  blame  the  negligence  of  the  English  generals, 
who  had  not  seasonably  collected  all  the  materials  lor  laying  bridges, 
and  who  even  never  thought  of  constructing  rafts  in  order  to  gain 
the  other  bank.  They  might  have  done  it  in  these  first  moments. 
Perhaps,  no  longer  doubting  of  the  certain  success  of  their  arms, 
they  imagined  they  could  pass  the  river  whenever  they  pleased,  and 
that  Philadelphia  would  immediately  open  its  gates  to  them.  A 
memorable  example,  which  proves  that  in  war,  more  than  in  any 
other  circumstance  of  life,  it  should  never  be  thought  that  all  is  done, 
while  there  still  remains  something  to  do  !  Jt  is  perfectly  certain  that 
this  unexpected  'delay  of  the  English  operated  to  their  prejudice 
through  the  whole  course  of  the  war,  and  that  it  was  to  this  capital 
fault  the  Americans  owed  their  safety. 

The  English  general  established  his  head-quarters  at  Trenton, 
extending  his  two  wings,  above  and  below,  along  the  left  bank  of  the 
Delaware.  This  river,  after  having  run  from  northwest  to  southeast 
till  it  reaches  Bordentown,  there  makes  a  sudden  bend,  and  flows  to 
the  southwest  towards  Philadelphia  ;  if  the  English,  therefore,  had 
passed  it  above  Trenton,  at  a  place  called  Cot'iell's  Ferry,  or  in  its 
vicinity,  they  would  have  found  themselves  as  near  to  this  capital  as 
the  Americans  themselves,  who  guarded  the  banks  of  the  Delaware 
opposite  Trenton.  That  they  had  formed  this  design  is  demonstrat- 
ed by  the  attempt  they  made  to  seize  certain  boats  at  Coriell's 
Ferry,  which,  however,  was  defeated  by  the  vigilance  of  lord  Sierl- 
ing.  To  oppose  an  obstacle  to  this  passage,  the  commander-in-chief 
directed  general  Putnam,  an  engineer  of  great  ability,  to  draw  lines 
from  the  Schuylkill  to  the  heights  of  Springatsburgh.  But  as  the 
enemy  had  repaired  the  bridges  below  Trenton,  and  the  corps  he 
had  at  Bordentown  were  daily  reenforced,  the  Americans  became 
apprehensive  that  he  would  attempt  to  pass  the  river  at  once  above 
them  at  Coriell's  Ferry  and  below  them  at  Burlington  ;  which  would 
have  enabled  him  to  close  upon  their  rear,  and  thus  to  shut  up  their 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  367 

whole  army  in  the  point  of  land  formed  by  the  flexure  of  the  Dela- 
ware. To  obviate  this  danger,  Washington  stationed  his  gallics  in 
places  the  most  proper  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  English,  and  to 
repulse  them  if  they  attempted  the  passage.  The  upper  parts  being 
the  most  menaced,  he  detached  his  best  troops  to  guard  them. 
Redoubts  were  erected  from  distance  to  distance,  and  furnished 
with  artillery.  Finally,  the  order  was  given,  in  case  of  misfor- 
tune, and  if  the  enemy  passed  the  river,  that  all  the  troops  should 
fall  bark  upon  Gennantovvn,  a  large  village,  but  a  few  miles  distant 
from  Philadelphia. 

The  English  generals  seeing  the  enemy's  preparations  of  defence, 
and  perhaps  hoping  to  be  able  to  pass  the  Delaware  in  safety,  when 
it  should  be  frozen,  which,  as  the  season  was  now  advanced,  might 
be  expected  very  shortly  ;  instead  of  following  the  Americans  in 
their  retreat,  and  of  allowing  them  no  time  to  rally,  distributed  their 
troops  in  winter  quarters.  Four  thousand  men  took  their  lodgings 
upon  the  very  bank  of  the  river,  at  Trenton,  at  Bordenton,  at  Black- 
horse  and  at  Burlington.  Strong  detachments  occupied  Princeton 
and  New  Brunswick,  where  were  found  their  magazines  of  pro- 
visions and  of  munitions.  The  rest  of  the  troops  were  cantoned 
about  in  the  villages  of  New  Jersey. 

While  the  English  army  was  thus  arrested  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Delaware,  either  by  the  negligence  or  presumption  of  its  chiefs,  or 
by  the  firmness  and  prudence  of  Washington,  this  general  omitted  no 
exertions  to  reenforce  his  army  with  militia,  as  well  as  with  regular 
troops. 

Generals  Mifflin  and  Armstrong,  who  both  enjoyed  a  great  in- 
fluence in  Pennsylvania,  went  through  the  province,  exhorting  the 
people  to  take  arms  and  fly  to  the  defence  of  the  capital,  and  of  the 
country.  Their  exhortations  and  the  approach  of  danger  produced 
the  desired  effect.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  repaired  to  the  republi- 
can standard,  though  without  manifesting  all  of  them  a  very  ardent 
zeal.  That  the  regular  troops  might  serve  as  a  nucleus,  for  the 
militia  to  rally  about,  Washington  ordered  general  Gates  to  bring 
him  promptly  the  best  of  the  troops  he  commanded  in  Canada,  after 
having  posted  the  militia  of  New  England  to  guard  the  most  import- 
ant passes.  Gates  arrived  the  twentieth  of  December  at  the  army 
of  Pennsylvania.  General  Lee  ^ad  received  the  same  order  ;  but  he 
executed  it  with  great  slowness  and  a  sort  of  repugnance  ;  whether 
his  ambition  led  him  to  prefer  the  command  of  a  separate  army,  or 
that  he  considered  it  as  more  advisable  to  maintain  himself  in  the 
upper  and  mountainous  part%of  New  Jersey,  in  order  to  be  always 
ready  to  annoy  the  right  flank  of  the  British  army.  He  was  drawn 
from  this  langor  by  an  event  which  threw  him  into  a  painful  captivi- 
ty, and  which  filled  all  America  with  profound  regret,  where  his 
zeal,  his  intelligence,  and  his  military  skill,  were  held  in  the  highest 
consideration. 


368  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VJI. 

Being  at  a  place  called  Baskinbridge,  distant  about  twenty  miles 
from  the  quarters  of  the  enemy,  he  thought  himself  so  out  of  all 
danger  that  he  neglected  the  usual  precautions.  He  took  up  his 
quarters  at  a  house  considerably  removed  from  the  main  body,  where 
he  remained  with  a  slender  guard.  Colonel  Harcourt,  who  scoured 
the  country  with  his  cavalry,  was  informed  of  this  circumstance  by  a 
loyalist,  and  immediately  galloped  towards  the  place  where  Lee  was 
so  incautiously  lodged.  The  colonel  appearing  suddenly,  secured 
the  sentinels  without  noise,  and  darting  into  the  house,  arrested  the 
general.  He  caused  him  immediately  to  mount  a  very  swift  horse, 
and  with  the  same  promptness  and  good  fortune  conducted  him 
prisoner  to  New  York.  This  news  spread  as  much  consternation 
among  the  Americans,  as  alacrity  among  the  English  ;  who  boasted 
that  they  had  seized  the  Palladium  of  America.  This  capture  of 
general  Lee  occasioned  transports  of  joy  even  at  the  court  of  Saint 
James,  as  if  some  great  victory  had  been  obtained,  or  as  if  this  inci- 
dent was  more  fortunate  than  the  conquest  of  New  Jersey  itself,  and 
the  fair  prospect  opened  of  soon  entering  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
From  this  time  there  arose  a  violent  controversy  between  the  chiefs 
of  the  two  parties,  relative  to  the  manner  in  which  general  Lee  and 
the  other  prisoners  of  war  should  be  treated.  General  Gage,  when 
he  was  invested  with  the  command,  had  always  refused  to  consent  to 
the  exchange  of  prisoners.  There  resulted  from  it  a  deplorable 
system  of  cruelty  on  the  one  part  as  well  as  on  the  other.  But  when 
general  Howe  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  British  army,  either 
because  his  character  was  more  humane  than  that  of  his  predecessor, 
or  that  he  had  received  particular  instructions  from  his  government, 
or  finally,  that  he  was  constrained  to  it  by  the  great  number  of 
English  who  were  fallen  into  the  power  of  the  Americans,  he  had 
agreed  from  time  to  lime  to  make  exchanges.  But  when  he  found 
himself  in  possession  of  general  Lee,  he  refused  to  fulfil  with  respect 
to  him  the  laws  of  war,  and  caused  him  to  be  closely  confined,  as  if 
he  had  been  a  prisoner  of  state.  He  advanced  as  a  reason  for  his 
conduct,  that  Lee  being  invested  with  the  rank  of  an  officer  in  the 
English  army,  he  was  to  be  considered  as  a  deserter,  and  a  traitor. 
He  had  formerly  received,  it  is  true,  his  half  pay  as  a  British  officer ; 
but  upon  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  he  had  resigned  his  ra«k  in 
England,  to  be  at  liberty  to  enter  tj^  service  of  America.  But  this 
resignation  had  not  perhaps  arrived  seasonably  ;  or  the  hatred  borne 
him  by  the  government  and  British  generals  having  more  power  over 
them  than  the  usage  of  civilised  nations,  they  affected  to  consider 
and  treat  him  rather  as  a  prisoner  of  stute  than  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 
As  Washington  had  no  British  officer  in  his  power  of  equal  rank 
with  general  Lee,  he  had  proposed  to  general  Howe  to  give  six 
Hessian  officers  in  exchange  for  him  ;  adding,  that  in  case  this  offer 
should  not  be  accepted,  he  demanded  at  least  that  Lee  should  be 


BOOK. VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  369 

treated  in  a  manner  suitable  to  his  rank,  and  this  not  only  in  con- 
formity with  the  laws  of  nations,  but  also  in  reciprocity  for  the  good 
treatment  which  the  English  officers  that  were  prisoners  received  on 
the  part  of  the  Americans.  General  Howe  persisted  in  his  refusal ; 
the  Congress  then  resorted  to  reprisals.  They  ordered  that  lieute- 
nant-colonel Campbell  and  five  Hessian  officers  should  be  imprisoned 
and  treated  as  general  Lee.  This  order  was  executed  even  with 
more  rigor  than  it  prescribed.  The  "lieutenant-colonel,  being  then 
at  Boston,  was  thrown  into  a  dungeon  destined  for  malefactors. 
Washington  blamed  this  excess  ;  he  knew  that  Lee  was  detained 
but  not  ill  treated.  He  also  apprehended  reprisals,  since  there  were 
more  Americans  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  than  English  in  the 
hands  of  the  Americans.  He  wrote  with  great  earnestness  to 
Congress  upon  this  subject,  but  without  effect ;  lieutenant-colonel 
Campbell  and  the  Hessians  were  not  liberated  until  general  Howe 
had  consented  to  consider  Lee  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 

During  these  altercations  the  exchange  of  prisoners  was  entirely 
suspended.  Those  in  the  hands  of  the  English  at  New  York  had  to 
experience  every  sort  of  ill  treatment.  They  were  shut  up  in 
churches  and  in  other  places,  exposed  to  all  the  inclemency  of  the 
air.  They  were  not  allowed  sufficient  nourishment  ;  their  fare  was 
scanted  even  of  coarse  bread,  and  certain  aliments  which  excited 
disgust.  The  sick  were  confounded  with  the  healthy,  both  equally 
a  prey  to  the  most  shocking  defect  of  cleanliness,  and  exposed  to 
the  outrages  of  the  soldiers,  and  especially  of  the  loyalists.  Nothing 
alleviated  their  sufferings.  A  confined  and  impure  air  engendered 
mortal  diseases  ;  more  than  fifteen  hundred  of  these  unfortunate 
men  perished  in  a  few  weeks.  It  was  believed  that  so  much  cruelty 
was  purposely  exercised  with  a  view  of  constraining  the  prisoners  to 
enlist  under  the  royal  ^standard.  It  is  certain,  at  least,  that  the 
officers  of  the  king  incessantly  exhorted  them  to  it.  But  they  all 
refused  ;  preferring  a  certain  death  to  the  desertion  of  their  country. 
The  fate  of  the  officers  was  not  much  less  deplorable.  Despoiled 
of  every  thing  by  the  rapacity  of  the  English  soldiers,  they  were 
abandoned  to  all  wants.  Some  of  them,  though  wounded  and  with- 
out clothing,  were  carted  through  the  streets  of  New  York  for  the 
sport  of  the  populace.  In  the  midst  of  hisses  and  imprecations,  they 
were  denominated  rebels  and  trgitors.  Several  were  even  caned 
for  having  attempted  to  procure  some  relief  for  their  soldiers,  who 
were  perishing  with  hunger  'and  disease  in  their  infected  dungeons. 
Washington  had  addressed  frequent  and  bitter  complaints  to  general 
Howe  of  this  barbarous  conduct  towards  prisoners  of  war.  The 
English  general  answered  by  denials,  by  excuses,  and  even  by 
recriminations.  But  that  he  was  culpable,  is  proved  by  his  having 
refused  the  offer  of  the  American  general,  who  proposed  to  send 
an  agent  to  New  York  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  the  prisoners. 
VOL.  i.  47 


370  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

Hence  the  hatred  between  the  two  people  acquired  a  new  degree  of 
violence.  At  length,  those  who  had  survived  so  many  evils,  were 
exchanged,  and  set  at  liberty.  But  such  was  their  miserable  condi- 
tion that  many  died  on  the  way  before  they  could  revisit  their 
country  and  all  the  objects  of  their  affection.  There  arose  new 
difficulties  upon  this  subject  between  the  two  generals  ;  the  English- 
man insisting  that  his  prisoners  should  be  restored  even  in  exchange 
for  the  dead,  and  the  American  refusing  it.  All  this  affair  of  pri- 
soners proves  but  too  clearly  that  in  civil  wars,  friends  become  worse 
than  natural  enemies,  and  the  most  civilised  nations  no  better  than 
barbarians.  But  the  greater  part  of  these  inhuman  excesses  are 
incontestably  attributable  to  the  English. 

After  general  Lee  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  general 
Sullivan,  who  succeeded  him,  manifested  greater  promptitude  in 
obeying  the  orders  of  Washington.  He  crossed  the  Delaware  at 
Phillipsburgh,  and  joined  him  about  the  last  of  December;  this  re- 
enforcement  carried  the  American  army  to  not  far  from  seven  thou- 
sand men.  But  the  greater  part  of  these  troops  completed  their 
engagement  with  the  year,  and  they  were  upon  the  point  of  a  total 
dissolution. 

While  the  English  pursued  the  relics  of  the  American  army  through 
the  plains  of  New  Jersey,  and  the  latter,  happy  in  having  been  able 
to  cross  the  Delaware,  found  itself  almost  without  hope,  fortune  did 
not  show  herself  more  propitious  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution  upon 
the  coasts  of  Rhode  Island.  Admiral  sir  Peter  Parker,  and  general 
Clinton  with  four  brigades  of  English  as  well  as  Hessians,  had  under- 
taken an  expedition  against  this  province,  on  board  a  numerous 
squadron.  The  provincials  not  expecting  this  attack,  were  totally 
unprepared  for  defence  ;  they  consequently  abandoned  Rhode  Island 
without  resistance  to  the  English,  who  occupied  it  the  same  day  that 
Washington  passed  the  Delaware.  This  loss  was  of  great  importance, 
as  well  from  the  situation  of  the  province  as  because  the  American 
squadron,  under  commodore  Hopkins,  was  compelled  to  withdraw  as 
far  up  the  Providence  river  as  it  was  practicable,  and  to  continue 
there  blocked  up  and  useless  for  a  long  time.  The  English  also 
occupied  the  two  neighboring  islands  of  Conanicut  and  of  Prudence. 
Two  pieces  of  cannon  fell  into  their  power,  but  they  made  few  pri- 
soners. The  conquest  of  Rhode4sland  was  of  great  utility  for  their, 
ulterior  operations  ;  from  this  province  they  could  harass  Massachu- 
setts ;  and  the  reenforcements  that  general  Lincoln  had  assembled 
with  the  intention  of  conducting  them  to  the  army  of  Washington, 
were  detained  in  that  province,  to  observe  general  Clinton,  and  pre- 
vent him  from  disturbing  its  tranquillity.  Even  Connecticut  shared 
the  alarm,  and  retained  the  reenforcements  it  was  upon  the  point  of 
sending  to  the  camp  of  the  Delaware. 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  371 

The  English,  in  like  manner  desirous  to  prevent  the  colonies  of  the 
south  from  transmitting  succours  to  those  of  the  middle,  which  they 
intended  to  attack,  renewed,  during  the  summer  of  the  present  year, 
their  negotiations  with  the  loyalists  and  with  the  savages  of  the  upper 
parts,  in  order  to  induce  them  to  act  against  Georgia,  the  two  Caro- 
linas  and  Virginia.     Notwithstanding  the  little  success   which  had, 
in  the  preceding  year,  attended  the  enterprises  of  the  Regulators 
and  the  Scotch  emigrants,  the  English  agents,  and  particularly   one 
Stuart,  a  man  of  extreme  activity  and  audacity,  flattered  themselves 
with  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  more  efficacious  cooperation  oh  the  part 
of  the  Indian  tribes.     They  were  as  lavish  of  exhortations  and  pro- 
mises as  of  gold  and  presents.     They  gave  out  that  a  strong  corps  of 
English  would  disembark  in  West  Florida ;  that  traversing  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Creeks,  the  Chickasaws,  and  the  Cherokees,  they  would 
join  with  the  warriors  of  these  nations,  and  invade  the  two  Carolinas 
and  Virginia ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  a  numerous  fleet  and  power- 
ful army  should  attack  the  coasts.     Stuart  addressed  circulars  to  the 
loyalists,  inviting  them  to  come  and  put  themselves  under  the  royal 
standard,  erected  in  the  country  of  the   Cherokees  ;  he  urged  them 
to  bring  with  them  their  horses,  their  cattle,  and  provisions  of  every 
sort,  for  which  they  should    be   paid  a  liberal  price.     The  loyalists, 
who  remembered  too  well  their  recent  defeat,  made  no  movement  of 
importance.     But  the  Indians,  excited  by  the  words  and  presents  of 
the  emissaries,  no  less  than  by  the  probabilities  of  success,  and  their 
thirst  of  pillage,  assembled  in  considerable  numbers,  and   manifested 
great  animosity  against  the  colonies.     The   Six  Nations  themselves, 
who  till  this  epoch  had  observed  a  strict  neutrality,  began  to  waver,  and 
had  already  committed  hostilities  upon  their  borders.     The  Creeks, 
still  more  audacious,  took  the  field,  and  displayed  their  accustomed 
ferocity.      But  having   found  that  deeds    did  not   correspond   with 
words,  and  that  the  promised  succours  did  not  appear,  they  desisted, 
and   demanded   a  pardon,  which  was   easily  granted   them.     They 
manifested  afterwards  so  much   regard  for  their  oaths,  or  so  much 
distrust  for  the   promises  of  the  English,  or   finally,  such   profound 
terror,  that  when  the  Cherokees  not  long  after  urged   them  for  suc- 
cours, they  answered  that  they  had  buried  the  hatchet  so  deep  that 
it  could  not  be  found.     But  the  Cherokees  listened  only  to  their  fury ; 
they  fell  furiously   upon  the   colonies,  exercising   frightful   ravages, 
scalping  and  mutilating  their  prisoners.     They  massacred  with  the 
same  barbarity  those  who  were   able  to  carry  arms,  and  those  who 
were  not ;  old  men,  women,  and  children,   were  butchered  without 
discrimination.     Their  security  was  increased  by  the  appearance  of 
the  fleet  under  sir  Peter  Parker,  which  had  arrived  in  the  waters  of 
Charleston.     But  when  this  fleet  after  the  unsuccessful  attack  of  fort 
Moultrie,  had  abandoned  the  shores  of  Carolina,  the  Cherokees  found 
themselves  in  a  very  critical  situation. 


372  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

Having  no  longer  any  thing  to  fear,  upon  their  coasts,  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  two  Carolinas  and  of  Virginia  devoting  all  their  cares 
to  free  themselves  from  this  scourge,  turned  their  forces  against  the 
savages,  who  devastated  their  country.  These  barbarians  were  not 
only  defeated  in  several  rencounters,  but  the  Americans  pursued  them 
even  into  their  own  territory,  putting  all  to  fire  and  sword,  burning 
their  habitations,  cutting  their  trees,  destroying  their  corn,  and  slaying 
all  those  who  had  borne,  or  still  bore  arms.  This  expedition  was 
almost  the  total  ruin  of  the  nation  of  Cherokees.  Those  who  sur- 
vived it,  submitted  to  all  the  conditions  of  the  conqueror,  or  wanting 
provisions,  took  refuge  with  this  Stuart,  the  author  of  the  war  and  of 
their  disasters,  in  West  Florida,  where  the  British  government  was 
forced  to  support  them.  Thus  terminated  this  year  the  campaign 
against  the  savages  ;  it  may  be  observed,  that  no  chastisement  was 
ever  more  severe,  or  more  deserved,  than  that  which  was  inflicted 
upon  the  nation  of  the  Cherokees.  The  avaricious  and  cruel  men 
who  excited  these  barbarians  to  commit  so  many  horrors,  were  the 
more  inexcusable,  inasmuch  as  they  had  received  their  birth  and 
education  under  the  more  clement  sky  of  Europe. 

But  the  order  of  events  recalls  us  to  Canada,  where  military 
operations,  far  from  being  suspended,  were  pursued  with  extreme 
vigor.  We  have  related  in  the  preceding  book,  that  the  Americans 
had  been  constrained  by  the  superiority  of  the  British  arms,  to  eva- 
cuate all  Lower  Canada,  and  even  Montreal  and  fort  St.  John. 
They  had  retired  to  Crown  Point,  whither  the  English  were  unable 
to  follow  them  for  want  of  the  necessary  vessels  not  only  to  cross 
Lake  Champlain,  but  also  to  combat  those  the  Americans  had  armed 
for  their  defence.  Such,  however,  was  the  importance  to  the  de- 
signs of  the  English  of  obtaining  an  absolute  control  of  the  lakes,  that 
general  Carleton  set  himself  with  all  diligence  to  the  equipment  of  a 
fleet.  His  plan  was,  according  to  the  instructions  of  the  ministry, 
to  penetrate  by  way  of  the  lakes  to  the  Hudson  river,  and  thus  to 
effect  a  junction  with  the  army  of  New  York,  at  Albany.  By  the 
execution  of  this  plan,  the  provinces  of  New  England  would  have 
found  themselves  separated  from  the  others  by  a  powerful  and 
victorious  army,  and  the  cause  of  America  would  have  been  ex- 
posed to  the  most  imminent  perils.  Long  deliberated  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  British  ministers,  it  was  their  favorite  scheme.  And, 
in  effect,  the  very  nature  of  the  places  between  Canada  and  New- 
York,  appeared  to  favor  this  enterprise.  With  the  exception  of  the 
heights  which  are  found  between  the  upper  extremity  of  Lake 
George  and  the  left  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  which  only  occupy  a 
space  of  sixteen  miles,  the  entire  passage  from  one  of  these  provinces 
to  the  other,  can  easily  be  made  by  water,  first  by  ascending  from  the 
Saint  Lawrence  into  the  Sorel,  and  then  traversing  the  Lakes  Cham- 
plain  and  George,  or  Wood  Creek,  to  the  lands  which  separate  it" 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  373 

from  the  Hudson.  This  river  afterwards  leads  directly  to  the  city  of 
New  York.  The  English  having  an  immense  superiority  at  sea,  Ca- 
nada being  entirely  in  their  power,  and  as  the  principal  seat  of  resist- 
ance was  found  in  the  provinces  of  New  England,  while  the  coasts 
of  New  York  were  peculiarly  accessible  to  maritime  attacks,  it  can- 
not be  denied  that  this  plan  of  campaign  presented  great  advantages. 
But  the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise  of  general  Carleton  was  equal 
to  its  importance.  It  was  requisite  to  construct,  or  at  least  to  equip 
a  fleet  of  thirty  vessels  of  different  dimensions,  and  to  arm  them 
with  artillery  ;  the  want  of  materials  rendered  either  of  these  objects 
difficult  to  accomplish.  The  transportation  afterwards  in  certain 
places  by  land,  and  drawing  up  the  rapids  of  Saint  Theresa  and 
Saint  John,  of  thirty  large  long  boats,  a  gondola  of  thirty  tons,  a 
number  of  flat  bottomed  boats  of  considerable  burthen,  with  above 
four  hundred  batteaux,  was  an  operation  which  offered  not  only  great 
obstacles,  but  even  an  appearance  of  impossibility.  But  the  English 
seamen,  from  their  skill  and  patience,  were  not  intimidated  by  it. 
The  soldiers  seconded  them,  and  the  peasants  taken  from  their  rustic 
labors,  were  compelled  to  share  the  toil.  The  generals  urged  for- 
ward this  laborious  undertaking  on  account  of  the  lateness  of  the 
season  ;  as  the  winter  already  approached.  It  was  necessary  to  pass 
two  lakes  of  considerable  extent;  they  had  no  certain  intelligence 
respecting  the  force  of  the  enemy  in  the  fortresses  of  Crown  Point  and 
Ticonderoga  ;  finally,  after  having  worsted  him  upon  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  by  means  of  large  vessels,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  the  squad- 
ron would  not  be  able  to  pass  the  strait  which  joins  this  lake  to  Lake 
George,  into  which  however  it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  it  should 
enter.  Meanwhile,  if  it  should  be  possible  to  surmount  so  many 
obstacles,  there  still  would  remain  to  be  effected  the  passage  of  the 
woods,  the  marshes,  and  the  defiles  which  are  found  between  the 
point  of  debarkation  and  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  in  order  to  gain 
the  city  of  Albany,  where  only  they  could  meet  with  such  accommo- 
dations as  would  enable  them  to  winter  commodiously.  But  far  from 
appearing  discouraged,  the  English  seemed  to  be  animated  with  new 
ardor,  and  the  soldiers  rivalled  their  officers  in  zeal.  They  felt  all 
tbe  importance  of  the  enterprise,  and  persuaded  themselves  that  if 
they  could  reach  Albany  before  winter,  their  definitive  success  would 
be  secured.  The  brilliant  advantages  obtained  by  the  army  of  New 
Jersey,  filled  them  with  emulation  ;  they  were  eager  to  share  them,  and 
fearful  of  arriving  too  late  upon  the  theatre  of  glory.  They  labored 
therefore  with  incredible  activity  ;  but  notwithstanding  all  their  efforts, 
the  preparations  could  not  be  completed,  nor  the  armament  fully 
equipped,  till  the  middle  of  tbe  month  of  October.  It  was  numerous, 
and  superior  in  strength  to  any  that  had  ever  been  seen  upon  these 
lakes,  arid  would  have  made  no  contemptible  figure  even  upon  the 
European  seas.  The  admiral's  ship,  called  the  Inflexible,  carried 


374  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

eighteen  twelve  pounders,  and  was  followed  by  two  stout  schooners, 
the  one  mounting  fourteen,  the  other  twelve  six  pounders  ;  a  large 
flat  bottomed  radeau,  with  six  twenty-four  and  six  twelve  pounders. 
Twenty  vessels  of  less  size  carried  each  a  brass  piece  of  ordnance, 
from  nine  to  twenty-four  pounders,  or  howitzers.  Several  long  boats 
were  equipped  in  the  same  manner.  Besides  these,  there  was  a 
great  number  of  boats  and  tenders  of  various  sizes,  to  serve  as  trans- 
ports for  the  troops,  baggage,  warlike  stores,  provisions,  and  arms  of 
every  sort. 

The  whole  fleet  was  commanded  by  captain  Pringle,  a  sea  officer 
of  great  experience;  it  was  manned  by  a  select  body  of  seamen, 
animated  with  an  extreme  desire  of  victory.  The  land  troops  en- 
camped in  the  environs,  prepared,  as  soon  as  the  navigation  of  the 
lake  should  be  secured,  to  fall  upon  the  enemy.  Three  thousand 
men  occupied  He  aux  Noix,  and  as  many  were  stationed  at  Fort 
Saint  John,  the  remainder  was  distributed  either  in  the  vessels  or  in 
the  neighboring  garrisons. 

The  Americans  united  all  their  forces  to  resist  such  formidable 
preparations.  Generals  Schuyler  and  Gates  were  at  their  head,  and 
Arnold  showed  himself  every  where,  inspiring  the  soldiers  with  that 
ardent  courage  for  which  he  was  himself  distinguished. 

As  the  event  of  the  campaign  upon  this  frontier  depended  totally 
upon  naval  operations,  the  Americans  exerted  themselves  to  the 
utmost  of  their  power  to  arm  and  equip  a  fleet  capable  of  opposing 
that  of  the  enemy.  But  their  success  little  corresponded  with  their 
efforts.  Besides  the  want  of  materials  for  construction,  they  had  not 
a  sufficiency  of  other  stores,  and  their  seaports  were  so  occupied  in 
the  building  of  privateers  and  ships  for  the  service  of  Congress,  that 
few  carpenters  could  be  spared.  Accordingly,  notwithstanding  the 
activity  and  perseverance  of  the  American  generals,  their  squadron 
amounted  to  no  more  than  fifteen  vessels  of  different  sizes,  two  brigs, 
one  corvette,  one  sloop,  three  gallies,  and  eight  gondolas.  Their 
largest  vessel  mounted  only  twelve  six,  and  four  pounders.  But 
that  this  armament  might  not  want  a  chief  whose  intrepidity  equalled 
the  danger  of  the  enterprise,  the  command  of  it  was  given  to  general 
Arnold.  It  was  expected  of  him  to  maintain,  upon  this  new  element, 
the  reputation  he  had  acquired  upon  land.  The  American  army, 
notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles  it  had  encountered,  and  the  ravages 
of  the  smallpox,  still  amounted  to  eight  or  nine  thousand  men;  it 
was  assembled  under  the  cannon  of  Ticonderoga,  after  having  left  a 
sufficient  garrison  at  Crown  Point. 

All  the  dispositions  being  made  on  both  sides,  general  Carleton, 
impatient  to  conquer,  ordered  all  his  naval  forces  to  advance  towards 
Crown  Point,  intending  to  attack  the  enemy  there.  He  had  already 
reached  the  middle  of  the  lake  without  having  been  able  to  discover 
him,  and  was  proceeding  without  any  distrust,  when  all  at  once  the 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  375 

English  perceived  the  American  squadron,  which  was  drawn  up  with 
great  skill,  behind  the  Island  of  Valincour,  and  occupied  the  passage 
between  the  island  and  the  western  shore  of  the  lake.  This  unex- 
pected interview  caused  a  violent  agitation  on  both  sides.  A  fierce 
engagement  immediately  ensued.  But  the  wind  being  unfavorable 
to  the  English,  they  could  not  display  their  whole  line  ;  the  Inflexi- 
ble, and  their  other  vessels  of  the  largest  class,  look  no  part  in  the 
action.  The  brig  Carleton,  accompanied  by  several  gun  boats, 
assailed  the  enemy  with  singular  courage  and  ability.  The  Ameri- 
cans supported  the  combat  with  equal  bravery  ;  it  lasted  above  four 
hours.  The  wind  continuing  to  be  contrary  for  the  English,  captain 
Pringle  perceived  that  he  could  not  hope  to  obtain  advantages  with 
a  part  of  his  forces  against  all  those  of  the  enemy,  and  accordingly 
gave  the  signal  of  retreat ;  ordering  the  fleet  to  be  anchored  in  a 
line,  in  presence  of  the  American  squadron. 

The  Americans  had  lost  in  the  action  their  largest  brig,  which 
took  fire  and  was  consumed,  as  also  a  gondola  which  went  to  the 
bottom.  They  considered  it  as  extremely  dangerous  to  await  a 
second  engagement  in  the  anchorage  they  occupied,  and  consequently 
determined  to  retire  under  the  walls  of  Crown  Point,  hoping  that 
the  artillery  of  the  fortress  would  counterbalance  the  superiority  of 
the  enemy's  force.  Fortune  seemed  inclined  to  favor  this  design  of 
general  Arnold  ;  and  already  his  vessels,  having  lost  sight  of  those 
of  the  English,  sailed  rapidly  towards  their  new  station  ;  when  sud- 
denly the  wind  became  favorable  to  the  enemy,  who  pursued  and 
came  up  with  them  before  their  arrival  at  Crown  Point.  The  battle 
was  immediately  renewed  with  greater  fury  than  at  first ;  it  continued 
upwards  of  two  hours.  Those  vessels  in  the  meanwhile  v-hich  were 
most  ahead,  crowded  sail,  and  passing  Crown  Point,  ran  for  Ticon- 
deroga.  Only  two  galleys  and  five  gondolas,  remained  with  general 
Arnold.  With  these  he  made  a  desperate  defence  ;  but  his  second 
in  command,  brigadier  general  Waterburgh,  being  taken  with  his 
vessel,  and  the  others  making  but  a  faint  resistance,  he  determined, 
in  order  to  prevent  his  people  and  shipping  from  falling  into  the 
power  of  the  enemy,  to  run  these  ashore  and  set  them  on  fire.  He 
executed  his  intention  with  great  address.  He  remained  on  board 
the  vessel  he  commanded,  and  kept  her  colors  flying,  till  she  was  on 
fire.  Though  he  had  been  unsuccessful  on  this  occasion,  the  dispa- 
rity of  strength  duly  considered,  he  lost  no  reputation,  but  rose  on 
the  contrary  in  the  estimation  of  his  countrymen.  He  had,  in  their 
opinion,  acquitted  himself  with  no  less  ability  in  this  naval  encounter, 
thati  he  had  done  at  land  before.  The  Americans,  having  destroyed 
whatever  could  not  be  carried  off,  evacuated  Crown  Point  and  with- 
drew to  Ticonderoga.  General  Carleton  occupied  the  former  im- 
mediately, and  the  rest  of  his  army  came  soon  after  to  join  him 
there. 


376  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     VII. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  expedition  which  the  Americans  had 
undertaken  in  Canada,  with  a  view  of  establishing  the  theatre  of  war 
upon  the  territory  of  their  enemies,  before  they  could  attempt  to 
invade  their  own.  Completely  masters  of  Lake  Champlain,  the 
English  had  now  no  other  obstacle  to  surmount  besides  the  fortress 
of  Ticonderoga,  in  order  to  penetrate  into  Lake  George.  If 
Carleton,  rapidly  availing  himself  of  his  advantage,  had  pushed  for- 
ward against  the  enemy,  thrown  into  confusion  by  defeat,  perhaps 
he  might  have  seized  this  important  place  without  difficulty.  But 
he  was  prevented  from  doing  it  by  a  south  wind,  which  prevailed 
for  several  days.  The  Americans  made  the  best  use  of  this  time  in 
preparing  and  increasing  their  means  of  defence.  They  mounted 
their  cannon,  constructed  new  works,  and  repaired  the  old,  surround- 
ing them  with  moats  and  palisades.  The  garrison  was  reenforced 
with  extreme  expedition  ;  and  conformably  to  the  orders  of  Wash- 
ington, the  oxen  and  horses  were  removed  into  distant  places,  that 
the  English  might  not  seize  them  for  provision  or  draught.  Mean- 
while, general  Carleton  had  not  neglected  to  detach  scouting  parties 
upon  the  two  banks  of  the  lake;  and,  when  the  wind  permitted, 
some  light  vessels  were  also  sent  towards  Ticonderoga  to  reconnoitre 
the  force  of  the  enemy  and  the  state  of  the  fortress.  All  the  reports 
agreed  that  the  fortifications  were  formidable,  and  the  garrison  full 
of  ardor.  He  reflected,  therefore,  that  the  siege  must  be  long,  diffi- 
cult, and  sanguinary,  and  concluded  accordingly  that  the  possession 
of  this  fortress  would  not  indemnify  him  for  all  it  might  cost.  The 
severe  season  approached  ;  the  want  of  provisions,  the  difficulty  of 
direct  communications  with  Canada,  and  the  little  hope  of  success 
from  an  expedition  in  the  cold  and  desert  regions  which  separate  the 
river  Hudson  from  Lake  George,  rendered  the  wintering  upon  this 
lake  extremely  perilous.  In  consequence  of  these  considerations, 
the  English  general  deemed  the  reduction  of  Ticonderoga  of  little 
utility  in  his  present  circumstances,  whereas  the  command  of  the 
lakes  secured  him  a  clear  passage  to  return  in  the  spring  to  the  at- 
tack of  this  fortress,  without  exposing  his  troops  to  the  hardships  of 
a  siege,  undertaken  in  the  midst  of  the  rigors  of  winter.  After  hav- 
ing taken  the  advice  of  a  council  of  war,  he  renounced  the  project 
of  an  attack,  and  early  in  November  conducted  his  army  back  to- 
wards Montreal,  leaving  his  advanced  posts  in  He  aux  Noix.  But 
prior  to  his  retreat,  from  the  singular  courtesy  and  humanity. of  his 
character,  he  sent  to  their  homes  the  American  officers  who  had 
fallen  into  his  power,  administering  generously  to  all  their  wants. 
He  exercised  the  same  liberality  towards  the  common  soldiers.  The 
greater  part  were  almost  naked  ;  he  caused  them  to  be  completely 
clothed,  and  set  them  at  liberty,  after  having  taken  their  oath  that 
they  would  not  serve  against  the  armies  of  the  king;.  General 
Carleton  was  blamed  for  having  taken  winter  quarters  ;  this  resolution 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  377 

was  considered  as  a  mark  of  weakness,  and  as  highly  prejudicial  to 
the  success  of  ulterior  operations  ;  since  if  he  had  immediately  made 
himself  master  of  Ticonderoga,  his  troops,  after  having  passed  the 
winter  in  its  vicinity,  would  have  been  able  to  enter  the  field  early 
the  following  spring.  It  is  probable,  in  effect,  that  the  war  would,  in 
that  case,  have  had  a  very  different  result  from  what  it  actually  had. 
But  the  conquest  of  a  place  so  strong  by  nature  and  by  art  as  Ticon- 
deroga, depended  on  the  resistance  which  the  Americans  would  have 
made ;  and  certainly  their  number,  the  valor  they  had  displayed  in 
the  naval  actions,  the  extreme  confidence  they  had  in  their  chiefs, 
all  announced  that  their  defence  would  have  been  long  and  obstinate. 
Nor  should  the  consideration  be  omitted  of  the  difficulty  of  subsist- 
ence, and  of  the  communications  with  Canada.  Be  this  as  it  may, 
the  retreat  of  the  English  general,  and  his  inaction  during  the  winter, 
had  the  most  happy  results  for  the  Americans.  The  army  which 
had  made  the  campaign  under  general  Lee,  was  enabled  to  effect  its 
junction  with  that  of  Washington,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  ; 
and  a  part  of  the  army  of  Canada. itself  could  take  the  same  direc- 
tion, under  the  conduct  of  general  Gates. 

It  cttpnot  be  doubted,  however,  that  the  Americans  at  this  time 
trod  utKTh  the  brink  of  precipices ;  a  single  reverse  might  have 
completed  their  ruin.  Two  important  provinces,  New  York  and 
Rhode  Island,  as  well  as  the  greater  part  of  New  Jersey,  were  fallen 
into  the  power  of  the  victorious  army.  And  though  the  arms  of 
Clinton,  equally  successful,  had  arrested  their  course  under  the  walls 
of  Ticonderoga,  it  was  but  too  probable  that  on  the  return  of  spring 
he  would  make  a  new  effort  to  carry  this  fortress,  and  to  penetrate 
to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  in  order  to  operate  his  junction  with  the 
army  of  New  York.  As  to  Washington,  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
that!  while  inferior  himself  to  his  adversary,  he  would  be  in  a  situa- 
tion to  send  back  to  the  army  of  Canada  the  troops  that  were  enabled 
by  the  cessation  of  hostilities  upon  the  lakes,  to  come  to  join  him 
upon  the  Delaware. 

Though  he  had  received,  as  we  have  seen,  some  reenforcements, 
he  was  still  as  far  from  being  able  to  match  the  enemy  either  in  the 
number,  spirit,  or  discipline  of  his  soldiers,  as  in  the  quantity  and 
quality  of  his  munitions  of  every  sort.  He  was  also  continually 
subject  to  that  scourge  of  the  American  army,  desertion,  authorised 
by  the  expiration  of  engagements,  which  incessantly  menaced  it  with 
an  approaching,  and  almost  total  dissolution.  It  was  no  slight 
motive  of  alarm  for  the  most  influential  members  of  Congress,  to 
remark  the  promptitude  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  conquered 
provinces,  and  especially  of  New  York,  hastened  to  change  sides 
and  to  take  advantage  of  the  proffered  pardon. 

Some  individuals  were   even  seen  to  enrol  themselves  under  the 
royal  standard  ;  it  seemed  that  they   were  determined  to  add  to 
VOL.  i.  48 


378  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

English  civil  war,  the  horrors  of  American  civil  war.  It  was  to  be 
feared  that  their  example  would  prove  contagious  for  the  other  pro- 
vinces, and  that  disaffection  would  manifest  itself  on  all  parts. 

The  intrigues  of  governor  Tryon,  to  compass  this  object,  were  no 
longer  a  secret ;  for  this  very  purpose  he  had  been  appointed  briga- 
dier-general, and  his  manoeuvres  had  already  succeeded  in  many 
places.  On  the  contrary,  the  business  of  recruiting  moved  very 
heavily  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  whereas  desertion  enfeebled 
their  armies  from  day  to  day.  To  so  many  evils  was  joined  another 
more  fatal  still  ;  the  bills  of  credit  began  to  depreciate.  The  govern- 
ment, however,  had  no  other  source  of  revenue.  It  was  not  yet 
sufficiently  confirmed  to  hazard  the  imposition  of  taxes,  payable  in 
specie  ;  and  this  measure  would  besides  have  produced  only  an 
increase  of  the  evil,  by  augmenting  the  discredit  of  paper  ;  it  was 
therefore  much  to  be  apprehended  that  money,  this  principal  sinew 
of  war,  would  ere  long  be  totally  wanting.  The  emission  of  new 
bills  of  credit  would  infallibly  accelerate  their  daily  depreciation  ; 
and  yet  it  was  impossible,  by  reason  of  the  ever  increasing  exigen- 
cies of  the  public  service,  to  abstain  from  continual  issues.  Already 
there  were  not  wanting  those  who  refused  not  only  to  receive  them 
at  a  discount,  but  even  at  any  rate  whatever.  The  present  time  was 
painful,  and  the  future  appeared  still  more  alarming.  It  was  feared 
by  all,  and  asserted  by  many,  that  the  tomb  of  independence  was 
not  far  from  its  cradle  ;  some  even  openly  blamed  the  Congress  for 
having  declared  independence,  and  thereby  closed  all  avenue  to  an 
honorable  accommodation  ;  before  this  declaration,  they  said,  we 
could  treat  with  honor,  but  since,  not  without  shame,  and  even  be- 
coming the  fable  of  the  universe. 

Surrounded  by  obstacles  so  numerous  and  so  fearful,  the  Congress 
lost  none  of  their  firmness,  and  resolved  to  set  fortune  at  defiance. 
Far  from  betraying  any  symptoms  of  despair,  they  manifested 
greater  confidence  than  ever,  and  appeared  to  admit  no  doubt  re- 
specting the  eventual  success  of  the  great  enterprise  in  which  they 
were  engaged.  They  knew  that  constancy  triumphs  over  fate.  Full 
of  a  noble  ardor,  they  preferred  the  dangers  of  war  to  those  of 
peace.  The  admirable  fortitude  with  which  they  sustained  the 
assaults  of  adverse  fortune,  when  a  common  ruin  seemed  ready  to 
ingulf  them  with  the  cause  they  supported,  must  eternally  attach  to 
their  names  the  glory  of  having  laid  the  foundations  of  a  new  state. 
The  nations  of  the  earth  rendered  the  homage  of  their  admiration  to 
so  much  magnanimity. 

When  at  first,  the  ship  of  America,  impelled  by  propitious  breezes, 
seemed  about  to  enter  the  port  in  safety,  the  wisdom  of  the  pilots 
was  universally  applauded  j  but  in  the  midst  of  a  tremendous  tem- 
pest, their  intrepidity  and  their  constancy  shone  with  a  splendor  still 
more  dazzling.  The  people  of  Europe  felt  an  increase  of  affection 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  379 

for  the  Americans,  and  of  hatred  against  England,  for  attempting  to 
reduce  to  slavery  so  generous  a  nation.  So  natural  it  is  to  the 
human  heart  to  take  an  interest,  from  the  sentiment  of  its  independ- 
ence, in  the  efforts  made  by  the  weak  against  the  powerful,  or  from 
commisseration  to  sympathise  with  the  brave  in  their  struggles 
against  the  perversity  of  fate.  Thus  the  Americans  honored  their 
reverses  by  virtues,  at  the  epoch  when  the  public  fortune  appeared 
upon  the  verge  of  ruin,  and  no  cheering  ray  was  seen  to  gleam  in 
the  perspective. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  measures  taken  by  the  Congress, 
in  order  to  reenforce  the  army  by  new  levies,  to  remedy  the  danger 
resulting  from  the  shortness  of  engagements,  and  to  call  into  the 
field  the  provincial  militia.  As  if  they  had  intended  to  defy  the 
presence  and  the  menaces  of  a  formidable  enemy,  they  employed 
themselves  in  drawing  up  various  articles  of  confederation  and  per- 
petual union  between  the  states,  that  each  of  them  might  know  its 
particular  authority  within,  and  its  reciprocal  duties  towards  the 
others  ;  as  also  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  executive  power  with 
which  it  was  requisite  that  Congress  should  be  invested.  These 
articles  were  adopted  in  the  sitting  of  the  fourth  of  October,  and 
immediately  sent  to  the  respective  assemblies  of  each  state  for 
approbation.  The  principal  were  the  following  ; 

4  The  thirteen  states  confederated  under  the  name  of  the  United 
States  of  America. 

1  They  all  and  each  obligated  themselves  to  contribute  for  the 
common  defence,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  their  liberties. 

*  Each  particular  state  preserved  the  exclusive  right  of  regulating 
its  internal  government,  and  of  framing  laws  in  all  matters  not  includ- 
ed in  the  articles  of  the  confederation,  and  which  could  not  any  way 
be  prejudicial  to  it. 

*  No  particular  state  was  either  to  send  or  to  receive  ambassadors, 
enter  into    negotiations,   contract   engagements,   form   alliances,  or 
make  war,  excepting  in  case  of  sudden  attack,  with  any  king,  prince, 
or  power  whatsoever,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States. 

'  No  individual  holding  any  magistracys  office  or  commission  what- 
soever from  the  United  States,  or  from  any  one  of  them,  was  allowed 
to  accept  of  any  presents,  nor  any  offices,  or  titles  of  any  kind  what- 
ever, from  any  foreign  king,  prince,  or  potentate. 

'  No  assembly  was  to  confer  titles  of  nobility. 

1  No  state  was  to  make  alliances  or  treaties  of  what  kind  soever 
with  another,  without  the  consent  of  all. 

'  Each  particular  state  had  authority  to  maintain  in  peace  as  well 
as  in  war  the  number  of  armed  ships  and  of  land  troops,  judged 
necessary  by  the  general  assembly  of  all  the  states,  and  no  more. 

'  There  should  be  a  public  treasury  for  the  service  of  the  confe- 
deration, which  was  to  be  replenished  by  the  particular  contribution^ 


380  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

of  each  state  ;  the  same  to  be  proportioned  according  to  the  number 
of  inhabitants  of  every  age,  sex  or  condition,  with  the  exception 
however  of  Indians. 

{  A  general  Congress  was  to  be  convoked  every  year  on  the  first 
Monday  of  November,  to  be  composed  of  deputies  from  all  the 
states  ;  it  was  invested  with  all  the  powers  that  belong  to  the 
sovereigns  of  other  nations.'  These  powers  were  exactly  enume- 
rated. 

1  Every  individual  holding  any  office,  and  receiving  either  salary, 
wages,  or  emolument  whatsoever,  was  thereby  excluded  from  Con- 
gress. 

*  There  was  to  be  a  council  of  state,  composed  of  one  deputy  for 
each  province,  nominated  annually  by  his  colleagues  of  the  same 
state,  and  in  case  these  should  not  agree,  by  the  general  Congress.' 
Each  state  was  to  have  but  one  vote. 

4  During  the  session  as  well  as  the  recess  of  the  general  Congress, 
the  council  of  state  was  to  be  charged  with  the  management  of  the 
public  affairs  of  the  confederation,  always  restricting  itself  however 
within  the  limits  prescribed  by  the  laws,  and  particularly  by  the 
articles  of  the  confederation  itself. 

1  The  province  of  Canada  was  invited  to  enter  into  the  Union. 

The  Congress  afterwards  desiring  to  revive  the  courage  of  those 
who  had  suffered  themselves  to  be  intimidated  by  reverses,  and  to 
prevent  their  sentiments  from  changing  with  fortune,  issued  a  pro- 
clamation wherein  they  represented  anew  the  justice  of  their  cause, 
their  long  and  fruitless  supplications,  the  cruel  proceedings  of  the 
ministers,  the  necessity  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  the 
unanimous  approbation  with  which  it  had  been  received.  Then 
followed  the  enumeration  of  all  the  successes  which  had  attended  the 
American  arms  in  the  northern  provinces  ;  the  English  driven  from 
Boston,  repulsed  before  Charleston,  arrested  in  their  progress  at 
Ticonderoga.  Finally,  the  American  people  were  invited  to  consider 
the  immense  value  of  the  prizes  made  at  sea,  the  abundance  of  pro- 
visions, and  the  probability  of  soon  seeing  the  army  suitably  clothed 
and  equipped.  All  the  citizens,  and  especially  those  of  Pennsylvania, 
of  New  Jersey,  and  of  the  neighboring  states,  were  exhorted  to  show 
themselves  united  and  firm  in  the  defence  of  country.  '  Consider,' 
said  the  proclamation,  l  that  the  present  state  of  our  affairs  is  not  to 
be  attributed  to  any  faults  of  the  generals,  or  want  of  valor  in  the 
soldiers,  but  to  the  shortness  of  the  term  of  enlistments.  Reflect, 
that  foreign  princes  have  already  furnished  us  with  a  multitude  of 
articles  necessary  to  war,  and  be  assured  that  we  shall  receive  from 
them  succours  still  more  efficacious.  Be  not  wanting  to  yourselves, 
nor  suffer  the  rich  and  populous  city  of  Philadelphia  to  fall  into  the 
power  of  the  enemy  ;  let  not  the  occasion  escape  of  overwhelming 
his  principal  army,  now  it  is  far  from  the  ships  which  form  so  great 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  381 

a  part  of  its  force.  The  loss  of  Philadelphia  would  not  be  followed 
by  the  ruin  of  our  cause,  but  wherefore  should  the  enemy  enjoy  this 
triumph  .?  Let  us  arrest  his  career,  let  us  baffle  his  efforts  ;  let  us 
prove  to  the  friends  of  America,  even  the  most  distant,  that  we  are 
all  animated  with  one  same  spirit,  and  with  one  only  will,  to  defend 
against  cruel  enemies  what  man  holds,  and  ought  to  hold,  the  most 
dear.  Remember,  that  the  success  of  our  efforts  will  secure  the 
eternal  repose  and  safety  of  the  United  States,  and  attach  to  our 
names  an  immortal  glory  ;  stand  firm,  therefore,  and  preserve  your- 
selves for  the  day  of  victory  ;  be  prepared  for  a  happier  destiny.' 

Desirous  that  the  authority  of  religion  should  encourage  and  con- 
firm the  people  in  their  fidelity,  the  Congress  recommended,  that  the 
assemblies  of  the  different  states  should  appoint  a  day  of  fasting, 
humiliation  and  prayer,  to  obtain  from  the  clemency  of  the  Most 
High,  prosperity  for  the  arms  and  success  for  the  just  cause  of  Ame- 
rica. 

But  the  danger  increasing  continually,  and  the  enemy  approaching 
the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  the  Congress  upon  the  representations  of 
generals  Putnam  and  Mifflin  took  the  resolution  on  the  twelfth  of 
December,  to  withdraw  from  Philadelphia,  and  adjourned  them- 
selves to  the  twentieth  of  the  same  month  at  Baltimore,  in  Mary- 
land. 

The  departure  of  Congress  spread  great  consternation  in  the  city, 
from  fear  as  well  of  the  English  as  of  the  loyalists,  who  were  very 
numerous  there,  though  a  part  of  them  had  repaired  to  the  commis- 
sioners, to  avail  themselves  of  the  amnesty.  It  was  greatly  appre«- 
hended  that  they  would  seek  to  disturb  the  public  tranquillity  ; 
already,  by  their  cries  and  menaces,  they  had  prevented  the  fortifi- 
cation of  the  city,  which  it  had  been  intended  to  accomplish.  The 
greater  part  of  the  Quakers  belonged  to  this  party.  Washington  had 
found  it  necessary  to  send  to  Philadelphia  a  numerous  corps  under 
the  command  of  lord  Sterling,  in  order  to  support  the  friends  of  the 
revolution,  and  to  repress  its  adversaries. 

The  Congress  being  assembled  at  Baltimore,  in  consideration  of 
the  imminent  peril,  which  seemed  to  exact  the  dictatorial  authority, 
decreed,  that  having  the  most  entire  confidence  in  the  wisdom,  vigor, 
and  uprightness  of  general  Washington,  they  invested  him  with  the 
most  ample  and  complete  powers  to  levy  and  organise  in  the  most 
expeditious  mode,  from  any  or  all  of  the  United  States,  sixteen  bat- 
talions of  infantry,  in  addition  to  those  already  voted  by  Congress, 
and  to  appoint  the  officers ;  to  raise,  equip,  and  provide  with  officers, 
three  thousand'  light  horse,  three  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a  corps 
of  engineers ;  and  to  establish  their  pay  ;  to  call  into  service  the 
militia  of  the  several  states ;  to  form  such  magazines  of  provisions, 
and  in  such  places,  as  he  should  think  proper  ;  to  displace  and  appoint 
all  officers  under  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  to  fill  up  all  va- 


3S2  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

cancies  in  every  other  department  in  the  American  armies ;  to  take, 
wherever  he  might  be,  whatever  he  might  want  for  the  use  of  the 
army,  if  the  inhabitants  would  not  sell  it,  allowing  a  reasonable  price 
for  the  same ;  to  arrest  and  confine  persons  who  refused  to  take  the 
continental  currency,  or  were  otherwise  disaffected  to  the  American 
cause ;  returning  to  the  states  of  which  they  were  citizens,  their 
names  and  the  nature  of  their  offences,  with  the  proofs  to  substantiate 
them.  It  was  resolved  that  these  extraordinary  powers  should  be 
vested  in  general  Washington  during  the  term  of  six  months,  unless 
sooner  determined  by  Congress. 

Thus  the  rulers  of  America,  urged  by  extreme  peril,  and  confiding 
in  the  virtue  of  the  captain-general,  reposed  on  him  alone  the  entire 
weight  of  the  war.  In  the  midst  of  so  many  reverses,  not  a  single 
American  was  heard  to  hint  a  suspicion  of  treason,  or  even  of  negli- 
gence or  incapacity  in  the  chiefs  of  the  army  ;  nothing  especially 
diminished  the  respect  and  confidence  of  which  the  commander-in- 
chief  was  the  object.  A  remarkable  example  of  moderation  and 
popular  reserve.  Pride  had  not  persuaded  this  people  that  they  were 
invincible,  and  ambition  had  not  rendered  them  suspicious.  They 
attributed  their  defeats  to  the  force  of  things,  and  not  to  the  faults  of 
their  generals.  This  confidence  in  the  good  faith  of  their  defenders 
entitled  them  to  find,  and  they  did  find,  those  that  were  faithful.  Too 
often,  on  the  contrary,  the  people  of  other  countries,  prone  to  supi- 
cions,  lending  a  credulous  ear  to  the  suggestions  of  envy,  irritated  by 
reverses,  or  intoxicated  by  success,  experience  to  their  cost,  that 
whoever  has  no  confidence  in  others,  finds  none  in  return. 

As  it  was  essential  to  provide  pecuniary  resources,  the  Congress 
passed  a  law  authorising  a  loan  of  five  millions  of  dollars,  at  the  annual 
interest  of  four  per  cent.  The  faith  of  the  United  States  was  pledged 
for  the  reimbursement  of  the  capital,  at  the  end  of  three  years,  and 
of  the  interest  annually.  For  this  purpose  they  established  a  loan 
office  in  each  of  the  United  States,  to  be  superintended  by  a  com- 
missioner appointed  by  the  said  states  respectively,  who  should  re- 
ceive a  commission  of  one  eighth  per  cent,  on  all  monies  that  should 
be  brought  into  the  office.  A  short  time  after,  observing  that  the 
loan  made  little  progress,  the  interest  was  raised  to  six  per  cent. 

With  the  same  intention,  the  Congress  also  created  a  lottery,  con- 
sisting of  one  hundred  thousand  tickets,  each  ticket  divided  into  four 
billets  at  ten,  twenty,  thirty  or  forty  dollars  each,  and  to  be  drawn  in 
four  classes.  This  lottery,  after  deduction  of  the  prizes,  was  to  raise 
the  sum  of  fifteen  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  holders  of  the 
fortunate  billets  might  receive  under  certain  conditions,  a  treasury 
bank  note  for  the  prize  or  prizes  drawn,  payable  at  the  end  of  five 
years,  and  an  annual  interest  on  the  same  of  four  per  cent.  It  was 
hoped  thus  to  amass  a  considerable  sum,  as  well  by  the  gain  of  the 
lottery,  as  by  the  loan  of  the  prizes.  These  operations  had  besides 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMEH1CAN    WAR.  383 

another  object ;  by  obviating  the  necessity  of  emitting  new  bills  of 
credit,  they  tended  to  enhance  the  value  of  those  in  circulation.  But 
the  evil  was  already  so  great,  that  if  these  remedies  were  not  alto- 
gether useless,  at  least  they  could  afford  but  little  palliation.  It  was 
therefore  deemed  necessary  to  resort  to  more  efficacious  means. 
As  it  was  especially  in  Pennsylvania  that  the  paper  money  was 
depreciated,  the  Congress  decreed,  that  the  council  of  safety  of  this 
province,  should  take  the  most  prompt  and  effectual  measures  for 
punishing  those  who  should  refuse  the  bills,  and  that  the  general 
should  lend  assistance  to  carry  into  effect  the  resolutions  of  the  coun- 
cil. This  committee  resolved  that  whoever  should  refuse  to  receive 
the  bills  of  credit  in  payment  of  any  debt  or  contract,  or  as  the  price 
of  any  commodity  or  merchandise  whatsoever,  or  who  should  demand 
a  greater  price  in  bills,  than  in  coined  money,  should  be  considered 
for  the  first  time,  as  an  enemy  of  society,  and  should  lose  either  the 
amount  of  his  debt,  or  of  the  article  sold  ;  which  should  be  con- 
sidered thenceforth  as  the  property  of  the  debtor  or  of  the  purchaser. 
He  was  punished  besides  with  a  fine  more  or  less  considerable,  ac- 
cording to  the  value  of  the  sums  stipulated.  But  in  case  of  relapse, 
independently  of  the  penalties  above  mentioned,  the  delinquents  were 
to  be  banished  or  confined  in  such  mode  and  place  as  the  council  of 
safety  should  think  proper.  Several  offenders  against  this  law,  hav- 
ing been  condemned  to  shut  their  shops  and  to  cease  their  traffic, 
some  even  having  been  banished ;  the  former  were  permitted  to  return 
to  their  commerce,  and  the  latter  to  their  homes,  in  the  hope  that  the 
remembrance  of  past  punishment,  and  the  apprehension  of  future, 
would  determine  them  to  abstain  from  these  practices,  so  prejudicial 
to  the  public  credit,  and  to  the  cause  of  independence. 

A  short  time  after,  the  Congress  perceived  that  not  only  the  author- 
ity of  the  council  of  safety  in  Pennsylvania,  had  proved  insufficient 
to  check  the  depreciation  of  the  continental  paper  in  that  province, 
but  that  the  evil  began  to  manifest  itself  also  in  the  others.  They 
deemed  it  therefore  expedient  to  labor  directly  themselves  to  prevent 
this  scourge,  and  decreed  that  whoever  in  any  purchase,  sale  or  bar- 
gain, of  whatsoever  nature,  should  presume  to  rate  gold  and  silver 
coin  at  a  higher  value  than  the  bills  of  credit  issued  by  Congress, 
should  be  declared  an  enemy  to  the  liberty  of  the  United  States, 
and  should  lose  the  price  stipulated  of  the  transaction  in  which  this 
difference  of  value  should  have  been  made.  They  further  decreed, 
that  the  provincial  assemblies  should  be  requested  to  constitute  the 
bills  lawful  money,  that  could  not  be  refused  in  payment  of  debts, 
whether  public  or  private  ;  and  that  the  refusal  should  operate  the 
extinction  of  the  debt.  The  assemblies  took  the  measures  which 
appeared  to  them  proper  to  fulfil  the  intentions  of  Congress.  The 
first  effect  of  these  different  regulations  was,  that  all  vendible  articles 
rose  in  proportion  to  the  depreciation  of  paper ;  which  seemed  to 


384  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

increase  in  the  ratio  of  the  efforts  that  were  made  to  prevent  it.  An- 
other consequence  was,  that  the  debtors  liberated  themselves  from 
the  claims  of  their  creditors  with  a  money  continually  declining  in 
value  ;  and  though  this  year  the  discount  was  not  considerable,  since 
an  hundred  dollars  in  specie  might  be  had  for  one  hundred  and  four 
in  paper,  many  private  fortunes  suffered  from  it ;  and  the  example 
became  pernicious.  In  order  to  arrest  so  serious  an  evil,  the.  Con- 
gress invited  the  provincial  assemblies  to  become  responsible  for  the 
redemption  of  the  bills  it  had  emitted,  hoping  that  the  guaranty  of 
each  state  for  its  proportional  part,  added  to  that  of  Congress,  might 
restore  the  public  confidence.  It  was  also  thought  very  proper  that 
the  assemblies  of  the  several  states  should  impose  without  delay,  such 
taxes  as  they  might  judge,  from  the  condition  of  the  people,  could 
be  best  supported,  and  collected  with  the  least  difficulty.  The  Con- 
gress promised,  that  the  sums  produced  by  these  taxes  should  be 
passed  to  the  credit  of  each  state  in  liquidation  of  their  proportion 
of  the  public  debt.  The  assemblies  conformed  to  the  recommend- 
ations of  Congress;  and  this  body  also  decreed  another  loan  of  two 
millions  of  dollars.  But  all  these  measures  produced  little  or  no 
effect,  from  the  pressure  of  the  times,  the  uncertainty  of  the  future, 
and  the  abundance  of  bills  already  emitted,  from  the  facility  and  the 
need  which  the  Congress  had,  as  well  as  the  particular  states,  to  put 
more  into  circulation  every  day. 

But  whatever  might  prove  to  be  the  success  of  the  efforts  of  Con- 
gress to  raise  troops,  fo  maintain  the  public  credit,  and  to  wrest  victory 
from  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  they  well  knew  that  if  the  European 
powers  came  not  promptly  to  the  succour  of  America,  she  could 
cherish  but  a  feeble  hope  of  triumph.  Fortunately  it  was  known  that 
these  powers,  and  especially  those  whose  naval  forces  rendered  their 
assistance  of  the  most  importance,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  France, 
were  all  disposed  to  favor  America,  either  out  of  hatred  towards 
England,  or  from  the  prospect  of  private  advantages.  Independently 
of  the  general  inclinations  of  the  European  nations,  these  political 
sentiments  manifested  themselves  by  no  equivocal  tokens.  The 
American  ships  were  received  in  the  French  and  Spanish  ports,  in 
Europe  as  well  as  in  the  West  Indies,  as  belonging  to  a  nation  not 
only  friendly,  but  moreover  as  belonging  to  a  nation  really  and  abso- 
lutely independent.  The  French  and  the  Spaniards  derived  an 
immense  advantage  from  it;  they  began  to  reap  the  fruits  of  this 
commerce  with  America,  whereof  England  had  hitherto  monopolised 
the  exclusive  benefit.  Nor  did  they  restrict  themselves  to  receiving 
the  Americans  with  cordiality  in  their  ports  ;  they  also  permitted 
their  privateers  publicly  to  sell  therein 'the  prizes  they  had  taken  from 
the  English,  whether  in  Europe  or  in  the  West  Indies.  The  remon- 
strances which  the  British  ministers  had  addressed  upon  this  subject 
to  the  Qourts  of  Versailles  and  of  Madrid,  had  not  produced  any 


BOOK    Vll.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  385 

sensible  effect.  It  was  no  longer  a  secret  that  there  daily  departed 
from  the  ports  of  France,  ships  laden  with  munitions  of  war  i'or 
America.  There  was  also  a  fact  which  the  English  could  in  uo 
shape  endure,  and  against  which  they  raised  a  violent  clamor;  not 
only,  as  we  have  related,  were  the  American  privateers  received  in;r. 
the  ports  of  the  French  West  Indies,  where  they  sold  their  prizes, 
and  provided  themselves  with  all  necessary  articles,  but  no  small 
number  of  the  French  themselves  fitted  out  privateers  under  the 
American  flag,  and,  furnished  with  the  commissions  of  Congress, 
infested  every  sea,  and  depredated  upon  the  English  commerce; 
which  procedure,  as  the  French  government  did  not  interdict,  it  was 
necessary  to  conclude  that  it  approved.  There  was  remarked  also  in 
France  a  general  inclination  in  all  classes,  and  especially  among  the 
noblesse,  to  enter  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  ;  already  seve- 
ral of  these  last  were  arrived  in  America,  and  had  treated  with  the 
Congress;  among  others,  the  Chevalier  cle  Fermoy,  appointed  briga- 
dier-general in  the  American  armies,  and  M.  de  Portail,  an  officer  of 
distinguished  talents  and  valor,  who  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
engineers,  a  corps  as  yet  very  imperfectly  organised  in  America. 
Never,  in  any  other  war,  had  the  French,  naturally  so  propense  to 
military  enterprises,  manifested  an  equal  ardor  to  place  themselves 
under  the  colors  of  a  foreign  power.  If  this  enthusiasm  may  be  attri- 
buted in  part  to  the  political  opinions  which  then  prevailed  generally 
in  Europe,  nevertheless,  it  must  chiefly  be  imputed  to  the  known  dis- 
position of  the  government.  It  is  even  extremely  probable  that  France 
would  have  declared  war  against  Great  Britain  sooner  than  she  did, 
if  Louis  XVI.  had  been  of  a  less  pacific  character.  England  saw  with 
as  much  solicitude,  as  the  Americans  with  hope,  the  preparations  that 
were  made  with  incredible  activity  in  the  ports  of  France  and  of 
Spain. 

If  the  British  ministers  demanded  the  reason  of  them,  they  were 
answered,  that  a  discussion  with  Portugal  rendered  an  approaching 
rupture  with  that  kingdom  a  thing  to  be  apprehended  ;  that  the  seas 
were  covered  with  English  fleets,  arid  American  privateers,  arid  that 
independently  of  so  furious  a  maritime  war,  such  armies  were  sent 
by  England  into  the  New  World  as  there  never  had  been  example 
of;  that  consequently  France  and  Spain  owed  it  to  themselves  to 
increase  their  forces,  for  the  protection  of  their  commerce  and  the 
security  of  their  colonies.  It  was  observed,  also,  that  it  appeared 
sufficiently  surprising  that  those,  who,  not  Content  with  putting  in 
motion  all  their  national  troops,  had  also  despatched  to  America  a 
large  army  of  foreign  mercenaries,  should  find  it  extraordinary  thnt 
their  neighbors  should  stand  upon  their  guard  against  all  the  events 
with  which  they  might  be  menaced.  These  explanations  were  by  no 
means  satisfactory  to  the  English  government,  and  in  no  degree 
diminished  the  hopes  of  the  Americans,  who  saw  clearly  that  the 
VOL.  i.  49 


386  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

motives  alleged  were  far  from  corresponding  with  the  irrmensity  of 
the  preparations.  It  had  never  been  questioned  that  the  family  com- 
pact, concluded  in  1761,  between  his  most  Christian  majesty  and  the 
catholic  king,  was  chiefly  designed  to  unite  and  confederate  all  the 
branches  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  in  order  to  reduce  the  power  of 
England ;  and  what  more  favorable  occasion  could  present  itself  than 
the  American  war  ? 

Such  evidently  was  the  object  of  the  extraordinary  preparations  of 
France  and  Spain  ;  and  if,  instead  of  those  profound  lawyers  who 
then  directed  the  counsels  of  England,  the  energetic  earl  of  Chatham, 
or  some  other  statesman  of  his  stamp,  had  guided  the  helm  of  state, 
it  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  England  would  at  that  very  time  have 
declared  war  against  the  house  of  Bourbon.  Experience  has  proved, 
this  time,  that  fortune  assists  the  bold,  and  that  this  world  belongs  to 
him  that  can  seize  it.  A^  to  Holland,  if,  being  less  warlike  than 
France  and  Spain,  she  made  no  armaments  that  could  give  umbrage, 
at  least  her  merchants,  attracted  by  the  lure  of  gain,  supplied  the 
Americans  abundantly  with  munitions,  with  arms,  and  with  whatever 
they  had  need  of  to  sustain  the  war.  All  the  other  powers  of  Europe 
appeared  to  be  animated,  more  or  less,  with  the  same  spirit.  Portu- 
gal alone  persisted  in  fidelity  to  England,  and  would  never  consent  to 
supply  the  Americans  with  arms  or  munitions,  or  that  their  privateers 
should  be  received  into  any  Portuguese  port. 

Maturely  reflecting  upon  this  state  of  things,  and  urged  by  necessity, 
the  Congress  resolved  to  make  the  most  of  the  present  occasion.  The 
entire  league  that  was  forming  against  England  had  France  for  its 
foundation,  or  rather  for  its  heart;  accordingly,  so  early  as  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1776,  the  Congress  had  sent  Silas  Deane  to  reside 
near  the  French  government,  in  order  to  penetrate  its  intentions 
respecting  America.  He  was  instructed  to  neglect  no  efforts  to  dis- 
pose minds  in  her  favor,  and  to  obtain  immediately  all  the  succours 
of  arms  and  munitions  that  circumstances  might  admit  of.  He  acquitted 
himself  of  his  mission  with  extreme  diligence,  especially  in  what 
related  to  the  material  part.  He  succeeded  in  obtaining  supplies 
from  private  companies  as  well  as  from  individual  contractors,  among 
whom  should  be  mentioned  Car  on  de  Beaumarchais,  who  manifested 
in  this  transaction  an  activity  no  less  advantageous  to  himself,  than  to 
the  Americans.  These  arms  and  warlike  stores  were  openly  shipped 
in  American  vessels,  or  privately  put  on  board  those  of  France. 
Silas  Deane  did  more  >  he  found  means  to  obtain  them  from  the  royal 
arsenals.  They  delivered  him  fifteen  thousand  muskets,  which  he 
hastened  to  expedite  for  America,  where  they  were  of  essential  utility. 
He  treated  with  all  those  French  gentlemen  who  were  desirous  of 
serving  under  the  standard  of  Washington,  but  not  always  to  the  satis- 
faction of  Congress,  who  sometimes  could  not  confirm  the  conditions, 
or  even  the  choice  of  persons,  made  by  their  envoy. 


BOOK  Til.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  387 

But  independence  being  declared,  and  military  operations  having 
taken  an  alarming  turn,  the  Congress  had  thought  it  expedient  to  send 
men  of  greater  authority,  that  a  solemn  embassy,  worthy  to  represent 
the  republic,  might  bear  to  the  king,  Lewis  XVI,  the  homage  of  their 
singular  attachment  and  respect.  They  wished,  especially,  that,  by 
the  agency  of  these  new  ministers,  what  was  only  a  simple  desire, 
might  be  rendered  an  efficacious  will,  and  that  the  effect  should  finally 
follow  the  intention.  Accordingly,  in  their  sitting  of  the  twenty-sixth 
of  September,  they  appointed  commissioners  to  the  court  of  France, 
Franklin,  Jefferson  and  Deane,  all  men  of  singular  address,  and 
excellent  judgment.  But  Jefferson  having  excused  himself,  he  was 
replaced  by  Arthur  Lee.  Their  instructions  were,  to  continue  to 
procure  arms  and  munitions;  to  obtain  permission  from  the  govern- 
ment to  fit  out  in  the  French  ports,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States, 
a  number  of  ships  of  war,  in  order  to  harass  the  commerce  of  England; 
and  finally,  to  use  all  proper  means  to  induce  the  court  of  France  to 
conclude  a  treaty  of  alliance,  of  which  the  Congress  had  communi- 
cated the  plan  to  their  commissioners.  They  were  also  directed  to 
solicit  a  loan  of  ten  millions  of  francs,  or  at  least  of  six,  and  even  of 
four,  in  case  they  should  not  be  able  to  obtain  more.  But,  above  all 
things,  they  were  to  endeavor  to  procure  the  recognition  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States.  The  Congress,  knowing  that  what 
caused  the  indecision  of  foreign  princes  on  this  point,  was  the  fear 
that  the  Americans  might  abandon  them  all  at  once,  after  having 
engaged  them  to  espouse  their  cause,  and  return  to  their  ancient  sub- 
mission, enjoined  it  upon  their  commissioners  to  exert  all  their  endea- 
vors to  persuade  his  most  Christian  majesty  that  the  United  States 
-  would  never  again  come  under  the  sceptre  of  the  king  bf  England ; 
that  the  confidence  he  might  deign  to  place  in  their  efforts  and  con- 
stancy, should  not  in  any  time  be  deceived;  that  there  never  should 
be  granted  to  the  English  any  exclusive  traffic,  or  any  commercial 
advantages  and  privileges  greater  than  those  that  should  be  conceded 
to  the  subjects  of  France.  The  Congress  proposed,  besides,  that,  in 
case  of  war  between  France  and  Great  Britain,  the  United  States 
and  France  should  reciprocally  obligate  themselves  to  communicate 
to  each  other  the  negotiations  of  peace  that  might  take  place,  in  order 
that  each  party  might,  if  so  disposed,  participate  therein.  The  com- 
missioners were  ordered  to  solicit  a  new  supply  of  twenty  or  thirty 
thousand  muskets,  with  a  certain  quantity  of  artillery,  and  abundant 
munitions,  all  to  be  conveyed  to  America  in  French  vessels,  but  at 
the  expense  of  the  United  States.  Finally,  that  the  hopes  of  advan- 
tages to  be  derived  from  an  alliance  with  the  Americans,  might  be 
seconded  by  the  fear  of  the  detriment  that  would  result  from  their 
reunion  with  England,  the  Congress  strictly  charged  their  envoys  to 
give  out  that  notwithstanding  the  good  will  of  the  United  States,  they 
would  not  be  able  unassisted,  to  hold  out  for  any  length  of  time  against 


388  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

the  greatly  superior  power  of  Great  Britain  ;  that  therefore  it  was  to 
be  feared,  if  they  were  abandoned  to  themselves,  that  they  would  be 
forced  to  submit,  and  that  the  British  government  would  gain  by  con- 
quest what  would  never  have  been  yielded  by  consent.  Then,  as  to 
Spain,  in  order  to  remove  the  apprehensions  she  might  have  con- 
ceived of  a  revolt  in  her  colonies,  the  commissioner*  were  authorised 
to  assure  her  by  the  most  energetic  protestations,  and  to  persuade 
her,  that  the  Spanish  colonies  should,  in  no  event,  ever  receive  any 
molestation  from  the  United  States.  Finally,  it  was  prescribed  them 
to  use  all  vigilance,  in  order  to  discover  whether  the  British  cabinet 
had  opened  any  new  negotiations  in  Europe  for  subsidising  still  other 
mercenary  troops  to  be  sent  against  America;  and  in  such  case  they 
were  to  endeavor  to  obtain  the  interference  of  France,  to  defeat  so 
pernicious  a  design. 

Furnished  vvitli  these  instructions,  the  American  envoys  commenced 
their  voyage.  Franklin  arrived  at  Nantz  the  thirteenth  of  December, 
and  a  few  days  after,  at  Paris.  For  a  long  time  there  had  not 
appeared  in  this  city  a  man  more  venerable  or  more  venerated,  as 
well  in  consideration  of  his  age,  which  already  exceeded  seventy 
years,  as  for  the  superiority  of  his  genius,  the  vast  extent  of  his 
knowledge,  and  the  brilliant  renown  of  his  virtues.  At  no  epoch, 
perhaps,  have  the  French,  naturally  so  fond  of  novelties,  manifested 
an  equal  expectation.  Their  conversations,  their  writings,  even  their 
thoughts,  appeared  to  have  no  other  object  but  the  cause  of  America. 
It  found  among  them  only  admirers  and  zealous  partisans.  Accord- 
ingly, from  the  moment  the  American  envoy  was  arrived  in  their 
capital,  his  person,  his  actions,  his  words,  his  opinions,  became  the 
object  of  public,  curiosity.  Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  he  assumed 
with  sagacity  a  demeanor  well  suited  to  the  situation  of  his  country 
and  to  his  own.  He  presented  himself  in  every  place  as  the  citizen 
of  an  unfortunate  country,  reduced  to  extremities  by  the  cruelty  of 
Englarvd.  Who  could  remark  his  hoary  locks,  and  tottering  walk, 
without  reflecting  that  this  aged  man  had  traversed  an  immense 
ocean  to  recommend  the  cause  of  his  country  to  those  who  were  able 
to  embrace  its  defence  ?  '  Never  before,'  it  was  exclaimed,  '  has  so 
meritorious  a  work  been  proposed  to  French  generosity  ;  France  is 
the  refuge  of  the  unfortunate,  the  protectress  of  the  oppressed.  The 
war  waged  by  England  against  her  colonies  is  impious  and  barbarous; 
the  blood  she  sheds,  is  innocent  blood  ;  it  is  only  by  the  tutelary 
assistance  of  our  king  that  the  Americans  can  hope  to  be  extricated 
from  their  cruel  embarrassments,  and  to  enjoy  at  length  a  secure  and 
tranquil  existence.'  Franklin  soon  made  choice  of  a  retreat  at 
Passy,  situated  near  Paris  ;  he  appeared  to  deplore  in  this  retirement 
the  misfortunes  of  America.  A  rumor  got  abroad,  and  perhaps  it 
was  purposely  circulated,  that  the  British  government,  taking  umbrage 
at  his  presence,  had  demanded  of  the  court  of  France  that  he  should 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  389 

be  sent  away.  Hence  that  compassion  which  is  naturally  felt  for 
persecuted  virtue,  was  excited  among  all  classes.  He  became  the 
object  of  a  still  more  eager  curiosity.  Whether  accompanied  by 
several  of  his  countrymen,  cruelly  banished  or  proscribed  by  the 
English  government,  he  appeared  in  the  public  walks,  or  whether  he 
presented  himself  in  places  of  public  or  private  resort,  or  in  the 
meetings  of  the  literary  academies,  the  multitude  thronged  to  get  sight 
of  him.  In  all  places  the  portraits  of  Franklin  were  exhibited; 
they  represented  him  with  a  venerable  countenance,  and  dressed,  as 
usual,  in  rather  a  singular  costume,  the  more  to  attract  attention. 
He  lived  at  Passy  in  a  certain  style  of  simplicity,  much  resembling 
that  of  the  ancient  philosophers.  His  humorous  sayings,  and  grave 
aphorisms,  caused  many  to  compare  him  to  Socrates.  The  name  of 
Franklin  was  upon  the  lips  of  every  body;  and  the  mode,  which  so 
often  in  France  directs  public  attention  upon  vain  frivolities,  had  this 
time  attached  itself  to  an  object  worthy  of  all  the  consideration  of 
the  observer. 

But  the  politic  sage,  however  he  might  have  been  gratified  in 
having  drawn  upon  himself  and  upon  his  country  the  attention  and 
interest  of  a  people  so  renowned  for  the  gentleness  of  their  manners, 
desired  to  obtain  more  real  advantages.  Employing  as  much  dexte- 
rity as  mystery,  he  visited  the  ministers  assiduously,  and  availed 
himself  of  the  distinguished  reception  he  found  with  them,  to  promote 
the  interests  of  his  constituents.  His  efforts  were  crowned  with  the 
most  rapid  success  ;  and  the  moment  appeared  already  at  hand,  when 
France  would  no  longer  dissemble  the  vigorous  cooperation  she  had 
determined  to  afford  the  Americans. 

But,  in  the  meantime,  fortune  had  shown  herself  so  unpropitious 
to  the  Americans  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  that  even  the  capital 
of  the  confederation  was  in  great  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  victor.  The  Congress  became  apprehensive  that  when  this 
disastrous  intelligence  should  arrive  in  Europe,  it  might  have  a  fatal 
influence  upon  the  negotiations  opened  by  their  envoys  with  the 
governments  of  France  and  of  Spain  ;  and  that  the  interest  they  had 
hitherto  manifested  in  favor  of  America,  might  be  totally  extinguished. 
The  Congress  therefore  determined  to  renew  their  protestations  to 
the  courts  of  Versailles  and  Madrid,  and  with  more  energy  than 
before,  to  assure  them  that  the  Americans  would  persist  in  their 
enterprise  at  all  hazards  ;  and  at  the  same  time  to  suggest  to  these 
powers  that  the  advantages  they  would  derive  from  their  cooperation 
should  be  more  considerable  than  had  been  promised  them  at  first. 
The  envoys  of  Congress  were  instructed  to  use  all  their  endeavors 
that  France  should  declare  herself  against  England,  by  attacking  the 
electorate  of  Hanover,  or  any  other  part  of  the  British  possessions, 
as  well  in  Europe  as  in  the  East  or  West  Indies.  To  arrive  at  this 
object,  they  were  ordered  to  promise  the  most  Christian  king,  that  if 


390  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

his  majesty  consented  to  break  with  Great  Britain,  the  United  States 
would  join  their  forces  with  his  to  effect  the  conquest  of  the  island  of 
Newfoundland  and  of  Cape  Breton  ;  that  the  subjects  of  the  British 
king,  as  weli  as  those  of  every  other  power,  should  be  forever 
excluded  from  the  cod  fishery  upon  these  banks,  so  that  the  French 
and  the  Americans  only  should  have  the  right  to  carry  it  on  ;  that  the 
king  of  France  should  possess  in  absolute  property  the  half  of  the 
island  of  Newfoundland,  provided  he  would  furnish  the  United  States 
with  the  naval  forces  necessary  to  subdue  the  province  of  Nova 
Scotia  ;  and  that  this  province,  as  well  as  the  remaining  part  of  New- 
foundland, and  the  island  of  Cape  Breton,  should  belong  to  the 
American  republic.  If  these  offers  proved  insufficient  to  decide 
France,  they  were  to  propose  further,  that  the  United  States  were 
ready  to  consent  that  all  the  English  islands  of  the  West  Indies  that 
should  be  conquered  in  the  course  of  the  war  by  the  joint  forces  of 
France  and  America,  should  become  the  entire  property  of  his  most 
Christian  majesty,  and  moreover,  to  effectuate  these  different  con- 
quests, that  the  Americans  would  furnish  provisions  at  their  own 
expense  to  the  value  of  two  millions  of  dollars,  as  also  six  frigates, 
completely  rigged  and  equipped,  ready  for  sea  ;  in  a  word,  that  they 
would  deport  themselves  in  all  respects  as  good  and  faithful  allies. 
Finally,  they  were  authorised  to  stipulate  that  all  the  commerce 
which  should  in  future  be  carried  on  between  the  United  States  and 
the  French  West  Indies,  should  be  exercised  exclusively  by  the 
vessels  belonging  to  the  subjects  of  his  most  Christian  majesty,  or  to 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  As  to  the  king  of  Spain,  the 
Congress  proposed  to  engage,  in  case  he  would  declare  war  against 
Great  Britain,  to  assist  him  in  reducing  the  city  and  port  of  Pensa- 
cola ;  they  offered,  besides,  to  conclude  with  him  a  treaty  of  alliance 
and  coihmerce,  similar  to  that  which  had  been  proposed  to  the  king 
of  France.  The  Americans  added,  that  in  case  it  was  true,  as  it  was 
already  reported,  that  the  king  of  Portugal  had  driven  from  his  ports 
with  outrage,  or  confiscated  their  vessels,  the  United  States  would 
immediately  declare  war  against  him,  if  such  was  the  desire  of  the 
courts  of  France  and  of  Spain.  The  Congress  extended  their  views 
still  further  ;  they  sent  commissioners  to  the  courts  of  Vienna,  of 
Berlin,  and  of  Tuscany,  in  all  which  they  had  recognised  a  sincere 
interest  for  the  cause  of  America.  They  desired  that  these  sove- 
reigns should  be  persuaded  of  the  determination  of  the  United  States 
to  maintain  their  independence.  Their  agents  were  ordered,  espe- 
cially to  exert  themselves  with  assiduity,  in  order  to  induce  the 
emperor  of  Germany  and  the  king  of  Prussia  to  interfere  in  behalf 
of  America  to  prevent  new  levies  of  German  or  Russian  troops,  to 
its  prejudice.  They  had  it  also  in  charge  to  propose  to  the  court  of 
Berlin  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  amity,  provided  it  was  perfectly 
agreeable  to  the  kings  of  France  and  of  Spain.  Such  were  the 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  391 

resolutions  adopted  by  the  Congress  to  confirm  the  state,  threatened, 
in  its  infancy,  with  approaching  ruin.  But  the  assiduity  with  which 
they  prosecuted  their  political  negotiations,  in  no  degree  diminished 
the  vigor  of  their  military  preparations.  They  not  only  manifested 
no  disposition  to  abandon  the  design  of  independence,  and  come  to 
an  arrangement  with  England,  but  it  is  also  seen  that  they  made  no 
proposition  to  the  foreign  powers  that  was  either  demonstrative  of 
despair,  or  unworthy  of  a  state  enjoying  the  entire  plenitude  of  its 
force  and  of  its  freedom.  Certain  members  of  Congress,  it  is  true, 
proposed  resolutions  that  denoted  less  confidence  and  firmness ;  one, 
for  example,  was  disposed  to  authorise  the  commissioners  at  the  court 
of  France  to  transfer  in  favor  of  that  power  the  absolute  monopoly 
of  commerce  which  had  been  enjoyed  by  England  ;  another  suggest- 
ed that  France  should  be  offered  the  exclusive  commerce  of  certain 
articles ;  others,  finally,  proposed  a  treaty  of  alliance  offensive  and 
defensive.  But  the  fortune  of  the  republic  prevailed,  w^iich  had 
reserved  it  a  higher  destiny.  All  these  propositions  were  rejected 
by  ihe  wiser  and  more  numerous  part  of  the  members  of  Congress. 
It  was  evident  that  if  they  had  been  adopted,  they  might  have  been 
considered  as  a  tacit  avowal  of  the  desperate  state  of  affairs,  and 
must  consequently  have  produced  an  effect  directly  contrary  to  that 
which  their  authors  expected  from  them.  Besides,  France  had  quite 
other  and  far  more  cogent  motives  for  breaking  with  England,  and 
such  as  would  suffice  to  induce  her  to  take  this  resolution,  provided 
the  Americans  only  manifested  a  determination  to  combat  to  the  last 
with  unshaken  constancy. 

The  instructions  sent  by  the  Congress  to  their  commissioners, 
were  intercepted  by  the  English,  who  caused  them  to  be  published. 
This  gave  the  Congress  no  regret ;  they  had  no  doubt  that  such  an 
evidence  of  their  unalterable  resolution  to  maintain  their  independ- 
ence, in  ihe  midst  of  so  many  reverses,  would  convince  the  Euro- 
pean princes  who  desired  the  dismemberment  of  the  British  empire, 
that  it  was  time  to  declare  themselves,  unless  they  were  willing  to 
see  the  resistance  of  the  Americans  rendered  fruitless  by  the  inferi- 
ority of  their  forces,  and  the  conquest  of  their  country. 

But  whatever  was  the  constancy  of  Congress,  or  the  attraction  of 
their  proposals  to  foreign  sovereigns,  they  could  little  expect  that,  in 
so  deplorable  a  state  of  their  affairs,  they  would  consent  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  Americans  ;  it  being  but  too  natural,  in  policy,  to 
abandon  those  who  appear  to  be  sinking.  Words  little  avail,  when 
they  are  unsupported  by  arms  and  the  smiles  of  fortune.  But  she 
had  shown  herself  so  hostile  to  America  towards  the  conclusion  of 
the  present  year,  as  to  render  it  but  too  probable  that  two  or  three 
cold  nights,  by  freezing  the  waters  of  the  Delaware,  would  place  in 
the  power  of  the  English,  in  spite  of  all  the  Americans  could  do  to 
prevent  it,  the  capital  of  the  entire  confederation.  And  even  if  the 


392  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII, 

cold  should  not  prove  so  rigorous  as  was  usual  at  this  season,  the 
army  of  Washington,  already  so  weak,  would  be  dissolved  with  the 
expiration  of  the  engagement  of  the  soldiers,  at  the  end  of  the  year. 
Nor  could  it  be  expected,  that  in  so  much  adversity  new  recruits 
would  come  forward  to  replace  the  disbanded  troops.  In  this  stale 
of  things,  the  best  that  could  be  expected  was,  that  after  the  entire 
submission  of  the  more  open  provinces,  the  miserable  fragments  of  the 
American  army  would  seek  refuge  in  the  strongest  places,  in  the 
forests  and  inaccessible  mountains,  when  a  partisan  war  would  com- 
mence, that  could  have  no  decisive  effect  upon  the  fi;ial  issue  of  the 
war.  But  Washington  was  not  discouraged  ;  and  before  the  coming 
of  severe  frost,  or  the  departure  of  the  greater  part  of  his  soldiers 
deprived  him  of  all  power,  he  resolved  by  a  bold  and  well  directed 
movement,  to  make  a  new  trial  of  the  fortune  of  the  republic,  by 
attacking  a  strong  and  victorious  enemy,  who  was  far  from  suspecting 
that  he  could  have  the  thought  of  such  an  attempt.  An  heroic  reso- 
lution, for  which  posterity  ought  to  bear  him  an  eternal  gratitude  ! 
From  this  moment,  the  war  suddenly  assumed  a  new  face,  and 
victory  began  at  length  to  incline  in  favor  of  the  Americans. 

Washington  had  observed  that  general  Howe,  either  to  procure 
more  commodious  quarters  for  his  troops  in  this  rigorous  season,  or 
to  impede  the  Americans  in  recruiting,  or  finally  because  he  believed 
the  war  at  an  end,  and  his  enemy  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  act, 
had  too  far  extended  the  wings  of  his  army,  which  occupied  the 
entire  province  of  New  Jersey  and  the  left  bank  of  the  Delaware, 
from  Trenton  down  to  Burlington.  Colonel  Ralle,  a  Hessian  officer 
of  great  merit,  was  cantoned  in  the  first  of  these  places,  with  his 
brigade  of  infantry  and  a  detachment  of  English  dragoons,  the  whole 
constituting  a  corps  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  hundred  men.  Borden- 
town,  a  few  miles  below,  was  occupied  by  colonel  Donop,  with 
another  brigade  of  Hessians ;  and  still  lower  down  within  twenty 
miles  of  Philadelphia,  was  stationed  another  corps  of  Hessians  and 
English.  Knowing  the  extreme  weakness  of  their  enemy,  and 
holding  him  as  it  were  degraded  by  his  recent  defeats,  .they  kept 
&  negligent  guard.  The  rest  of  the  army  was  lodged  in  places 
more  distant,  and  principally  at  Princeton,  at  New  Brunswick,  arid 
at  Alnboy.  Washington  having  attentively  considered  the  extent  of 
the  enemy's  quarters,  conceived  the  hope  of  surprising  the  corps 
that  were  nearest  to  the  river,  and  too  remote  from  the  others  to  be 
succoured  in  season.  In  order  to  make  his  attack  with  more  order 
and  effect,  he  divided  his  army,  which  consisted  almost  entirely  in 
the  militia  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  into  three  corps,  the  first 
and  most  considerable  of  which  was  to  pass  the  Delaware  at  Mac- 
kenky's  Ferry,  about  nine  miles  above  Trenton.  The  commander- 
in-chief,  accompanied  by  generals  Sullivan  and  Greene,  had  reserved 
to  himself  the  conduct  of  this  corps,  to  which  a  few  pieces  of  artillery 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  393 

were  attached.  It  was  destined  to  attack  Trenton.  The  second 
division,  under  the  command  of  general  Irwin,  was  directed  to  cross 
at  Trenton  Ferry,  about  a  mile  below  the  village  of  this  name,  and 
having  reached  the  left  bank,  to  seize  without  loss  of  time,  the  bridge 
over  the  little  river  Assumpink,  in  order  to  intercept  the  retreat  of 
the  enemy  when  he  should  be  dislodged  from  Trenton  by  the  divi- 
sion under  Washington.  Finally,  the  third  corps,  commanded  by 
general  Cadvvallader,  was  ordered  to  pass  the  river  at  Bristol,  and 
proceed  to  take  post  at  Burlington.  The  night  of  Christmas  was 
appointed  for  the  expedition.  The  dispositions  being  made  accord- 
ing to  the  plan  above  mentioned,  the  Americans  proceeded  with 
admirable  order  and  silence  towards  the  Delaware.  The  chiefs 
exhorted  their  soldiers  to  be  firm  and  valiant,  to  wash  out  the  stains 
of  Long  Island,  of  New  York,  and  of  New  Jersey  ;  they  represented 
to  them  the  necessity,  the  glory,  and  the  brilliant  fruits  of  victory  ; 
they  incessantly  reminded  them  that  this  night  was  about  to  decide 
the  fate  of  their  country.  An  extreme  ardor  manifested  itself 
throughout  the  ranks.  The  three  columns  arrived  in  the  dusk  of 
evening  at  the  bank  of  the  river.  Washington  had  hoped  that  the 
passage  of  the  troops,  and  transportation  of  the  artillery,  might  have 
been  effectuated  before  midnight,  so  as  to  have  time  to  reach  the 
destined  points  by  break  of  day,  and  to  surprise  the  enemy  at 
Trenton.  But  the  cold  was  so  intense,  and  the  river  so  obstructed 
with  floating  ice,  that  it  was  impossible  to  cross  and  to  land  the 
artillery  earlier  than  four  in  the  morning.  All  the  troops  having  at 
length  gained  the  left  bank,  the  first  corps  was  parted  into  two  divi- 
sions, one  of  which,  turning  to  the  right,  marched  towards  Trenton, 
by  the  road  which  runs  along  the  river  ;  the  other,  guided  by  Wash- 
ington in  person,  took  the  upper  or  Pennington  road.  The  distance, 
by  either  route,  being  nearly  equal,  it  was  hoped  that  the  two  columns 
might  arrive  at  the  same  time.  It  was  enjoined  them  to  engage  in 
combat  without  any  delay,  and  after  having  driven  in  the  outposts,  to 
fall  immediately  upon  the  main  body  of  4he  enemy,  at  Trenton, 
without  giving  him  time  to  recover  from  his  surprise.  They  ex- 
erted all  their  efforts  to  arrive  before  day ;  but  a  thick  fog,  and  a 
mist  mingled  with  sleet,  which  rendered  the  road  slippery,  retarded 
their  march.  The  two  divisions,  however,  reached  Trenton  at  eight 
o'clock.  Notwithstanding  so  many  obstacles,  and  the  hour  already 
so  late,  the  Hessians  of  colonel  Ralle  had  no  suspicion  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  enemy. 

The  Americans  having,  therefore,  fallen  unexpectedly  upon  the 
advanced  guards,  routed  them  immediately.  Colonel  Ralle  sent  his 
regknent  to  their  succour,  in  order  to  sustain  the  first  shock,  and  to 
give  time  for  the  rest  of  his  forces  to  arrange  themselves  for  defence. 
But  the  first  line  involved  the  second  in  disorder,  and  both  fell  back 
tumultuously  upon  Trenton.  Colonel  Ralle  having  hastily  drawn 
VOL.  i.  50 


394  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Vll. 

out  his  Hessians,  advanced  to  encounter  the  enemy  in  the  open 
field  ;  but  he  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  first  onset,  and  the 
Americans  charging  the  Germans  with  great  fury,  the  latter  betook 
themselves  to  flight,  leaving  upon  the  field  six  pieces  of  light  artillery. 
They  attempted  to  escape  by  the  road  of  Princeton,  but  Washington 
percejving  it,  despatched  several  companies  to  preoccupy  the  way, 
who  received  the  fugitives  in  front.  Thus,  surrounded  on  every 
side,  the  three  German  regiments  of  Ralle,  of  Anspach,  and  of 
Knyphausen,  were  constrained  to  lay  down  arms  and  surrender  at 
discretion.  Some  few,  and  chiefly  cavalry  or  light  infantry,  in  all 
not  exceeding  five  hundred  men,  succeeded  in  effecting  their  escape 
by  the  lower  road  which  leads  to  Bordentown.  Another  detachment 
of  Hessians,  who  were  out  this  same  morning  upon  a  foraging  excur- 
sion, at  some  distance  from  their  camp,  warned  by  the  noise,  and  after- 
wards by  the  flight  of  their  countrymen,  retired  precipitately  to 
Princeton.  General  Irwin  had  exerted  his  utmost  endeavors  to  pass 
the  river  at  the  time  prescribed,  in  order  to  take  part  in  the  action  ; 
but  the  floating  ice  was  so  accumulated,  in  this  part  of  the  river,  as 
to  render  the  passage  absolutely  impracticable.  This  part  of  the 
Hessians,  therefore,  had  the  facility  of  retiring  in  safety  to  Borden- 
town. General  Cadwallader  was  not  more  fortunate  in  the  attempt 
he  made  to  cross  lower  down,  and  to  take  post  at  Burlington,  pursu- 
ant to  the  plan  of  attack.  When  a  part  of  his  infantry  had  reached 
the  left  bank,  it  was  found  impossible  to  advance  with  the  artillery  ; 
unable,  therefore,  to  act  with  any  effect,  and  finding  himself  in  a 
perilous  situation,  he  repassed  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Delaware. 
Thus  the  design  of  the  commander-in-chief  was  accomplished  only 
in  part ;  but  the  event  demonstrated,  that  if  the  rigorous  cold  of  this 
night  had  not  prevented  its  entire  execution,  all  the  royal  troops  that 
were  stationed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  river,  would  have  been  sur- 
rounded and  taken.  The  loss  of  the  Hessians,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
amounted  only  to  thirty  or  forty,  but  the  number  of  prisoners  was  at 
first  upwards  of  nine  hundred,  and  even  exceeded  a  thousand,  when 
all  those  were  collected  who  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  houses. 
After  having  obtained  this  success,  Washington  paused  ;  not  willing 
to  lose  by  imprudence  the  advantages  he  owed  to  the  wisdom  of  his 
measures.  His  forces  were  not  sufficient  to  cope  with  those  which 
the  English  generals  could  have  assembled  in  a  few  hours.  A  strong 
corps  of  light  infantry  was  quartered  at  Princeton,  a  town  only  a 
few  miles  distant  from  Trenton  ;  to  this  might  easily  have  been 
joined  the  brigade  of  Donop,  and  other  battalions  that  were  cantoned 
in  the  neighboring  places.  The  Americans  consequently  evacuated 
Trenton,  and  passed  over  to  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  with  their 
prisoners,  and  the  trophies  of  their  victory.  Their  generals  resolved 
to  make  the  most  of  it,  in  order  to  revive  the  courage  and  confidence 
of  the  dispirited  people.  They  caused  the  captive  Hessians  to 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  395 

defile,  with  a  sort  of  triumphal  pomp,  through  the  streets  of  Phila- 
delphia, followed  by  their  arms  and  banners.  And  yet  such  was  the 
terror  inspired  by  the  very  name  of  these  Germans,  that  even  at  the 
moment  in  which  they  traversed  the  city  as  vanquished  and  prison- 
ers, many  of  the  inhabitants  suspected  it  was  only  a  stratagem  of 
their  own  leaders  to  animate  them  ;  so  impossible  it  seemed  to  them 
that  warriors  from  Germany  should  have  been  overcome  by  Ameri- 
can soldiers.  The  English  appeared  to  them  far  less  formidable, 
because  they  knew  them.  Man  is  naturally  disposed  to  fear  most 
those  objects  of  which  he  has  the  least  knowledge  ;  the  uncouth 
language,  the  novel  manners,  and  even  the  dress  of  the  German 
soldiers,  inspired  a  certain  dread.  But  when  they  were  satisfied  that 
the  spectacle  they  beheld  was  not  an  illusion,  words  cannot  describe 
their  exultation  at  so  unexpected  a  success ;  having  at  first  rated  the 
Hessians  far  above  the  English,  they  now  held  them  as  much  below. 
And,  in  effect,  this  affair  of  Trenton  had  so  changed  the  face  of 
things,  that  the  public  rnind  was  rapidly  elevated  from  despondency 
to  an  extreme  confidence.  The  English  themselves  could  not  re- 
mark without  astonishment  this  sudden  metamorphosis  in  an  enemy 
whom  they  considered  as  already  vanquished  and  quelled.  They 
were  unable  to  conceive  how  troops  of  such  high  renown  had  been 
compelled  to  lay  down  arms  before  militia,  hastily  collected,  ill  pro- 
vided with  arms,  and  totally  devoid  of  discipline.  Hence,  as  it 
happens  in  reverses,  suspicions,  reproaches,  and  accusations  arose 
on  all  parts.  It  was  vociferated  that  the  English  general  had  too  far 
extended  his  quarters  ;  that  colonel  Ralle  had  committed  an  impru- 
dence, finding  himself  the  weaker,  in  marching  out  of  his  quarters  to 
charge  the  enemy ;  that  he  had,  besides,  neglected  his  guard  ;  and 
that  his  soldiers,  instead  of  being  at  their  posts,  were  gone  out  in 
quest  of  plunder.  However  this  might  have  been,  the  entire  British 
army  put  itself  in  motion  ;  colonel  Donop,  trembling  for  himself  and 
for  his  corps,  retired  with  precipitation,  by  the  way  of  Amboy,  to 
unite  with  general  Leslie  at  Princeton  ;  and  general  Grant,  who 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army  occupied  New  Brunswick,  advanced 
upon  Princeton  to  join  the  vanguard,  stationed  at  that  place.  Lord 
Cornwallis  himself,  who  was  then  at  New  York,  on  the  point  of 
embarking  for  England,  at  the  news  of  this  fatal  event,  returned  with 
the  utmost  expedition  into  New  Jersey.  /But  the  Americans  felt 
their  courage  revive ;  on  all  parts  they  ran  to  arms,  and  the  forces 
of  Washington  were  so  increased  that  he  conceived  the  design  of 
more  extensive  operations,  and  thought  himself  in  a  situation  to 
attempt  an  expedition  upon  the  frontiers -of  New  Jersey.  Accord- 
ingly, he  ordered  general  Cadwallader  to  pass  the  Delaware,  and 
take  a  strong  position  upon  the  left  bank ;  but  to  advance  with  ex- 
treme caution,  and  to  avoid  unexpected  rencounters.  General 
Mifflin,  with  a  considerable  corps  of  Pennsylvania  militia,  had  joined 


396  THE    AMERICAN    VVAll.  BOOK  VII. 

general  Irwin,  and  they  both  crossed  the  river.  Washington  himself 
followed  them  immediately,  and  concentrated  all  his  troops  at  Tren- 
ton. Here  the  militia  of  New  England,  whose  term  of  service  was 
expired,  were  inclined  to  quit  the  army,  and  go  to  their  homes  ;  but 
the  instances  of  their  generals,  and  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars,  induced 
the  greater  part  of  them  to  remain.  The  English,  who  had  assem- 
bled in  great  strength  in  Princeton,  resolved  to  lose  no  time,  but  to 
go  and  attack  Washington  in  his  quarters  at  Trenton,  before  he 
should  receive  new  reenforcements ;  they  also  hoped  that  the  expi- 
ration of  engagements  would  greatly  reduce  the  number  of  his 
soldiers. 

1777.  The  second  of  January,  lord  Cornwallis  marched  with  the 
vanguard  towards  Trenton,  where  he  arrived  about  four  in  the  morn- 
ing. The  rear  guard  was  posted  at  Maidenhead,  a  village  situated 
half  way  between  Princeton  and  Trenton  ;  other  regiments  were  on 
the  march  from  New  Brunswick,  to  reenforce  the  principal  army. 
Washington,  finding  the  enemy  in  such  force,  and  so  near,  retired 
behind  the  river  of  Trenton,  also  called  the  Assumpink,  where  he 
set  about  intrenching  himself,  having  first  secured  the  bridge.  The 
English  attempted  the  passage  at  various  points,  but  every  where 
without  success  ;  all  the  fords  being  diligently  guarded.  A  cannon- 
ade was  engaged,  which  produced  little  effect,  though  it  lasted  until 
night ;  the  Americans  stood  firm  in  their  intrenchments.  Cornwallis 
waited  for  reenforcements,  intending  to  advance  to  the  assault  the 
day  following  ;  but  his  adversary  was  not  disposed  to  put  so  much 
at  stake.  On  the  other  hand,  to  repass  the  Delaware,  then  more 
than  ever  obstructed  with  floating  ice.  in  the  presence  of  a  formida- 
ble enemy,  was  too  perilous  an  operation  to  be  attempted  without 
temerity.  Washington  therefore  found  himself  anew  in  a  very  criti- 
cal position  ;  but  it  was  then  that  he  embraced  a  resolution  remark- 
able for  its  intrepidity.  Reflecting  that  he  was  advanced  too  far  to 
be  able  to  retreat  without  manifest  danger,  he  determined  to  abandon 
all  at  once  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  and  to  carry  the  war  into  the 
very  heart  of  New  Jersey.  He  considered  that  Cornwallis,  in  all 
probability,  would  apprehend  being  cut  off  from  the  province  of  New 
York,  and  fearing  besides  for  the  magazines  at  New  Brunswick, 
which  were'  abundantly  stocked  for  the  service  of  the  whole  British 
army,  would  himself  also  retire  from  the  river ;  and  thus  the  city  of 
Philadelphia  would  be  preserved,  a  great  part  of  New  Jersey  reco- 
vered, and  defensive  war  changed  into  offensive  ;  advantages  which 
could  not  but  animate  the  inhabitants  with  new  courage.  If  the 
English  general  persisted  in  his  design,  he  passed  the  river,  indeed 
without  obstacle,  and  became  master  of  Philadelphia.  But  whatever 
were  to  be  the  effects  of  this  disastrous  event,  it  was  better  to  aban- 
don Philadelphia,  and  preserve  the  army  entire,  than  to  lose  at  the 
same  time  both  the  one  and  the  other.  This  plan  having  been 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  397 

approved  in  a  council  of  war,  composed  of  all  the  generals  of  the 
army,  dispositions  were  immediately  commenced  for  carrying  it 
promptly  into  effect.  The  baggage  was  *sent  down  to  Burlington  ; 
and  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  enemy  appearing  perfectly 
tranquil,  the  Americans  rekindled  the  fires  of  their  camp,  and  leav- 
ing guards  at  the  bridge  and  fords,  with  orders  to  continue  the  usual 
rounds  and  patrols,  they  defiled  with  equal  promptitude  and  silence. 
Taking  the  road  of  Allentown,  which  is  the  longest,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  Assumpink,  and  the  encounter  of  the  enemy  at  Maiden- 
head, they  proceeded  towards  Princeton.  Three  English  regiments 
had  lodged  there  this  same  night ;  two  of  them,  at  break  of  day, 
had  renewed  their  march  for  Maidenhead.  The  Americans  suddenly 
appeared  and  charged  them  with  great  impetuosity.  But  the  Eng- 
lish defended  themselves  so  vigorously,  that  the  American  militia, 
faced  about,  and  retired  in  disorder.  General  Mercer  in  attempting 
to  rally  them,  was  mortally  wounded.  Washington  seeing  the  rout 
of  the  vanguard,  and  perfectly  aware  that  the  loss  of  the  day  would 
involve  the  total  ruin  of  his  army,  immediately  advanced  at  the  head 
of  his  select  corps,  composed  of  the  conquerors  of  Trenton,  and 
restored  the  battle.  The  two  English  regiments  overwhelmed  by 
the  number  and  fury  of  the  assailants,  were  separated,  the  one  from 
the  other,  and  found  themselves  in  the  most  perilous  position.  Colo- 
nel Mawhood,  who  commanded  one  of  them,  after  having  intrepidly 
sustained  the  attack  for  some  moments,  made  a  violent  effort,  and 
opening  his  way  with  the  bayonet  through  the  ranks  of  the  enemy, 
retired  in  safety  to  Maidenhead.  The  other,  which  formed  the  rear 
guard,  finding  itself,  after  a  vigorous  struggle,  unable  to  follow  the 
first,  returned  by  the  way  of  Hillsborough  to  New  Brunswick.  The 
third,  which  was  found  still  at  Princeton,  retreated  also,  after  a  light 
conflict,  with  great  precipitation  to  Brunswick.  About  one  hundred 
of  the  English  were  killed  in  this  affair,  and  upwards  of  three  hun- 
dred made  prisoners.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  slain,  was 
nearly  equal ;  but  of  this  number  was  general  Mercer,  an  able  and 
experienced  officer  of  the  province  of  Virginia.  He  was  universally 
regretted,  but  especially  by  Washington,  who  bore  him  great  esteem 
and  affection. 

After  the  combat,  the  Americans  occupied  Princeton.  At  break 
of  day,  lord  Cornwallis  having  perceived  that  the  Americans  had 
deserted  their  camp  of  Trenton,  and  soon  penetrating  what  was" 
their  design,  abandoned  in  like  manner  his  own,  and  marched  with 
all  expedition  towards  Brunswick,  fearing,  lest  the  baggage  and 
munitions  he  had  accumulated  there,  should  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  He  arrived  at  Princeton  almost  at  the  same  time  with 
the  American  rear  guard.  Washington,  found  himself  again  in 
imminent  danger.  His  soldiers  fell  with  sleep,  having  taken  no 
repose  for  the  two  preceding  days ;  hunger  tormented  them,  and 


398  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

they  were  almost  naked  in  this  rigorous  season.  The  enemy  who 
pursued  them,  besides  the  advantage  of  number,  had  every  thing  in 
abundance.  Thus  situated,  far  from  the  hope  of  continuing  to  act 
offensively,  it  was  much  for  him  if  he  could  retire  without  loss  to  a 
place  of  security  ;  wherefore,  departing  abruptly  from  Princeton,  he 
moved  with  rapidity  towards  the  upper  and  mountainous  parts  of 
New  Jersey.  To  retard  the  enemy,  he  destroyed  the  bridges  over 
the  Millstone  river,  which  runs  between  Princeton  and  Brunswick. 
Having  afterwards  passed  the  Rariton,  a  more  considerable  river,  he 
proceeded  to  occupy  Pluckernin,  where  his  troops  refreshed  them- 
selves, after  so  many  toils  and  sufferings.  But  soon  finding  that  his 
army  was  too  feeble,  and  also  that  it  was  daily  diminished  by  mala- 
dies and  desertion,  he  resolved  to  encamp  higher  up,  and  in  a  place 
of  more  security.  After  necessity  had  constrained  him  to  make  trial 
of  fortune  by  adventurous  feats,  he  was  disposed  to  become  again 
the  master  of  his  movements,  and  to  take  counsel  of  prudence  alone. 
He  retired,  accordingly,  to  Morristown,  in  upper  Jersey.  Cornwal- 
lis,  despairing  of  being  able  to  continue  the  pursuit  with  success, 
directed  his  march  to  New  Brunswick,  where  he  found  general 
Matthews,  who,  in  the  violence  of  his  terror,  had  commenced  the 
removal  of  the  baggage  and  warlike  stores.  But  Washington,  hav- 
ing received  the  few  fresh  battalions  of  infantry,  and  his  little  army 
being  recovered  from  .their  fatigues,  soon  entered  the  field  anew, 
and  scoured  the  whole  country  as  far  as  the  Rariton.  He  even 
crossed  this  river,  and  penetrating  into  the  county  of  Essex,  made 
himself  master  of  Newark,  of  Elizabethtown,  and,  finally,  of  Wood- 
bridge  ;  so  that  he  commanded  the  entire  coast  of  New  Jersey,  in 
front  of  Staten  Island.  He  so  judiciously  selected  his  positions,  and 
fortified  them  so  formidably,  that  the  royalists  shrunk  from  all  attempt 
to  dislodge  him  from  any  of  them.  Thus  the  British  army,  after 
having  overrun  victoriously  the  whole  of  New  Jersey,  quite  to  the 
Delaware,  and  caused  even  the  city  of  Philadelphia  to  tremble  for 
its  safety,  found  itself  now  restricted  to  the  two  only  posts  of  New 
Brunswick  and  Arnboy,  which,  moreover,  could  have  no  communi- 
cation with  New  York,  except  by  sea.  Thus  by  an  army  almost 
reduced  to  extremity,  Philadelphia  was  saved,  Pennsylvania  pro- 
tected, New  Jersey  nearly  recovered,  and  a  victorious  and  powerful 
enemy  laid  under  the  necessity  of  quitting  all  thoughts  of  acting 
offensively,  in  order  to  defend  himself. 

Achievements  so  astonishing  acquired  an  immense  glory  for  the 
captain-general  of  the  United  States.  All  nations  shared  in  the  sur- 
prise of  the  Americans ;  all  equally  admired  and  applauded  the 
prudence,  the  constancy,  and  the  noble  intrepidity  of  general  Wash- 
ington. An  unanimous  voice  pronounced  him  the  savior  of  his 
country  ;  all  extolled  him  as  equal  to  the  most  celebrated  command- 
ers of  antiquity ;  all  proclaimed  him  the  Fabius  of  America.  His 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  399 

name  was  in  the  mouth  of  all ;  he  was  celebrated  by  the  pens  of  the 
most  distinguished  writers.  The  most  illustrious  personages  of  Eu- 
rope lavished  upon  him  their  praises  and  their  congratulations.  The 
American  general,  therefore,  wanted  neither  a  cause  full  of  grandeur 
to  defend,  nor  occasion  for  the  acquisition  of  glory,  nor  genius  to 
avail  himself  of  it,  nor  the  renown  due  to  his  tiiuraphs,  nor  an  entire 
generation  of  men  perfectly  well  disposed  to  render  him  homage. 

Reposing  new  confidence  in  their  general,  and  having  seen  that  it 
was  his  arm  which  had  retrieved  the  public  fortune,  the  Congress 
decreed  that  in  all  councils  of  war,  Washington  should  not  be  bound 
by  the  plurality  of  voices,  nor  by  the  opinion  of  the  general  officers 
he  might  think  proper  to  consult.  They  even  preferred  that  in  all 
circumstances  he  should  take  such  resolutions  as  might  appear  to 
him  the  most  likely  to  prove  advantageous.  The  Congress  immedi- 
ately after  returned  to  Philadelphia,  with  a  view  of  encouraging  the 
people  still  more.  There  passed  nothing  of  importance  during  the 
rest  of  the  winter  and  the  greater  part  of  the  spring,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  some  skirmishes,  of  which  the  usual  effect  was  to  harass  and 
fatigue  the  English  army,  and  to  inspire  the  Americans  with  greater 
confidence  in  themselves.  The  royal  troops,  as  we  have  said,  were 
locked  up  in  the  two  villages  of  Brunswick  arid  Amboy,  whence  they 
rarely  ventured  to  make  excursions;  they  could  not  go  out  to  plunder, 
nor  even  to  forage,  without  extreme  peril.  Not  only  the  soldiers  of 
Washington,  but  even  the  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey,  transported  with 
rage  at  the  shocking  excesses  committed  by  the  English,  and  espe- 
cially by  the  Hessians,  prepared  frequont  ambuscades  for  these  pre- 
datory bands,  and  exterminated  them  by  surprise.  Those  who  could 
not  bear  arms,  performed  the  office  of  spies,  so  that  whenever  the 
royalists  made  a  movement,  the  republicans  were  apprised  of  it,  and 
prepared  to  oppose  it.  This  sudden  change  in  the  disposition  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  after  the  occupation  of  New  York,  had  shown  them- 
selves so  favorable  to  the  royal  cause,  must  be  attributed  entirely  to 
the  unheard  of  ferocity  with  which  the  English  carried  on  the  war. 
An  universal  cry  was  heard  in  America  against  the  cruelties,  the 
massacres,  the  rapes,  and  the  ravages,  perpetrated  by  their  soldiers. 
And  even  supposing  that  their  crimes  were  exaggerated,  the  truth  is 
still  but  too  horrible.  The  Hessians,  as  if  they  had  believed  them- 
selves released  from  all  respect  for  humanity  and  justice,  knew  no 
other  mode  of  making  war  but  that  of  carrying  devastation  into  the 
midst,  of  all  the  property,  whether  public  or  private,  of  their  adversa- 
ries. It  was  published  at  the  time,  that  the  Germans  had  been  taught 
to  believe,  that  all  the  lands  they  could  conquer  in  America  should 
become  their  own  property,  which  led  them  to  consider  the  possess- 
ors of  them  as  their  natural  enemies,  whom  they  were  bound  to 
exterminate  in  every  possible  mode.  But,  that  finding  themselves 
not  likely  to  profit  by  this  expectation,  they  set  about  plundering  and 

•  | 


* 


400  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  BOOK  Vlf, 

destroying  whatever  they  could  lay  their  hands  upon.  It  was  also 
affirmed,  that  this  rapacious  soldiery  had  so  burthened  themselves 
with  booty,  as  to  become  almost  incapable  of  service.  The  violent 
hatred  which  the  Americans  manifested  for  the  Hessians,  rendered 
them  but  the  more  outrageous  in  their  depredations.  Men  accustomed 
to  liberty,  could  not  behold  without  abhorrence  these  brutal  merce- 
naries, c  who,  not  content,'  they  said,  '  with  submitting  to  be  slaves  in 
their  own  country,  are  willing,  for  a  few  pence,  to  become  the  instru- 
ments of  tyranny  with  others,  and  come  to  interfere  in  a  domestic 
quarrel,  in  which  they  have  no  interest.'  '  Why,'  added  the  Ameri- 
cans, { have  they  left  their  homes  in  the  old  world  to  contribute  in  the 
new  to  the  butchery  of'  an  innocent  and  generous  people,  who  had 
never  offended  them ;  who,  on  the  contrary,  had  exercised  a  noble 
hospitality  towards  a  multitude  of  their  ancestors,  who  sought  refuge 
from  a  tyranny  similar  to  what  their  countrymen  were  now  attempt- 
ing to  establish  in  America  ?'  This  language  did  but  the  more  exas- 
perate the  Germans;  they  manifested  their  fury  by  the  most  atrocious 
actions.  It  was  a  terrible  and  lamentable  spectacle,  to  behold  these 
fertile  fields  covered  with  ashes  and  with  ruins.  Friends  and  foes, 
republicans  and  loyalists,  all  shared  a  common  fate.  Wives  and 
daughters  suffered  violence  in  the  houses,  and  even  before  the 
eyes  of  their  husbands  and  fathers ;  many  fled  into  the  forests ; 
but  could  find  no  refuge  even  there  from  the  brutal  rage  of  these 
barbarians,  who  pursued  them.  The  houses  were  either  burnt  or 
demolished ;  the  cattle  either  driven  off  or  killed  ;  nothing  escaped 
their  thirst  of  devastation.  The  Hessian  general  Heister,  far  from 
endeavoring  to  repress  this  licentious  soldiery,  seemed  to  have  given 
them  a  free  rein.  The  English  general  wished,  but  had  not  the 
power,  to  curb  them.  The  Hessians  were  as  numerous  as  the  Eng- 
lish themselves,  and  it  was  not  thought  prudent  to  offend  them. 
Their  example  became  infectious  for  the  British  troops,  and  they 
were  soon  found  to  vie  with  the  Germans  in  all  the  scenes  of  violence, 
outrage,  cruelty,  and  plunder.  New  Jersey  presented  only  the  ves- 
tiges of  havoc  and  desolation.  Complaints  arose  from  all  parts  of 
America ;  and  they  were  echoed  throughout  Europe,  to  the  heavy 
reproach  of  England.  Among  the  indignant  nations,  the  French 
were  especially  distinguished ;  naturally  humane,  enemies  to  the 
English,  and  partisans  of  the  Americans.  It  was  exclaimed  every 
where,  that  the  English  government  had  revived  in  the  new  world  the 
fury  of  the  Goths,  and  the  barbarity  of  the  northern  Hordes.  But 
so  much  immanity  returned  upon  its  source,  and  became  more  fatal 
to  its  authors  than  to  their  victims.  The  few  remaining  friends  that 
England  had,  became  enemies,  and  her  enemies  were  filled  with 
new  hatred,  and  a  more  vehement  desire  of  vengeance. 

Citizens  of  all  classes  flew  to   arms  with  a  sort  of  rage,  to  expel 
rom  their  territory,  as  they  said,  these  infamous  robbers.     Thus  the 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  401 

excesses  of  the  royal  army  were  not  less,  and  perhaps  more,  preju- 
dicial to  the  British  cause  than  even  the  efforts  of  Washington  and 
the  resolutions  of  Congress.  But  it  must  be  admitted,  that  this  ardor 
of  pillage  had  also  contaminated  the  American  army.  The  houses 
and  property  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey  were 
sacked  under  pretext  that  they  belonged  to  loyalists  ;  the  officers 
themselves  gave  their  soldiers  the  example  of  depredation.  Thus 
they  were  pillaged  by  the  Hessians  and  English  as  rebels  to  the  king, 
and  by  the  Americans  as  being  his  partisans.  These  excesses  be- 
came so  revolting,  that  Washington,  to  whom  they  caused  infinite 
pain,  was  constrained,  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  them,  to  issue  a  pro- 
clamation denouncing  the  most  rigorous  penalties  against  the  perpe- 
trators of  such  enormities. 

At  this  epoch,  the  loyalists  manifested  a  spirit  of  revolt  in  the 
counties  of  Somerset  and  Worcester,  in  Maryland,  and  in  that  of 
Sussex,  in  the  state  of  Delaware  ;  as  also  in  the  neighborhood  of  Al- 
bany, and  in  the  country  of  the  Mohawks.  Troops  were  sent  to  these 
places,  in  order  to  overawe  the  disaffected  ;  the  Congress  ordered  that 
suspected  persons  should  be  arrested  and  detained  in  secure  places. 

About  the  same  time,  general  Heath,  who  guarded  the  high  lands 
of  New  York,  summoned  Fort  Independence,  situated  in  the  vicinity 
of  Kingsbridge.  But  the  commander  of  the  garrison  answered  with 
intrepidity,  and  prepared  himself  for  a  vigorous  resistance.  The 
Americans  despairing  of  success  by  assault,  abandoned  the  enterprise, 
and  returned  to  their  high  and  inaccessible  positions. 

General  Howe  not  making  any  movement  at  the  commencement 
of  the  year,  indicative  of  an  intention  to  enter  the  field  very  shortly, 
Washington  resolved  to  avail  himself  of  this  interval  of  repose  to 
deliver  his  army  from  the  smallpox,  a  scourge  so  formidable  in  these 
climates.  It  had  made  such  terrible  ravages  the  preceding  year  in 
the  army  of  the  north,  that  but  for  the  obstacles  the  English  had 
encountered  upon  the  lakes,  nothing  would  have  prevented  them  from 
penetrating  to  the  Hudson.  The  army  of  the  middle  was  threatened 
with  a  similar  calamity.  Washington  therefore  judged  it  necessary 
to  subject  all  his  troops,  as  well  as  the  militia  that  joined  him  from 
different  parts,  to  a  general  inoculation.  The  affair  was  conducted 
with  so  much  prudence  in  the  camp  that  no  occasion  was  offered  the 
enemy  to  disturb  its  tranquillity.  The  physicians  of  the  hospital  of 
Philadelphia  were  ordered  at  the  same  time,  to  inoculate  all  the  sol- 
diers who  traversed  that  city,  on  their  way  to  join  the  army.  The 
same  precautions  were  taken  in  the  other  military  stations,  and  thus 
the  army  was  totally  exempted  from  an  evil,  which  might  have  clrsh- 
ed  with  the  success  of  the  ensuing  campaign.  The  example  of  the 
soldiery  proved  a  signal  benefit  to  the  entire  population  ;  the  salutary 
practice  of  inoculation  soon  became  general ;  and,  by  little  and  little, 
this  fatal  malady  disappeared  entirely. 

VOL.    I.  51 


402  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

Meanwhile,  the  month  of  March  was  near  its  conclusion,  and  the 
defect  of  tents  and  other  camp  equipage  which  general  Howe  ex- 
pected from  England,  had  not  yet  permitted  him  to  open  the  cam- 
paign. He  resolved,  nevertheless,  to  attempt  some  expedition,  which 
might  occasion  a  sensible  prejudice  to  the  enemy.  The  Americans 
during  the  winter,  had  formed  immense  magazines  of  provisions^ 
forage,  and  stores  of  all  sorts,  in  that  rough  and  mountainous  tract 
called  Courtland  Manor.  The  great  natural  strength  of  the  country, 
the  vicinity  of  the  Hudson  river,  with  its  convenience  in  respect  to 
the  seat  of  war,  had  induced  the  American  generals  to  make  choice 
of  these  heights  for  their  general  repository.  A  little  town  called 
Peek's  Kill,  which  lies  about  fifty  miles  up  the  river  from  New  York, 
served  as  a  kind  of  port  to  this  natural  citadel,  by  which  it  both 
received  provisions,  and  dispensed  supplies.  As  a  general  attempt 
upon  Courtiand  Manor  presented  insurmountable  difficulties,  not  only 
from  the  strength  of  the  country  and  impracticability  of  the  ground, 
but  from  the  force  of  the  corps  that  were  stationed  in  that  quarter, 
the  English  general  confined  his  views  to  an  attack  upon  Peek's  Kill. 
His  troops  were  sent  on  board  transports  up  the  river  for  this  service ; 
the  Americans,  upon  the  approach  of  the  British  armament,  finding 
themselves  unequal  to  the  defence  of  the  place,  and  that  there  was 
no  possible  time  to  evacuate  the  magazines,  set  fire  to  them,  and 
retired.  The  English  landed  without  delay.  The  damage  was 
considerable  ;  but  not  so  great  as  general  Howe  had  been  led  to 
expect,  though  greater  than  the  Americans  would  acknowledge.  The 
English  a  few  days  after  undertook  a  similar  expedition,  upon  the 
borders  of  Connecticut.  The  Americans  had  deposited  large  quan- 
tities of  stores  and  provisions  in  the  town  or  village  of  Danbury,  in 
the  county  of  Fairfield.  The  charge  of  this  enterprise  was  com- 
mitted to  general  Tryon ;  who,  besides  the  destruction  of  these 
stores,  had  flattered  himself  with  finding  a  junction  of  many  loyalists 
in  that  quarter,  as  soon  as  he  should  appear  with  the  troops  of  the 
king.  He  appeared  not  to  doubt  it,  in  consequence  of  the  confi- 
dence he  placed  in  the  assertions  of  the  refugees ;  always  prompt  to 
believe  what  they  strongly  desire.  The  twenty-fifth  of  April,  a  de- 
tachment of  two  thousand  men,  having  passed  through  the  sound, 
landed  after  sun-set  upon  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  between  Fair- 
field  and  Norwalk.  They  advanced  without  interruption,  and  arrived 
at  Danbury  the  following  day.  Colonel  Huntingdon,  who  occupied 
this  place  with  a  feeble  garrison,  retired  at  the  approach  of  the  ene- 
my, to  a  stronger  position  in  the  rear.  As  the  English  could  pro- 
cure no  carriages,  to  bring  off  the  stores  and  provisions,  they  imme- 
diately proceeded  to  the  destruction  of  the  magazine.  The  loss  was 
serious  to  the  American  army,  and  particularly  in  the  article  of  seve- 
ral hundred  tents,  of  which  it  had  great  need,  and  which  were  the 
more  regretted  as  the  materials  were  wanting  to  replace  them.  The 
loyalists  made  not  the  least  movement. 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  403 

Meanwhilej  the  whole  country  was  in  agitation.  The  militia, 
eager  to  manifest  their  devotion  to  the  republic,  had  assembled  at 
Reading  under  the  banners  of  Congress.  Arnold,  who  happened  to 
be  in  the  vicinity,  engaged  in  the  business  of  recruiting,  at  the  sound 
of  arms,  always  so  grateful  to  his  ear,  had  hastened  to  join  the  com- 
panies at  Reading.  General  Wooster,  who  from  the  immediate 
service  of  Congress  had  passed  into  that  of  the  state  of  Connecti- 
cut, as  brigadier-general  of  militia,  arrived  from  another  quarter, 
with  considerable  reenforcements.  All  these  troops  were  impatient 
to  engage  the  enemy.  The  English,  perceiving  their  danger, 
retreated  with  great  precipitation,  by  the  way  of  Ridgefield.  The 
Americans  endeavored  by  every  possible  means  to  interrupt  their 
march,  until  a  greater  force  could  arrive  to  support  them  with  effect 
in  the  design  of  cutting  off  their  retreat.  General  Wooster  hung 
upon  the  rear  of  the  British,  and  using  every  advantage  of  ground, 
harassed  them  exceedingly,  notwithstanding  they  had  large  covering 
parties,  well  furnished  with  field  pieces,  both  on  their  flanks  and 
rear.  In  one  of  these  skirmishes,  Wooster,  at  an  age  approaching 
closely  to  seventy,  arid  in  the  active  exertion  of  a  valor  which  savored 
more  of  youthful  temerity  than  of  the  temperance  and  discretion  of 
that  time  of  life,  was  mortally  wounded,  and  being  carried  out  of  the 
field,  died  shortly  after,  with  the  same  resolution  that  he  had  lived. 
Filled  with  consternation  at  the  loss  of  their  commander,  his  soldiers 
immediately  dispersed.  But  in  the  meantime,  Arnold  had  got  pos- 
session of  Ridgefield,  where  he  had  already  thrown  up  some  sort  of 
an  intrenchment,  to  cover  his  front.  The  English  presented  them- 
selves, and  a  hot  action  ensued,  which  lasted  a  considerable  time. 
The  English  having  carried  the  heights  which  covered  the  flanks  of 
the  Americans,  overwhelmed  them  with  their  fire.  The  latter  were 
immediately  thrown  into  confusion,  and  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of 
Arnold  to  rally  them,  retired  with  extreme  precipitation  to  Panga- 
tuck,  three  miles  from  Norwalk.  Tryon  lay  that  night  at  Ridgefieid, 
and  having  set  fire  to  some  houses,  renewed  his  march  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  twenty-eighth,  towards  the  Sound.  He  was  again' encoun- 
tered by  Arnold,  who  had  assembled  fresh  troops,  with  some  pieces 
of  artillery.  Continual  skirmishes  took  place  from  the  one  bank  to 
the  other  of  the  river  Sagatuck,  and  a  sharp  contest  at  the  bridge 
across  this  stream.  But,  finally,  the  English,  superior  in  number 
and  discipline,  surmounted  all  obstacles,  and  arrived  at  the  place 
where  their  ships  waited  to  receive  them  ;  they  were  unable  to 
embark,  however,  without  new  difficulties  and  other  combats. 

The  Congress  decreed  that  a  monument  should  be  erected  to 
Wooster,  and  testified  their  satisfaction  towards  Arnold  by  the  gift 
of  a  horse,  richly  caparisoned. 

This  expedition,  entered  upon  with  so  much  parade,  furnished 
little  indemnity  for  the  expense  it  had  occasioned. 


404  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

The  stores  destroyed,  with  the  exception  of  the  tents,  were  of 
inconsiderable  value  ;  and  the  burning  of  the  houses  of  Danbury 
and  Ridgefield,  together  with  the  other  brutalities  committed  by  the 
royal  troops,  did  but  increase  the  fury  of  the  people,  and  confirm 
them  in  resistance.  This  occasion  served  also  to  demonstrate,  how 
vain  were  the  hopes  which  general  Tryon  had  placed  in  the  loyal- 
ists. Not  one  of  them  ventured  to  declare  himself  in  favor  of  the 
English  ;  the  inhabitants  rose,  on  the  contrary,  in  all  parts  to  repulse 
the  assailants.  It  is  even  probable,  that  this  enterprise  of  the 
English  gave  origin  to  another,  full  of  audacity,  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans.  The  generals  of  Connecticut  had  been  informed  that 
a  commissary  of  the  British  army  had  formed  immense  magazines 
of  forage,  grain,  and  other  necessaries  for  the  troops,  at  a  little  port 
called  Sagg  Harbor,  in  Long  Island  ;  it  was  defended  only  by  a 
detachment  of  infantry,  and  a  sloop  of  twelve  guns.  The  English, 
however,  believed  themselves  sufficiently  protected  by  their  armed 
vessels  which  cruised  in  the  Sound  ;  they  could  never  persuade 
themselves  that  the  Americans  would  dare  to  pass  it,  and  attempt 
any  thing  upon  Long  Island.  But  the  latter  were  nowise  intimidated 
by  the  obstacles,  and  resolved  to  surprise  Sagg  Harbor,  by  a  sudden 
incursion.  Accordingly,  colonel  Meigs,  one  of  the  intrepid  compa- 
nions of  Arnold  in  the  expedition  of  Canada,  crossed  the  Sound  with 
as  much  rapidity  as  ability,  and  arrived  before  day  at  the  place 
where  the  magazines  were  situated.  Notwithstanding  the  resistance 
of  the  garrison  and  the  crews  of  the  vessels,  he  burned  a  dozen  brigs 
and  sloops  which  lay  at  the  wharf,  and  entirely  destroyed  every 
thing  on  shore.  Having  accomplished  the  object  of  the  expedition, 
he  returned  without  loss  to  Guilford,  in  Connecticut,  bringing  with 
him  many  prisoners.  The  Americans  manifested,  in  this  enterprise, 
the  greatest  humanity  ;  they  abstained  from  the  pillage  of  private 
property,  and  even  permitted  the  prisoners  to  retain  their  effects. 

The  winter  had  completely  elapsed  in  the  midst  of  these  opera- 
tions, and  the  season  approached  in  which  the  armies  were  about  to 
take  the  field  anew.  No  one  doubted  that  the  English  would  exert 
their  utmost  endeavors  to  terminate  the  war  in  the  present  year.  A 
formidable  corps  was  prepared  to  attack  the  American  provinces  on 
the  side  of  Canada,  and  a  still  more  numerous  army  menaced  those 
of  the  middle.  All  minds  were  suspended  with  the  expectation  of 
approaching  events. 

If  the  English  generals  could  have  commenced  the  campaign  as 
soon  as  the  season  for  action  was  arrived,  it  is  certain,  they  might 
have  obtained  the  most  important  advantages.  When  the  spring 
opened,  the  army  of  Washington  was  still  extremely  feeble.  If  a 
part  of  those  whose  term  of  service  was  expired,  had  been  induced 
to  remain  from  a  consideration  of  the  weakness  of  the  army,  and  the 
ruin  which  must  attend  their  departure  before  it  was  reenforced,  the 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  405 

greater  number,  unable  to  endure  the  severity  of  winter  in  the  fields, 
had  returned  home.  In  the  meantime,  the  business  of  recruiting 
under  an  engagement  to  serve  during  the  war,  or  •  even  for  three 
years,  went  on  but  slowly,  notwithstanding  the  promised  advantages  ; 
the  genius  and  habits  of  the  people  being  averse  to  all  subjection. 
The  making  of  draughts  from  the  militia,  which  was  the  final  re- 
source, was  considered  as  a  dangerous  innovation. 

As  a  further  check  upon  the  increase  of  the  force  in  New  Jersey, 
the  New  England  provinces,  which  abounded  with  men  of  a  warlike 
spirit,  were  taken  up  with  their  domestic  concerns,  fearing  forTicon- 
deroga,  the  river  Hudson,  and  even  for  Boston  itself.  A  multitude 
of  American  privateers  had  gone  into  that  port  with  their  prizes,  and 
the  English  retained  all  their  ancient  hatred  against  the  inhabitants. 
The  British  troops  cantoned  in  Rhode  Island,  afforded  continual 
room  for  apprehension  ;  they  might  attack  Massachusetts  in  flank, 
and  make  inroads  with  impunity  into  the  neighboring  provinces. 
Such,  in  effect,  was  the  difficulty  of  raising  men,  that  in  some  of  the 
provinces  the  enlisting  of  apprentices  and  Irish  indented  servants  was 
permitted,  contrary  to  the  former  resolutions  and  decrees,  with  a 
promise  of  indemnification  to  their  masters.  The  winter  and  spring 
had  been  employed  in  these  preparations,  but  towards  the  latter  end 
of  May,  the  mild  weather  having  commenced,  the  Americans  took 
arms  with  promptitude,  and  Washington  found  himself  daily  re- 
enforced  from  all  quarters.  The  English  thus  lost  the  occasion  of 
an  easy  victory  ;  perhaps,  as  some  have  written,  by  the  delay  of 
tents.  However  this  may  have  been,  they  deferred  taking  the  field 
till  obstacles  were  multiplied  around  them. 

Washington,  unable  as  yet  to  penetrate  the  designs  of  general 
Howe,  sought  with  vigilance  to  observe  the  direction  he  was  about 
to  give  to  his  arms.  It  was  apprehended  that  renewing  the  war  in 
New  Jersey  he  would  endeavor  to  penetrate  to  the  Delaware  ;  and, 
passing  the  river  by  means  of  a  bridge,  known  to  be  constructed  for 
the  purpose,  make  himself  master  of  Philadelphia.  It  was  conjec- 
tured also,  and  this  was  the  expectation  of  Washington,  that  the 
English  general  would  proceed  up  the  Hudson  river  into  the  upper 
parts  of  the  province  of  New  York,  in  order  to  cooperate  with  the 
British  army  of  Canada,  which  was  at  the  same  time  to  attack  the 
fortress  of  Ticonderoga,  and  after  its  reduction,  to  operate  a  junc- 
tion with  general  Howe  in  the  vicinity  of  Albany.  This  movement 
of  the  enemy  was  the  more  to  be  apprehended,  as  besides  the 
advantages  it  promised,  it  was  known  to  have  been  prescribed  by 
the  instructions  of  the  British  ministers.  General  Howe  had  been 
diverted  from  following  them  by  the  successes  he  had  obtained  in 
New  Jersey,  and  the  hope  he  had  conceived  of  being  able,  of  him- 
self, to  bring  the  war  to  a  successful  conclusion. 


406  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII, 

In  so  great  an  uncertainty  in  respect  to  the  future  operations  of 
the  enemy,  Washington,  having  received  his  reenforcements,  deter- 
mined to  take  such  positions  as  should  be  equally  proper  to  oppose 
them,  whether  the  English  should  move  towards  Albany,  or  should 
resolve  to  march  against  Philadelphia,  by  way  of  New  Jersey.  Ac- 
cording; to  this  plan,  the  troops  raised  in  the  northern  provinces,  were 
stationed  partly  at  Ticonderoga,  and  partly  at  Peek's  Kill,  those  of 
the  middle  and  southern  provinces,  as  far  as  North  Carolina,  occu- 
pied New  Jersey,  leaving  a  few  corps  for  the  protection  of  the  more 
western  provinces. 

In  this  manner,  if  general  Howe  moved  against  Philadelphia,  he 
found  in  front  all  the  forces  assembled  in  New  Jersey,  and  in  addi- 
tion, those  encamped  at  Peek's  Kill,  who  would  have  descended  to 
harass  his  right  flank.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  took  the  direction 
of  Albany,  the  corps  of  Peek's  Kill  defended  the  passages  in  front, 
while  his  left  flank  might  also  be  attacked  by  the  troops  of  New 
Jersey,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  II,  on  the  contrary,  the 
English  army  of  Canada  came  by  way  of  the  sea,  to  join  that  of 
general  Howe  upon  the  shores  of  New  Jersey,  the  troops  of  Peek's 
Kill  could  immediately  unite  with  those  that  occupied  the  same  pro- 
vince, and  thus  compose  a  formidable  army  for  the  defence  of  Phi- 
ladelphia. If,  finally,  the  army  of  Canada  attacked  Ticonderoga, 
the  camp  of  Peek's  Kill  might  carry  succours  to  those  who  were 
charged  with  the  defence  of  that  fortress.  But  es  it  was  of  inex- 
pressible importance  to  preserve  Philadelphia  in  the  power  of  the 
United  States,  the  Congress  ordained  the  formation  of  a  camp  upon 
the  western  bank  of  the  Delaware,  with  the  double  object'of  receiving 
all  the  troops  that  arrived  from  the  south  and  west,  and  of  serving, 
in  case  of  need,  as  a  reserve.  Here  also  were  to  assemble  all  the 
recruits  of  Pennsylvania,  reenforced  by  several  regiments  of  regular 
troops.  This  army  was  placed  under  the  command  of  general 
Arnold,  who  was  then  at  Philadelphia.  All  these  arrangements 
being  made,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  Washington  quitted  his 
former  position  in  the  neighborhood  of  Morristown,  and  advancing 
within  a  few  miles  of  Brunswick,  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Rariton, 
took  possession  of  the  strong  country  along  Middlebrook.  He 
turned  this  advantageous  situation  to  every  account  of  which  it  waa 
capable  ;  his  camp,  winding  along  the  course  of  the  hills,  was  strongly 
intrenched  and  covered  with  artillery  ;  nor  was  it  better  secured 
by  its  immediate  natural  or  artificial  advantages,  than  by  the  difficul- 
ties of  approach  which  the  ground  in  front  threw  in  the  way  of  an 
enemy.  In  this  situation  he  commanded  a  view  of  the  British  en- 
campment on  the  hills  of  Brunswick,  and  of  most  of  the  intermediate 
country  towards  that  place  and  Arnboy.  The  American  army,  at 
this  epoch,  amounted  to  fifteen  thousand  men,  inclusive  of  the  North 
Carolinians,  and  the  militia  of  New  Jersey  ;  but  this  number 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.          .  407 

comprehended   many   apprentices,    and   some  totally  undisciplined 
companies. 

Always  controlled  by  a  sort  of  fatal  necessity,  which  was  the  mani- 
fest cause  of  all  the  reverses  of  his  party,  general  Howe  would  never 
ascend  the  river  Hudson  towards  Canada  to  cooperate  and  join  with 
the  northern  British  army.  He  persisted  in  his  favorite  object  of 
invading  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  according  to  the  design  he 
had  conceived  of  penetrating  through  the  first  of  these  provinces  to 
the  Delaware,  driving  Washington  before  him,  and  reducing  the 
whole  country  to  so  effectual  a  state  of  subjection  as  to  establish  a 
safe  and  open  communication  between  the  army  and  New  York. 

He  presumed,  either  that  Washington  would  hazard  a  battle,  and 
in  that  case  he  entertained  no  doubt  of  success  ;  or  that  the  Ameri- 
cans would  constantly  retire,  which  appeared  to  him  the  most  proba- 
ble. In  the  latter  case,  having  by  the  reduction  of  New  Jersey,  left 
everything  safe  in  his  rear,  and  secured  the  passage  of  the  Delaware; 
he  became,  of  course,  master  of  Philadelphia,  which  from  its  situa- 
tion, was  incapable  of  any  effectual  defence,  and  could  only  be  pro- 
tected by  Washington  at  the  certain  expense  and  hazard  of  a  battle; 
than  which**  nothing  was  more  coveted  by  the  English. 

If  the  obstacles  in  New  Jersey  were  found  so  great  that  they 
could  not  be  overcome  without  much  loss  of  time  and  expense  of 
blood,  his  intention  was  to  profit  of  the  powerful  naval  force,  and  the 
great  number  of  transports  and  vessels  of  all  sorts  which  lay  at  New 
York.  By  means  of  this  numerous  marine,  the  army  might  be  con- 
veyed either  to  the  mouths  of  the  Delaware  and  thence  to  Philadel- 
phia, or  into  the  bay  of  Chesapeake,  which  opened  the  way  into  the 
heart  of  the  central  provinces,  and  led  either  directly,  or  by  crossing 
a  country  of  no  great  extent  to  the  possession  of  that  city.  That 
point  gained,  Philadelphia  was  to  become  the  place  of  arms  and 
centre  of  action,  whilst  every  part  of  the  hostile  provinces  of  Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia,  and  Maryland  would,  from  their  deep  bays  and 
navigable  rivers,  be  exposed  to  the  continual  attacks  of  an  enemy  so 
powerful  by  sea.  But  it  is  evident  that  the  first  object  of  the  views 
of  the  English  general,  was  the  destruction  of  the  army  of  Washing- 
ton, and  therefore  before  resorting  to  the  aid  of  his  marine,  he  resolved 
to  make  trial  of  fortune  in  New  Jersey,  by  using  all  the  resources 
of  art  to  force  the  enemy  to  an  action.  Accordingly,  having  received 
from  Europe  his  tents,  and  other  field  equipage,  with  some  reenforce- 
ments  composed  principally  of  German  troops,  he  passed  over  to  the 
frontiers  of  New  Jersey,  and  moved  with  his  whole  army  to  Bruns- 
wick, having  left  however  a  sufficient  garrison  at  Araboy.  When  he 
had  accurately  examined  the  strength  of  the  posts  which  Washington 
occupied,  he  renounced  the  scheme  of  assaulting  him  in  his  camp. 
He  continued  for  several  days  in  front  of  his  lines,  offering  him  bat- 
tle ;  but  the  American  general  refusing  it,  he  pushed  on  detachments, 


408  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

and  made  movements  as  if  he  intended  to  pass  him,  and  advanced  to 
the  Delaware,  hoping  that  his  enemy,  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  Phi- 
ladelphia, would  have  abandoned  this  impregnable  post  to  follow  him. 
But  Washington,  firm  in  his  resolution  of  never  committing  the  for- 
tune of  America  to  the  hazard  of  a  single  action,  made  no  move- 
ment. 

Meanwhile,  having  observed  by  the  demonstrations  of  the  English, 
that  their  design  was  to  prosecute  their  operations,  not  against  the 
passages  leading  to  Canada,  but  in  the  province  of  New  Jersey,  he 
ordered  the  troops  at  Peek's  Kill  to  n\arch  to  his  succour.  He  gave 
colonel  Morgan,  the  same  who  had  displayed  so  brilliant  a  valor  at 
the  assault  of  Quebec,  the  command  of  a  troop  of  light  horse,  destined 
to  annoy  the  left  flank  of  the  English  arrny,  and  to  repress,  or  cut  off 
its  advanced  parties.  General  Sullivan,  who  occupied  Princeton 
with  a  strong  detachment,  was  ordered  to  fall  back  to  a  more  secure 
position,  upon  the  heights  of  Rocky  Hill.  But  general  Howe,  per- 
ceiving that  Washington  was  not  to  be  enticed  by  these  demonstra- 
tions to  quit  his  fastnesses,  resolved  to  put  himself  in  motion,  and  to 
approach  nearer  to  the  Delaware.  Accordingly,  in  the  night  of  the 
fourteenth  of  June,  the  entire  British  army,  with  the  exception  of  two 
thousand  soldiers,  who  remained  for  the  protection  of  Brunswick, 
began  to  move,  in  two  columns,  towards  the  river.  The  van  of  the 
first,  conducted  by  lord  Cornwallis,  and  which  had  taken  the  road  to 
the-  right,  arrived  by  break  of  day  at  Somerset  Court  House,  nine 
miles  distant  from  New  Brunswick,  having  passed  without  obstacle 
the  little  river  Millstone.  The  column  of  the  left,  under  general 
Heister,  reached  at  the  same  time  the  village  of  Middlebush,  situated 
lower  down  upon  the  road  of  Princeton.  But  Washington,  faithful 
to  his  temporising  plan,  had  too  much  penetration  to  be  diverted 
from  it  by  circumvention  or  sleight.  He  reflected,  that  without 
supposing  in  the  enemy  a  temerity,  which  was  absolutely  foreign 
to  the  prudent  and  circumspect  character  of  general  Howe,  it  could 
not  be  imagined  that  he  would  venture  to  advance  upon  the  Delaware, 
and  to  cross  that  river,  having  to  combat  an  army  on  the  opposite 
bank,  and  another,  still  more  formidable,  in  his  rear.  It  was,  besides, 
evident  that  if  the  real  intention  of  the  English  had  hitherto  been  to 
pass  the  Delaware,  they  would  have  marched  rapidly  towards  it, 
without  halting,  as  they  had  done,  at  half  way.  He  was  not  ignorant, 
moreover,  that  they  had  advanced  light  to  this  point,  leaving  at 
Brunswick  their  baggage,  batteaux,  and  bridge  equipage.  Having 
well  pondered  these  circumstances,  Washington  concluded  that  the 
project  of  the  enemy  was  not  to  proceed  to  the  Delaware,  but  to  al- 
lure him  from  his  camp  of  Middlebrook,  in  order  to  reduce  him  to 
the  necessity  of  fighting.  Wherefore  he  made  no  movement,  but 
continued  to  remain  quietly  within  his  intrenchments.  Only,  as  the 
enemy  was  so  near,  he  drew  up  his  army  in  order  of  battle,  upon  the 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  »  409 

heights  which  defended  the  front  of  his  camp,  and  kept  it  all  the  fol- 
lowing night  under  aims. 

Meanwhile,  the  militia  of  New  Jersey  assembled  from  every  quar- 
ter, with  great  alacrity  ;  and  general  Sullivan  with  his  detachment 
marching  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Millstone,  had  approached  the 
Rariton,  so  as  to  be  able  to  disquiet  the  enemy  by  frequent  skirmishes 
in  front,  and  to  join,  if  necessary,  with  the  commander-in-chief. 

General  Howe  having  ascertained  that  his  adversary  was  too  wary 
to  be  caught  in  the  snares  that  he  had  hitherto  laid  for  him,  and  that 
his  menaces  to  pass  the  Delaware  would  be  fruitless,  resolved  next 
to  try  whether  the  appearance  of  fear,  and  a  precipitate  retreat  to- 
wards Arnboy,  might  not  have  the  effect  of  drawing  him  into  the 
plain,  and  consequently,  of  forcing  him  to  an  engagement.  Accord- 
ing to  this  new  ptan,  in  the  night  of  the  nineteenth,  he  suddenly 
quitted  his  position  in  front  of  the  enemy,  where  he  had  begun  to 
intrench  himself;  he  retired  in  haste  to  Brunswick,  and  thence,  with 
the  same  marks  of  precipitation,  towards  Amboy.  The  English,  as 
they  retreated,  burned  a  great  number  of  houses,  either  from  personal 
rage,  or  with  a  view  to  inflame  the  passions  of  the  Americans,  and 
increase  the  ardor  of  their  pursuit.  When  they  had  gained  Amboy, 
they  threw  the  bridge,  which  was  intended  for  the  Delaware,  over 
the  channel  which  separates  the  continent  from  Staten  Island,  and 
immediately  passed  over  it  their  heavy  baggage,  and  all  the  incum- 
brances  of  the  army.  Some  of  the  troops  followed,  and  every  thing 
was  in  immediate  preparation  for  the  passage  of  the  rest  of  the  army, 
as  if  all  hope  had  been  lost  of  its  making  any  further  progress  in  New 
Jersey.  Washington,  with  all  his  caution  and  penetration,  allowed 
himself  to-be  imposed  upon  by  this  stratagem  of  his  adversary.  He 
ordered  generals  Greene,  Sullivan,  and  Maxwell,  to  pursue  the  enemy 
with  strong  detachments;  but  the  two  latter  were  not  in  season.  Co- 
lonel Morgan  infested  the  rear  of  the  retreating  army  with  his  cavalry  ; 
and  lord  Sterling,  with  colonel  Conway,  harassed  its  left  flank.  The 
advantages  they  gained,  however,  were  trifling,  as  the  English  march- 
ed in  good  order,  and  had  taken  care  to  place  a  great  part  of  their 
forces  in  the  rear  guard.  Finally,  Washington  himself,  to  be  more 
at  hand  for  the  protection  and  support  of  his  advanced  parties,  de- 
scended from  the  impregnable  heights  of  Middlebrook,  and  advanced 
to  a  place  called  Quibbletown,  six  or  seven  miles  nearer  to  Arnboy. 
Lord  Sterling,  with  a  strong  division,  occupied  the  village  of  Me- 
tuckin,  lower  down  towards  that  city. 

General  Howe  lost  no  time  in  endeavoring  to  profit  of  the  occasion 
he  had  opened  for  himself  so  shrewdly.  In  the  night  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  June,  he  drew  back  his  troops  from  Staten  Island  to  the  con- 
tinent, and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-sixth,  marched  them  with 
great  expedition  against  the  Americans.  His  army  formed  two  dis- 
tinct divisions.  He  had  three  objects  in  view.  To  cut  off  some  of 
VOL.  i.  52 


410  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

the  principal  advanced  parties  of  the  enemy ;  to  bring  his  main 
body  to  an  engagement ;  and  finally,  by  a  rapid  movement  upon  his 
left,  to  seize  the  defiles  of  the  mountains  which  led  to  the  encamp- 
ment of  Middlebrook,  in  order  to  prevent  Washington  from  resuming 
that  strong  position.  The  column  of  the  right,  commanded  by  lord 
Cornwallis,  was  destined  to  accomplish  this  last  operation  ;  accord- 
ingly it  moved  with  extreme  celerity,  by  the  way  of  Woodbridge,  to 
the  Scotch  Plains.  The  left,  under  the  immediate  orders  of  general 
Howe,  took  the  route  of  Metuckin.  It  was  the  intention  of  the 
English  generals,  that  these  two  corps  should  reunite  beyond  the 
village  of  Metuckin,  upon  the  road  leading  from  that  place  to  the 
Scotch  Plains,  and  that  thence,  having  separated  anew,  the  left  should 
rapidly  turn  against  the  left  flank  of  the  American  army,  posted  at 
Quibbletown,  while  the  right  should  endeavor  to  occupy  the  hills 
situated  upon  the  left  of  the  camp  of  Middlebrook.  Four  battalions 
with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  remained  at  Bonharripton  to  secure  Amboy 
against  any  unforeseen  attack. 

According  to  these  dispositions,  the  English  army  advanced  with 
a  rapid  step,  sanguine  in  the  hope  of  victory.  But  fortune,  who  was 
pleased  to  reserve  the  Americans  for  a  better  destiny,  all  at  once 
deranged  the  well  concerted  scheme  of  the  British  generals.  Lord 
Cornwallis  having  passed  Woodbridge,  fell  in  with  a  party  of  seven 
hundred  American  riflemen.  A  warm  skirmish  ensued,  which  soon 
terminated  in  the  flight  of  the  republicans.  But  the  noise  of  the 
musketry,  and  afterwards  the  fugitives  themselves  gave  Washington 
warning  of  the  extreme  danger  that  menaced  him.  His  resolution 
was  immediately  taken  to  recover  with  celerity  what  he  had  aban- 
doned, perhaps,  with  imprudence.  He  quitted  accordingly  his  posi- 
tion at  Quibbletown,  and  with  all  possible  expedition  repossessed 
himself  of  the  encampment  of  Middlebrook.  When  arrived,  he 
instantly  detached  a  strong  corps  to  secure  those  passes  in  the  moun- 
tains upon  his  left,  through  which  he  perceived  it  was  the  intention  of 
lord  Cornwallis  to  approach  the  heights.  This  general  having  dis- 
persed without  difficulty  the  smaller  advanced  parties  of  the  enemy, 
fell  in  at  length  with  lord  Sterling,  who,  with  about  three  thousand 
men,  strongly  posted  in  a  woody  country,  and  well  covered  by  artillery 
judiciously  disposed,  manifested  a  determination  to  dispute  his  passage. 
But  the  English  and  Hessians,  animated  by  a  mutual  emulation, 
attacked  with  such  impetuosity,  that  the  Americans,  unable  to  with- 
stand the  shock,  were  soon  routed  on  all  sides,  having  sustained 
besides  no  inconsiderable  loss  in  men,  that  of  three  pieces  of  brass 
ordnance.  The  English  continued  their  pursuit  as  far  as  Westfield, 
but  the  woods  and  the  intense  heat  of  the  weather,  prevented  its 
effect.  Lord  Cornwallis  having  discovered  that  the  defiles  were 
diligently  guarded,  and  despairing  of  being  able  to  accomplish  his 
design,  returned  by  the  road  of  Raway,  to  Amboy.  General  Howe 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  411 

in  like  manner,  finding  his  plan  entirely  defeated  by  the  sudden 
retreat  of  Washington  into  his  strong  camp  of  Middlebrook,  also 
marched  back  to  that  city.  The  brigades  of  Scott  and  Conway 
followed  the  English  step  by  step  as  far  as  the  frontiers,  but  without 
finding  an  opening  to  attack  them,  so  close  and  cautious  was  their 
order  of  march. 

The  British  generals  now  reflected  that  the  continuation  of  hostili- 
ties in  New  Jersey,  with  a  view  of  penetrating  to  the  Delaware, 
would  not  only  be  fruitless,  since  the  enemy  was  evidently  resolved 
not  to  hazard  a  general  engagement,  but  that  it  would  even  be  attend- 
ed with  extreme  danger,  as  well  from  the  strength  of  his  positions  as 
from  the  general  enmity  of  the  inhabitants.  In  effect,  the  season  was 
already  advanced,  and  there  was  no  more  time  to  be  wasted  in 
unprofitable  expeditions.  They  resolved  therefore  to  attack  Penn- 
sylvania by  way  of  the  sea ;  thus  persevering  in  their  scheme  of 
acting  by  themselves,  and  not  in  conjunction  with  the  Canadian  army, 
which  it  was  known  had  invested  Ticonderoga  ;  and  which  probably 
would  soon  be,  if  it  was  not  already,  in  possession  of  that  fortress. 
Accordingly  all  the  troops  of  general  Howe  were  passed  over  the 
channel  to  Staten  Island,  and  the  Americans  soon  after  entered 
Amboy.  The  great  preparations  made  by  the  English  in  Staten 
Island,  and  in  all  the  province  of  New  York,  for  the  embarkation  of 
the  army,  and  the  uncertainty  of  the  place  against  which  the  storm 
would  be  directed,  excited  a  general  alarm  throughout  the  continent. 
Boston,  the  Hudson  river,  the  Delaware,  Chesapeake  bay,  and  even 
Charleston,  in  Carolina,  were  alternately  held  to  be  the  objects  of  the 
expedition.  General  Washington  exerted  the  utmost  vigilance  ;  he 
maintained  a  secret  correspondence  with  the  republicans  in  New 
York,  who  advised  him  daily  of  whatever  they  saw  and  heard.  In 
pursuance  of  this  intelligence,  he  was  continually  despatching 
expresses  to  put  those  places  upon  their  guard,  which,  from  immedi- 
ate information,  he  supposed  for  the  time  to  be  the  threatened  point. 
But  herein  the  English  had  greatly  the  advantage,  for  having  the  sea 
always  open,  they  could  fall  unawares  upon  the  destined  place,  before 
the  inhabitants  could  be  prepared  to  resist  them,  and  before  the 
soldiery  could  possibly  corne  to  their  succour.  But  among  all  the 
objects  that  general  Howe  might  have  in  view,  the  Americans  knew 
very  well,  that  the  two  which  he  must  consider  of  most  importance, 
were  consequently  the  most  probable.  These  were  evidently  either 
the  conquest  of  Philadelphia,  or  the  cooperation,  by  the  Hudson, 
river,  with  the  army  of  Canada.  But  to  which  of  these^two  opera- 
tions he  would  give  the  preference,  it  was  not  easy  to  penetrate.  In 
this  perplexity,  Washington  continued  stationary  in  his  encampment 
at  Middlebrook,  where  he  could  securely  persist  in  his  defensive 
system,  and  be  equally  near  at  hand  to  march  to  the  succour  of  Phi- 
ladelphia, or  to  ascend  the  Hudson. 


412  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     VII. 

•In  this  posture  of  things,  a  movement  of  general  Howe  led  him  to 
believe  that  the  English  had  in  view  the  expedition  of  Albany. 
Their  fleet,  moored  at  Princesbay,  a  place  not  far  from  Amboy, 
moved  higher  up  towards  New  York,  and  came  to  anchor  at  Water- 
ingplace,  while  their  whole  army,  with  its  munitions  and  baggage, 
withdrew  from  the  coast  opposite  Amboy,  and  took  post  at  the  north 
point  of  Staten  Island.  Washington,  thereupon,  having  posted  two 
regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  light  horse  between  Newark  and 
Amboy,  to  cover  this  part  against  desultory  incursions,  moved  with 
the  main  body  of  his  army  to  reoccupy  his  old  camp  of  MorristQwn. 
He  there  found  himself  nearer  to  the  Hudson,  without  being  at  such 
a  distance  from  Middlebrook,  as  to  prevent  him  from  promptly  resum- 
ing that  position,  if  the  enemy  made  any  demonstration  against  New 
Jersey.  He,  moreover,  detached  general  Sullivan  with  a  numerous 
corps  to  occupy  Prompton,  upon  the  road  to  Peek's  Kill,  in  order 
that  he  might,  according  to  circumstances,  either  advance  to  the 
latter  place,  or  return  to  Morristown. 

Jn  the  meantime,  it  was  confidently  reported  that  general  Burgoyne, 
who  commanded  the  British  army  upon  the  lakes,  had  appeared  in 
great  force  under  the  walls  of  Ticonderoga.  Washington,  therefore, 
still  more  persuaded  of  the  intended  cooperation  of  the  two  armies, 
under  Howe  and  Burgoyne,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  ordered 
general  Sullivan  to  advance  immediately  and  post  himself  in  front  of 
Pick's  Kill,  while  he  proceeded  himself  as  far  as  Prompton,  and 
afterwards  to  Clove.  The  news  soon  arrived  of  the  surrender  of 
Ticonderoga,  and  at  the  same  time,  intelligence  was  received  that 
the  English  fleet  was  anchored  under  New  York,  and  even  that  a 
great  number  of  transports  were  come  up  the  Hudson  as  far  as 
Dobbs  Ferry,  where  the  river  widens  so  as  to  form  a  species  of  lake, 
called  Tappan  Bay.  These  different  movements  confirmed  WTash- 
ington  in  his  conjectures  respecting  the  project  of  the  enemy  ;  he 
therefore  directed  general  Sullivan  to  pass  the  Hudson,  and  to 
intrench  himself  behind  Peek's  Kill  upon  the  left  bank.  In  like 
manner,  lord  Sterling  was  ordered  to  cross  the  river  and  unite  with 
general  Putnam,  who  guarded  the  heights  that  were  the  object  of  so 
much  jealousy  for  the  two  armies.  But,  as  the  larger  ships,  and  a 
part  of  the  light  vessels,  were  returned  from  Wateringplace  to  Sandy 
Hook,  as  if  the  fleet  was  preparing  for  sea,  in  order  to  gain  the 
Delaware,  and  as  the  whole  British  army  still  remained  in  Staten 
Island,  Washington  began  to  suspect  that  general  Howe  meditated 
embarking  with  a  view  to  the  conquest  of  Philadelphia. 

Iis  the  midst  of  these  uncertainties,  and  while  the  American  general 
endeavored  to  penetrate  the  intentions  of  the  English,  and  the  latter 
to  deceive  him  by  vain  demonstrations  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson, 
the  news  arrived  of  an  adventure  which,  though  of  little  importance 
in  itself,  produced  as  much  exultation  to  the  Americans  as  regret  to 


BOOK  VII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  413 

the  English.  The  British  troops  stationed  in  Rhode  Island  were 
commanded  by  general  Prescott,  who,  finding  himself  in  an  island 
surrounded  by  the  fleet  of  the  king,  and  disposing  of  a  force  greatly 
superior  to  what  the  enemy  could  assemble  in  this  quarter,  became 
extremely  negligent  of  his  guard.  The  Americans,  earnestly  desir- 
ing to  retaliate  the  capture  of  general  Lee,  formed  the  design  of 
surprising  general  Prescott  in  his  quarters,  and  of  bringing  him  off 
prisoner  to  the  continent.  Accordingly,  in  the  night  of  the  tenth  of 
July,  lieutenant-colonel  Barton,  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  forty  of  the 
country  militia,  well  acquainted  with  the  places,  embarked  in  whale 
boats,  and  after  having  rowed  a  distance  of  above  ten  miles,  and  avoid- 
ed with  great  dexterity  the  numerous  vessels  of  the  enemy,  landed 
upon  the  western  coast  of  Rhode  Island,  between  Newport  and  Bristol 
Ferry.  He  repaired  immediately,  with  the  utmost  silence  and  cele- 
rity, to  the  lodging  of  general  Prescott.  They  adroitly  secured  the 
sentinels  who  guarded  the  door.  An  aid-de-camp  went  up  into  the 
chamber  of  the  general,  who  slept  quietly,  and  arrested  him,  without 
giving  him  time  even  to  put  on  his  clothes;  they  conducted  him  with 
equal  secrecy  and  success  to  the  main  land.  This,  event  afforded 
the  Americans  singular  satisfaction,  as  they  hoped  to  exchange  their 
prisoner  for  general  Lee.  It  was,  however,  particularly  galling  to 
general  Prescott,  who  not  long  before  had  been  delivered  by  ex- 
change from  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  after  having  been  taken  in 
the  expedition  of  Canada.  In  addition  to  this,  he  had  lately  been 
guilty  of  an  action  unworthy  of  a  man  of  honor,  in  setting  a  price 
upon  the  head  of  general  Arnold,  as  if  he  had  been  a  common  out- 
Jaw  and  assassin  ;  an  insult  which  Arnold  immediately  returned,  by 
setting  an  inferior  price  upon  the  person  of  Prescott.  The  Con- 
gress publicly  thanked  lieutenant-colonel  Barton,  and  presented  him 
with  a  sword. 

Meanwhile,  the  immensity  of  the  preparations  made  by  general 
Howe  for  fitting  out  the  fleet,  as  well  as  several  movements  it  ex- 
ecuted, strengthened  the  suspicion  of  Washington  that  the  demon- 
strations of  the. English  upon  the  Hudson  were  no  other  than  a  mere 
feint.  Every  day  he  was  more  and  more  convinced  that  their  real 
plan  was  to  embark  and  proceed  to  the  attack  of  Philadelphia,  as 
the  capital  of  the  confederation.  He  therefore  retired  progressively 
from  Clove,  and  divided  his  army  into  several  corps,  in  order  to  be 
able  to  succour  trn  places  attacked  with  the  more  expedition.  He 
prayed  the  Congress  to  assemble  the  rnilitia  of  Pennsylvania,  with- 
out loss  of  time,  at  Chester,  and  those  of  the  lower  counties  of 
Delaware,  at  Wilmington.  He  directed  watches  to  be  stationed 
upon  the  capes  of  the  Delaware,  to  keep  a  look  out,  and  give  early 
notice  of  the  arrival  of  the  enemy.  The  governor  of  New  Jersey 
vvns  exhorted  to  call  out  the  militia  of  the  districts  bordering  upon 
this  river,  directing  them  to  make  head  at  Gloucester,  situated  upon 
the  left  bank,  a  little  below  Philadelphia. 


414  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  diligence  of  the  brothers  Howe,  in  pre- 
paring for  the  embarkation,  and  the  assistance  afforded  by  the  crews 
of  more  than  three  hundred  vessels,  the  English  could  not  procure, 
without  extreme  difficulty,  the  articles  that  were  necessary,  so  that 
it  was  not  until  the  twenty-third  of  July  that  the  fleet  and  army  were 
able  to  depart  from  Sandy  Hook.  The  force  that  embarked  upon 
this,  enterprise,  consisted  of  thirty-six  British  and  Hessian  battalions, 
including  the  light  infantry  and  grenadiers,  with  a  powerful  artillery, 
a  New  York  corps,  called  the  Queen's  rangers,  and  a  regiment  of 
cavalry.  Seventeen  battalions,  with  a  regiment  of  light  horse,  and 
the  remainder  of  the  new  corps  of  loyalists,  were  left  for  the  protec- 
tion of  New  York  and  the  neighboring  islands.  Rhode  Island  was 
occupied  by  seven  battalions.  It  was  said  that  general  Howe  in- 
tended to  have  taken  a  greater  force  with  him  upon  this  expedition  ; 
but  that  upon  the  representation  of  general  Clinton,  who  was  to 
command  in  his  absence,  of  the  danger  to  which  the  islands  would 
be  exposed,  from  the  extensiveness  of  the  coasts,  and  the  great 
number  of  posts  that  were  necessarily  to  be  maintained,  he  acknow- 
ledged the  force  of  these  considerations  by  relanding  several  regi- 
ments. 

Thus,  England,  by  the  error  of  her  ministers,  or  of  her  generals, 
had  in  America,  instead  of  a  great  and  powerful  army,  only  three 
separate  corps,  from  which  individually  no  certain  victory  could  be 
expected.  At  this  moment,  in  effect,  one  of  these  corps  was  in 
Canada,  another  in  the  islands  of  New  York  and  Rhode  Island,  and 
the  third  was  on  its  way  by  sea,  destined  to  act  against  Philadelphia. 
But  perhaps  it  was  imagined  that  .in  a  country  like  that  which  fur- 
nished the  theatre  of  this  war,  continually  interrupted  by  lakes,  rivers, 
forests,  and  inaccessible  places,  three  light  armies  were  likely  to 
operate  with  more  effect  separately,  than  united  in  a  single  mass, 
incumbered  by  the  number  of  troops,  and  multitude  of  baggage. 
This  excuse  would,  perhaps,  be  valid,  if  the  English  generals,  in- 
stead of  operating  as  they  did,  without  concert  and  without  a  common 
plan,  had  mutually  assisted  each  other  with  their  counsels  and  forces 
to  strike  a  decisive  blow,  and  arrive  together  at  the  same  object. 

However  this  may  be  viewed,  the  rapid  progress  of  general  Bur- 
goyne  towards  the  sources  of  the  Hudson,  the  apprehension  of  an 
approaching  attack  on  the  part  of  general  Howe,  and  the  uncertainty 
of  the  point  it  menaced,  all  concurred  to  maintain  a  general  agitation 
and  alarm  throughout  the  American  continent.  Great  battles  were 
expected,  and  no  one  doubted  they  would  prove  as  fierce  and  san- 
guinary, as  they  were  to  be  important  and  decisive. 

END  OP  BOOK  SEVENTH,  AND  VOLUME  ONE. 


HISTORY 


OP  THE 


WAR  OF  THE  INDEPENDENCE 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


BY  CHARLES   BOTTA, 


VOL.  II. 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  ITALIAN, 

BY  GEORGE  ALEXANDER  OTIS,  ESQ. 


SECOND  EDITION,  IN  TWO  VOLUMES,  REVISED  AND  CORRECTED. 


BOSTON  : 

PUBLISHED  BY  HARRISON  GRAY, 


William  L.  Lewis,  Printer. 

1826. 


DISTRICT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  to  wit: 

District  Clerk's  Office. 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  That  on  the  sixth  day  of  March,  A.D.  1826,  in  the  fiftieth  year 
of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  GEORGE  ALEXANDER  OTIS,  ESQ. 
of  the  said  district,  has  deposited  in  this  office  the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  whereof  he 
claims  as  proprietor,  in  the  words  following,  to  wit : 

'  History  of  the  War  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America.  By  Charles 
Botta.  Vol.  II.  Translated  from  the  Italian,  by  George  Alexander  Otis,  Esq.  Second 
edition,  in  two  volumes,  revised  and  corrected.' 

In  conformity  to  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled,  'An  act  for  the 
encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  booUs,  to  the 
authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,'  and  also  to 
an  act  entitled,  '  An  act  supplementary  to  an  act  entitled,  an  act  for  the  encouragement 
of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  pro- 
prietors of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,'  and  extending  the  benefits 
thereof  to  the  arts  of  designing,  engraving,  and  etching -historical  and  other  prints. 

JNO.  W.  DAVIS, 

Clerk  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


BOOK  EIGHTH. 

SUMMARY. — Designs  of  the  British  ministry.  Expedition  of  Burgoyne.  Assembly  of 
the  Savages.  Proclamation  of  Burgoyne.  He  puts  himself  in  motion.  The  Americans 
prepare  to  combat  him.  Description  of  Ticondeioga.  Capture  of  that  fortress  ;  opera- 
tions which  result  from  it.  Burgoyne  arrives  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  Siege  of 
fort  Stanwix,  Afl'air  of  Bennington.  Embarrassed  position  of  Burgoyne.  Gates  takes 
the  command  of  the  northern  army.  Battle  between  Burgoyne  and  Gates.  Second 
battle  still  more  sanguinary.  Burgoyne  in  extremity.  He  surrenders.-  Generosity  of 
Gates.  Ravages  committed  by  the  royal  troops.  The  republicans  prepare  to  oppose 
sir  William  Howe.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  and  his  qualities.  Howe  lands  with  his 
army  at  the  head  of  Elk.  Battle  of  Brandy  wine.  After  various  movements  the  royal- 
ists take  possession  of  Philadelphia.  Battle  of  Germantown.  Operations  upon  the 
Delaware.  The  two  armies  go  into  quarters.  Miserable  condition  of  the  republicans 
in  the  quarters  of  Valley  Forge,  and  their  astonishing  constancy.  Intrigues  against 
Washington,  and  his  magnanimity.  Howe  succeeded  by  sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  departs 
for  England. 

BOOK  NINTH. 

SUMMARY. — Effects  produced  in  England  by  the  events  of  the  war.  The  earl  of 
Chatham  proposes  a  plan  of  conciliation,  but  is  unable  to  procure  its  adoption.  De- 
signs of  the  ministers.  Negotiations  of  Congress  in  France.  Interested  policy  of  the 
French  government.  Lewis  XVI.  acknowledges  the  Independence  of  the  United  States. 
Lord  North  makes  a  motion  in  favor  of  an  arrangement.  Declaration  of  the  French 
ambassador.  Independence  of  America.  Pownal  advocates  in  Parliament  the  ac- 
knowledgment of  American  Independence.  Jenkinson  speaks  in  opposition  to  it,  and 
obtains  the  majority  of  votes.  The  earl  of  Chatham  dies  ;  his  character.  War  is 
declared  between  France  and  England.  Naval  battle  of  Ouessant 

BOOK  TENTH. 

SUMMARY. — The  conciliatory  plan  of  the  ministry  arrives  in  America.  Effects  it  pro- 
duced there.  Deliberations  of  Congress.  The  treaties  concluded  with  France  arrive  in 
the  United  States.  Joy  of  the  inhabitants.  The  Congress  ratify  the  treaties.  The  com- 
missioners sent  by  George  third  with  proposals  of  peace  arrive  in  America.  The  Ame- 
ricans refuse  all  arrangement.  The  English  evacuate  Philadelphia.  Battle  of  Mon- 
mouth.  The  count  D'Estaing  arrives  with  a  fleet  in  the  waters  of  America,  the  projects 
of  that  admiral.  Other  operations  of  the  British  commissioners.  They  are  without 
effect,  and  the  commissioners  depart  from  America.  The  Congress  give  a  solemn 
audience  to  the  minister  of  the  king  of  France.  Operations  in  Rhode  Island.  Engage- 
ment between  the  count  D'Estaing  and  Howe.  Discontent  of  the  Americans  against 
the  French,  and  quarrels  which  result  from  it.  Horrible  Excision  of  Wyoming.  The 
count  D'Estaing  sails  for  the  West  Indies.  Byron  follows  him.  The  royal  army 
moves  to  attack  the  southern  provinces  of  the  confederation. 

BOOK  ELEVENTH. 

SUMMARY. — The  French  capture  Dominica,  the  English  St.  Lucia.  The  British 
troops  land  in  Georgia,  and  occupy  Savannah.  They  attempt  to  carry  Charleston,  in 
South  Carolina.  Their  depredations.  Different  military  events.  The  islands  of  St. 
Vincent  and  Grenada  are  conquered  bv  the  French.  Naval  action  between  the  count 
D'E-staing  and  admiral  Byron.  The  count  D'Estaing  arrives  in  Georgia.  Savannah 
besieged  by  the  Americans  and  French.  Count  D'Estaing  returns  to  Europe.  Political 
revolution  among  the  Americans.  Spain  joins  the  coalition  against  England.  The 
combined  fleets  of  France  and  Spain  present  themselves  upon  the  coasts  of  Great 
Britain.  They  retire.  Causes  of  their  retreat.  Discontents  in  Holland  against  England. 
Armed  neutrality  of  the  northern  powers.  The  British  ministry  send  reenforcements 
to  America.  The  English  obtain  great  advantages  over  the  Spaniards,  and  throw 
succours  into  Gibraltar.  Firmness  of  the  British  court. 


CONTENTS.  IV 

BOOK  TWELFTH. 

SUMMARY. — Campaign  of  the  south.  The  English  besiege  and  take  Charleston.  Tarle- 
fon  defeats  the  republicans  at  Wacsaw.  Submission  of  South  Carolina,  and  proclama- 
tions of  lord  Cornwallis  for  the  reestablishment  of  tranquillity  in  that  province.  New 
York  menaced.  New  devastations  committed  by  the  English.  Washington  defeats  the 
plan  of  Clinton.  Variations  of  bills  of  credit.  New  efforts  of  the  republicans  in  South 
Carolina.  Magnanimity  of  the  women  of  that  province.  Campaign  by  sea.  Engage- 
ments between  the  count  de  Guichen  and  admiral  Rodney.  Dreadful  hurricane  in  the 
West  Indies.  The  English  capture  a  French  convoj',  and  the  Spaniards,  a  British  con- 
voy. Siege  of  Gibraltar.  Parties  in  Holland.  Secret  treaty  between  the  Congress 
and  the  city  of  Amsterdam.  Rupture  between  England  and  Holland.  Revival  of 
ardor  among  the  Americans.  M.  de  la  Fayette  .arrives  from  France  in  America,  and 
brings  good  news.  Bank  of  Philadelphia.  Academy  of  Massachusetts.  The  count 
de  Rochambeau,  arrives  in  Rhode  Island,  with  French  troops.  War  rekindles  in  South 
Carolina.  General  Gates  takes  the  command  of  the  southern  army.  Battle  of  Camb- 
den  between  Gates  and  Cornwallis.  Bloody  executions  in  South  Carolina.  Conspiracy 
and  treason.  Deplorable  death  of  Major  Andre.  Hostilities  in  the  Carolinas.  Battle 
of  King's  mountain.  Affair  of  Blackstocks.  Gates  succeeded  by  general  Green.  Battle 
of  Cowpens.  Admirable  pursuit  of  the  English,  and  no  less  admirable  retreat  of  the 
Americans.  Battle  of  Guildford  between  Green  and  Cornwallis.  Green  marches  upon 
the  Carolina^;  Cornwallis  upon  Virginia. 

BOOK   THIRTEENTH. 

0 

SUMMARY. — Losses  of  the  Dutch.  Depredations  of  the  English  at  St.  Eustatius.  The 
Spaniards  seize  West  Florida.  Plans  of  the  belligerent  powers.  The  English  revictual 
Gibraltar.  The  Spaniards  attack  that  fortress  with  fury.  M.  de  la  Motte  Piquet  takes 
from  the  English  the  booty  they  had  made  at  St.  Eustatius.  Naval  battle  of  the  bay  of 
Praya.  M.  de  Suffren  succours  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  General  Elliot,  governor  of  Gib- 
raltar, destroys  the  works  of  the  Spaniards.  Attack  upon  Minorca.  The  combined  fleets 
show  themselves  upon  the  coast  of  England.  Fierce  combat  between  the  English  and 
Dutch.  The  count  de  Grasse  arrives  in  the  West  Indies  with  a  formidable  fleet.  Com- 
bat between  him  and  admiral  Hood.  The  French  take  Tobago.  The  count  de  Grasse 
and  admiral  Hood  prepare  themselves  for  the  execution  of  their  plans  of  campaign. 
Intestine  dissentions  in  the  United  States.  Insurrection  in  the  army  of  Pennsylvania. 
Battle  of  Hobkirk.  Battle  of  Eutaw  Springs,  and  end  of  the  campaign  of  the  south. 
Campaign  of  Virginia.  Cornwallis  takes  post  at  Yorktown.  The  combined  troops 
besiege  him  there,  and  constrain  him  to  surrender  with  all  his  army.  The  French 
make  themselves  masters  of  St.  Christopher's.  Minorca  falls  into  the  power  of  the 
allies.  Change  of  ministry  in  England. 

BOOK  FOURTEENTH. 

SUMMARY. — Plans  of  the  belligerent  powers.  The  combined  fleets  menace  the  coasts 
of  England.  Intrigues  of  the  new  ministers.  Campaign  of  the  West  Indies.  Memora- 
ble engagement  of  the  twelfth  of  April  1782,  between  the  count  de  Grasse  and  admiral 
Rodney.  Siege  of  Gibraltar.  Description  of  that  fortress.  Floating  batteries.  Gene- 
ral attack.  Victory  of  Elliot.  Admiral  Howe  revictuals  Gibraltar.  Negotiations  of 
peace.  Signature  of  treaties.  Alarming  agitation  in  the  army  of  Congress.  It  is  dis- 
banded. Washington  divests  himself  of  the  supreme  command,  and  retires  to  his  seat 
at  Mount  Vernon. 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR, 


BOOK  EIGHTH. 

1777.  THE  British  ministers,  as  we  have  before  related,  had 
long  since  formed  the  scheme  of  opening;  a  way  to  New  York  by 
means  of  an  army,  which  should  descend  from  the  lakes  to  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson,  and  unite  in  the  vicinity  of  Albany  with  the  whole, 
or  with  a  part,  of  that  commanded  by  general  Howe.  All  inter- 
course would  thus  have  been  cut  off  between  the  eastern  and  west- 
ern provinces,  and  it  was  believed  that  victory,  from  this  moment, 
could  no  longer  be  doubtful.  The  former,  where  the  inhabitants 
were  the  most  exasperated,  crushed  by  an  irresistible  force,  would 
have  been  deprived  of  all  means  of  succouring  the  latter.  These 
consequently,  however  remote  from  the  Hudson,  would  also  have 
been  constrained  to  submit  to  the  fortune  of  the  conqueror,  terrified 
by  the  reduction  of  the  other  provinces,  abounding  with  loyalists, 
who  would  have  joined  the  victor,  and  also  swayed  perhaps  by  a 
jealousy  of  the  power  of  New  England,  and  irritated  by  the  reflec- 
tion that  it  was  her  obstinacy  which  had  been  the  principal  cause  of 
their  present  calamities.  This  expedition,  besides,  presented  few 
difficulties,  since  with  the  exception  of  a  short  march,  it  might  be 
executed  entirely  by  water.  The  French  themselves  had  attempted 
it  in  the  course  of  the  last  war.  It  was  hoped  that  it  would  have 
been  already  effected  by  the  close  of  the  preceding  year;  but  it  had 
failed  in  consequence  of  the  obstacles  encountered  upon  the  lakes, 
the  lateness  of  the  season,  and  especially  because  while  general 
Carleton  advanced  upon  Ticonderoga  and  consequently  towards  the 
Hudson,  general  Howe,  instead  of  proceeding  up  the  river  to  join 
him,  had  carried  his  arms  to  the  west,  against  New  Jersey. 

At  present,  however,  this  scheme  had  acquired  new  favor,  and 
what  in  preceding  years  had  been  only  an  incidental  part  of  the  plan 
of  campaign,  was  now  become  its  main  object.  The  entire  British 

VOL.    II.  2  % 


0  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   VI11. 

nation  had  founded  the  most  sanguine  expectations  upon  this  arrange- 
ment; nothing  else  seemed  to  be  talked  of  among  them  but  this 
expedition  of  Canada,  which  was  shortly  to  bring  about  the  total 
subjection  of  America.  The  junction  of  the  two  armies  appeared 
quite  sufficient  to  attain  this  desired  object ;  the  Americans,  it  was 
said,  cannot  oppose  it  without  coming  to  a  general  battle,  arid  in  such 
case,  there  can  exist  no  doubt  of  the  result.  The  ministers  had 
taken  all  the  measures  which  they  deemed  essential  to  the  success  of 
so  important  an  enterprise ;  they  had  furnished  with  profusion  what- 
ever the  generals  themselves  had  required  or  suggested.  General 
Burgoyne,  an  officer  of  uncontested  ability,  possessed  of  an  exact 
knowledge  of  the  country,  and  animated  by  an  ardent  thirst  for  mili- 
tary glory,  had  repaired  to  England  during  the  preceding  winter, 
where  he  had  submitted  to  the  ministers  the  plan  of  this  expedition, 
and  had  concerted  with  them  the  means  of  carrying  it  into  effect. 
The  ministry,  besides  their  confidence  in  his  genius  and  spirit,  placed 
great  hope  in  that  eager  desire  of  renown  by  which  they  knew  him 
to  be  goaded  incessantly ;  they  gave  him  therefore  the  direction  of 
all  the  operations.  In  this  appointment,  little  regard  was  manifested 
for  the  rank  and  services  of  general  Carleton ;  what  he  had  already 
done  in  Canada,  seemed  to  entitle  him  to  conduct  to  its  conclusion  the 
enterprise  he  had  commenced.  No  one,  assuredly,  could  pretend  to 
govern  that  province  with  more  prudence  and  firmness.  He  pos- 
sessed also  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  country,  as  he  had  resided 
in  Canada  for  several  years,  and  had  already  made  war  there.  But 
perhaps  the  ministers  were  dissatisfied  with  his  retreat  from  Ticonde- 
roga,  and  the  repugnance  he  was  said  to  have  manifested  to  employ 
the  savages.  Perhaps  also,  his  severity  in  the  exercise  of  his  com- 
mand had  drawn  upon  him  the  ill  will  of  some  officers,  who  endea- 
vored to  represent  his  actions  in  an  unfavorable  light.  Burgoyne, 
impatient  to  make  his  profit  of  the  occasion,  was  arrived  in  England, 
where,  being  well  received  at  court,  and  besieging  the  ministers  with 
his  importunities,  he  made  such  magnificent  promises,  that  in  preju- 
dice of  Carleton  he  was  entrusted  with  the  command  of  all  the 
troops  of  Canada.  But  the  governor,  finding  himself,  contrary  to 
his  expectation,  divested  of  all  military  power,  and  restricted  in  his 
functions,  requested  leave  to  resign. 

General  Burgoyne  arrived  at  Quebec  in  the  beginning  of  the 
month  of  May,  and  immediately  set  himself  to  push  forward  the 
business  of  his  mission.  He  displayed  an  extreme  activity  in  com- 
pleting all  the  preparations  which  might  conduce  to  the  success 
of  the  enterprise.  Meanwhile,  several  ships  arrived  from  England, 
bringing  arms,  munitions,  and  field  equipage,  in  great  abundance. 
General  Carleton,  exhibiting  an  honorable  example  of  moderation 
and  patriotism,  seconded  Burgoyne  with  great  diligence  and  energy  ; 
he  exerted  in  his  favor  not  only  the  authority  with  which  he  was  still 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  7 

invested  as  governor,  but  even  the  influence  he  had  with  his  friends 
and  numerous  partisans.  His  zealous  cooperation  proved  of  signal 
utility,  and  every  thing  was  soon  in  preparation  for  an  expedition 
which  was  to  decide  the  event  of  the  war,  and  the-  fate  of  America. 
The  regular  force  placed  at  the  disposal  of  general  Burgoyne,  con- 
sisting of  British  and  German  troops,  amounted  to  upwards  of  seven 
thousand  men,  exclusive  of  a  corps  of  artillery,  composed  of  about 
five  hundred.  To  these  should  be  added  a  detachment  of  seven 
hundred  rangers,  under  colonel  St.  Leger,  destined  to  make  an  in- 
cursion into  the  country  of  the  Mohawks,  and  to  seize  Fort  Stanvvix, 
otherwise  called  Fort  Schuyler.  This  corps  consisted  of  some  com- 
panies of  English  infantry,  of  recruits  from  New  York,  of  Hanau 
chasseurs,  and  of  a  party  of  Canadians  and  savages.  According  to 
the  plan  of  the  ministers  and  of  the  general  himself,  the  principal 
army  of  Burgoyne  was  to  be  joined  by  two  thousand  Canadians, 
including  hatchetmen,  and  other  workmen,  whose  services,  it  was 
foreseen,  would  be  much  needed  to  render  the  ways  practicable.  A 
sufficient  number  of  seamen  had  been  assembled,  for  manning  the 
transports  upon  the  lakes  and  upon  the  Hudson.  Besides  the  Cana- 
dians that  were  to  be  immediately  attached  to  the  army,  many  others 
were  called  upon  to  scour  the  woods  in  the  frontiers,  and  to  occupy 
the  intermediate  posts  between  the  army  which  advanced  towards  the 
Hudson,  and  that  which  remained  for  the  protection  of  Canada ;  the 
latter  amounted,  including  the  Highland  emigrants,  to  upwards  of 
three  thousand  men.  These  dispositions  were  necessary,  partly  to 
intercept  the  communication  between  the  enemy  and  the  ill  affected 
in  Canada  5  partly  to  prevent  desertion,  to  procure  intelligence,  to 
transmit  orders,  and  for  various  other  duties  essential  to  the  security 
and  tranquillity  of  the  country  in  the  rear  of  the  army.  But  these 
were  not  the  only  services  exacted  from  the  Canadians  ;  a  great 
number  of  them  were  assembled  to  complete  the  fortifications  at 
Sorel,  St.  Johns,  Chambly,  and  He  aux  Noix.  Finally,  they  were 
required  to  furnish  horses  and  carts,  to  convey  from  the  different 
repositories  to  the  army  all  the  provisions,  artillery  stores,  and  other 
effects  of  which  it  might  have  need.  Under  this  last  head  was  com- 
prehended a  large  quantity  of  uniforms,  destined  for  the  loyalists, 
who,  it  was  not  doubted,  would  after  victory  flock  from  all  quarters 
to  the  royal  camp. 

But  it  was  also  thought  that  the  aid  of  the  savages  would  be  of 
great  advantage  to  the  cause  of  the  king ;  the  government  had  there- 
fore ordered  general  Carleton  to  use  his  utmost  weight  and  influence 
to  assemble  a  body  of  a  thousand  Indians,  and  even  more  if  it  was 
possible.  His  humanity,  which  could  ill  endure  the  cruelty  of  these 
barbarians,  and  experience,  which  had  taught  him  that  they  were 
rather  an  incumbrance  than  an  aid,  in  regular  operations,  would 
have  induced  him  to  decline  their  alliance ;  but,  in  obedience  to  his 


8  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

orders,  he  exerted  an  active  zeal  in  bringing  them  forward  to  support 
the  expedition.  His  success  was  answerable  to  his  efforts.  Whether 
by  the  influence  of  his  name,  which  was  extreme  among  these 
tribes,  from  their  avidity  to  grasp  the  presents  of  the  English,  or 
from  their  innate  thirst  for  blood  and  plunder,  their  remote  as  well 
as  near  nations  poured  forth  their  warriors  in  such  abundance,  that  the 
British  generals  became  apprehensive  that  their  numbers  might  render 
them  rather  a  clog  than  any  real  addition  of  strength  to  the  army. 
They  hastened  therefore  to  dismiss  such  as  appeared  the  least  proper 
for  war,  or  the  most  cruel  or  intractable.  Never,  perhaps,  was 
an  army  of  no  greater  force  than  this  accompanied  by  so  formidable 
a  train  of  artillery,  as  well  from  the  number  of  pieces,  as  from  the 
skill  of  those  who  served  it.  This  powerful  apparatus  was  considered 
eminently  requisite  to  disperse  without  effort  an  undisciplined  enemy 
in  the  open  country,  or  to  dislodge  him  from  strong  and  difficult 
places.  The  generals  who  seconded  Burgoyne  in  this  expedition, 
were  all  able  and  excellent  officers.  The  principal  were,  major- 
general  Phillips,  of  the  artillery,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in 
the  wars  of  Germany ;  the  brigadier-generals  Frazer,  Powel,  and 
Hamilton,  with  the  Brunswick  major-general  Baron  Reidesel,  and 
brigadier-general  Specht.  The  whole  army  shared  in  the  ardor 
and  hopes  of  its  chiefs  ;  not  a  doubt  was  entertained  of  an  approach- 
ing triumph,  and  the  conquest  of  America. 

The  preparations  being  at  length  completed,  and  all  the  troops,  as 
well  national  as  auxiliary,  having  arrived,  general  Burgoyne  pro- 
ceeded to  encamp  near  the  little  river  Bouquet,  upon  the  west  bank 
of  Lake  Champlain,  at  no  great  distance  to  the  north  of  Crown 
Point.  As  the  time  for  commencing  hostilities  was  near  at  hand, 
and  dreading  the  consequences  of  the  barbarity  of  the  savages, 
which,  besides  the  dishonor  it  reflected  upon  the  British  arms,  might 
prove  essentially  prejudicial  to  the  success  of  the  expedition,  he 
resolved  to  assemble  those  barbarians  in  congress,  and  afterwards,  in 
compliance  with  their  customs,  to  give  them  a  war  feast.  He  made 
a  speech  to  them  on  that  occasion,  calculated,  in  terms  of  singular 
energy,  to  excite  their  ardor  in  the  common  cause,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  repress  their  ferocious  propensities.  To  this  end,  he  endea- 
vored to  explain  to  them  the  distinction  between  a  war  carried  on 
against  a  common  enemy,  in  which  the  whole  country  and  people 
were  hostile,  and  the  present,  in  which  the  faithful  were  intermixed 
with  rebels,  and  traitors  with  friends.  He  recommended  and  strictly 
enjoined  them,  that  they  should  put  none  to  death  but  such  as  actu- 
ally opposed  them  with  arms  in  their  hands  ;  that  old  men,  women, 
children,  and  prisoners,  should  be  held  sacred  from  the  knife  or 
tomahawk,  even  in  the  heat  of  action ;  that  they  should  scalp  only 
those  whom  they  had  slain  in  battle  ;  but  that  under  no  pretext,  or 
color  of  prevarication,  they  should  scalp  the  wounded,  or  even  the 


BOOK  VI11.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

dying,  and  much  less  kill  them,  by  way  of  evading  the  injunction. 
He  promised  them  a  due  reward  for  every  prisoner  they  brought  him 
in,  but  denounced  the  severest  penalties  against  those  who  should 
scalp  the  living. 

While,  on  the  one  hand,  general  Burgoyne  attempted  to  mitigate 
the  natural  ferooiiy  of  the  Indians,  he  endeavored,  on  the  other,  to 
render  them  an  object  of  terror  with  those  who  persisted  in  resistance. 
For  this  purpose,  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  June,  he  issued  a  proclama- 
tion from  his  camp  at  Putnam  Creek,  wherein  he  magnified  the  force 
of  the  British  armies  and  fleets  which  were  about  to  embrace  and  to 
crush  every  part  of  America.  He  painted,  with  great  vivacity  of 
coloriog,  the  excesses  committed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  rebellion,  as 
well  as  the  deplorable  condition  to  which  they  had  reduced  the  colo- 
.  nies.  He  reminded  the  Americans  of  the  arbitrary  imprisonments 
and  oppressive  treatment  with  which  those  had  been  persecuted  who 
had  shown  themselves  faithful  to  their  king  and  country  ;  he  enlarged 
upon  the  tyrannic  cruelties  inflicted  by  the  assemblies  and  committees 
upon  the  most  quiet  subjects,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  for  the 
sole  offence,  and  often  for  the  sole  suspicion  of  having  adhered  in 
principle  to  the  government  under  which  they  were  born,  under 
which  they  had  lived  for  so  long  a  time,  and  to  which,  by  every  tie 
divine  and  human,  they  owed  allegiance.  He  instanced  the  violence 
offered  to  their  consciences,  by  the  exaction  of  oaths  and  of  military 
services,  in  support  of  an  usurpation  they  abhorred.  He  had  come, 
he  continued,  with  a  numerous  and  veteran  army,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  king,  to  put  an  end  to  such  unheard  of  enormities.  He  invited 
the  well  disposed  to  join  him,  and  assist  in  redeeming  their  countiy 
from  slavery,  and  in  the  reestablisnment  of  legal  government.  He 
promised  protection  and  security  to  all  those  who  should  continue 
quietly  to  pursue  their  occupations;  who  should  abstain  from  removing 
their  cattle,  or  corn,  or  any  species  of  forage;  from  breaking  up  the 
bridges,  or  obstructing  the  roads,  and  in  a  word,  from  committing  any 
act  of  hostility;  and  who,  on  the  contrary,  should  furnish  the  camp 
with  all  sorts  of  provisions,  assured  as  they  might  be,  of  receiving  the 
full  value  thereof,  in  solid  coin.  But  against  the  contumacious,  and 
those  who  should  persist  in  rebellion,  he  denounced  the  most  terrible 
war;  he  warned  them  that  justice  and  vengeance  were  about  to  over- 
take them,  accompanied  with  devastation,  famine,  and  all  the  calami- 
ties in  their  train.  Finally,  he  admonished  them  not  to  flatter  them- 
selves, that  distance  or  coverts  could  screen  them  from  his  pursuit,  for 
he  had  only  to  let  loose  the  thousands  of  Indians  that  were  under  his 
direction  to  discover  in  their  most  secret  retreats,  and  to  punish  with 
condign  severity,  the  hardened  enemies  of  Great  Britain  and  America. 

This  manifesto,  so  little  worthy  of  the  general  of  a  civilised  nation, 
was  justly  censured,  not  only  in  the  two  houses  of  parliament  and 
throughout  Great  Britain,  but  excited  the  indignation  of  every  mode- 


10  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

rate  and  generous  mind  in  all  Europe.  In  vain  did  Burgoyne  attempt 
to  excuse  himself,  by  pretending  that  he  had  merely  intended  to  intimi- 
date the  people  he  was  about  to  combat;  he  should  have  employed 
for  this  purpose  the  arms  that  are  in  use  among  polished  nations,  and 
not  the  menaces  appropriate  to  barbarians.  Moreover  his  soldiers, 
and  especially  the  savages,  were  already  but  too  much  disposed  to 
ravage  and  massacre,  and  to  take  in  earnest  what  their  general  would 
have  it  believed  he  only  announced  as  an  artifice  or  feint.  This  was 
was  not  a  race  to  be  sported  with,  and  the  thing  itself  was  no  light 
matter.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  proclamation  produced  an  effect 
entirely  contrary  to  its  author's  expectations.  That  fearless  people 
who  inhabit  New  England,  far  from  allowing  it  to  terrify  them,  were 
much  inclined  to  deride  it;  they  never  met  with  each  other  without 
contemptuously  inquiring  what  vent  the  vaunting  general  of  Britain, 
had  found  for  his  pompous  and  ridiculous  declamations?  These  pre- 
liminary dispositions  accomplished,  general  Burgoyne  made  a  short 
stop  at  Crown  Point,  for  the  establishment  of  magazines,  an  hospital, 
and  other  necessary  services,  and  then  proceeded  with  all  his  troops 
to  invest  Ticonderoga.  The  right  wing  took  the  western  bank  of  the 
lake,  the  left  advanced  upon  the  eastern,  and  the  centre  was  embarked 
upon  the  lake  itself.  The  reduction  of  this  fortress,  without  which  it 
was  impossible  for  the  army  to  advance  a  step  further,  was  of  course 
the  first  object  of  its  operations.  Art  had  added  to  the  natural  strength 
of  Ticonderoga,  and  the  unfortunate  issue  of  the  attempt  made  upon 
it  by  the  British  in  1758,  when  occupied  by  the  French,  was  still 
fresh  in  remembrance.  But  general  Burgoyne,  either  impatient  to 
avenge  this  affront,  or  because  the  ardor  of  his  army  seemed  to  pro- 
mise him  an  easy  triumph  over  the  most  formidable  obstacles,  per- 
suaded himself  that  its  reduction  would  detain  him  but  a  very  short 
time.  He  arrived  under  the  walls  of  the  place  on  the  first  of  July. 
At  the  same  time,  the  detachment  of  light  troops  which,  as  we 
have  mentioned  above,  was  destined  to  scour  the  country  of  the 
Mohawks,  under  the  command  of  sir  John  Johnson  and  colonel  St. 
Leger,  advanced  from  Oswego,  in  order  to  attack  Fort  Stanwix.  It 
was  intended,  after  the  acquisition  of  this  fortress,  to  occupy  the 
ground  which  extends  between  the  same  and  Fort  Edward,  situated 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  with  a  view  to  intercept  the  retreat  of 
the  garrison  of  Ticonderoga,.  and  to  rejoin  the  main  army  as  it 
advanced. 

The  American  army,  destined  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  royal 
troops,  and  to  defend  Ticonderoga,  was  altogether  insufficient.  The 
garrison  had  experienced  such  a  diminution  during  the  winter,  that  it 
was  much  feared  the  English  would  seize  that  fortress  by  assault.  The 
spring  being  arrived,  and  the  rumors  of  the  enemy's  approach  re- 
ceiving daily  confirmation,  general  Schuyler,  to  whom  the  Congress  had 
recently  given  the  command  of  all  the  troops  in  that  quarter,  employed 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  11 

every  possible  means  to  procure  reenforcements.  He  desired  and 
hoped  to  assemble  an  army  of  at  least  ten  thousand  men,  as  a  smaller 
number  would  not  be  adequate  to  guard  his  extensive  line  of  defence. 
But  the  affair  of  recruiting  proceeded  very  tardily.  The  inhabitants 
manifested  at  this  time  an  extreme  backwardness  to  enlist  under  the 
banners  of  Congress,  whether  from  a  natural  coldness,  or  because  the 
policy  of  the  English,  or  the  persuasion  of  the  American  generals 
themselves,  had  given  currency  to  an  opinion  that  the  royal  army  was 
not  to  undertake  the  siege  of  Ticonderoga;  but,  that  embarking  upon 
the  Saint  Lawrence,  it  would  proceed  by  sea,  to  operate  its  junction 
with  that  under  general  Howe.  Hence,  when  the  royal  troops  made 
their  sudden  appearance  under  the  walls  of  Ticonderoga,  the  troops 
of  general  Schuyler  amounted,  at  the  utmost,  to  not  over  five  thousand 
men,  including  the  garrison  of  the  fortress,  which  consisted  of  little 
above  three  thousand,  a  number  quite  inadequate  to  the  defence  of 
so  vast  a  circuit  of  walls,  and  of  so  many  outworks. 

Ticonderoga  lies  upon  the  western  bank  of  that  narrow  inlet,  by 
which  the  water  from  Lake  George  is  conveyed  to  Lake  Champlain. 
Crown  Point  lies  about  a  dozen  miles  further  north,  at  the  opposite 
extremity  of  that  inlet.  The  first  of  these  places  is  situated  on  an 
angle  of  land,  which  is  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  water,  and  that 
covered  by  steep  and  difficult  rocks.  A  great  part  of  the  fourth  side 
was  covered  by  a  deep  morass,  and  where  that  fails,  the  old  French 
lines  still  continued  as  a  defence  on  the  northwest  quarter.  The 
Americans  had  strengthened  these  lines  with  additional  works  and  a 
blockhouse.  In  like  manner,  on  the  left,  towards  Lake  George,  and 
at  the  place  where  the  sawmills  were  situated,  they  had  erected  new 
works  and  blockhouses,  as  also  to  the  right  of  the  French  lines,  in  the 
direction  of  Lake  Champlain.  On  the  eastern  bank  of  the  inlet,  and 
opposite  to  Ticonderoga,  rises  a  high  circular  hill,  to  which  the  Ame- 
ricans gave  the  name  of  Mount  Independence.  On  the  summit  of  this 
hill  is  a  small  plain,  where  they  had  erected  a  star  fort;  the  sides  and 
foot  of  the  mountain  were  strengthened  with  works  to  the  water's 
edge,  and  the  intrenchrnents  well  lined  with  heavy  cannon.  In  order 
to  maintain  a  free  communication  between  the  fortress  and  Mount 
Independence,  the  Americans  had  constructed  a  bridge  over  the  inlet, 
a  work  of  difficult  and  laborious  execution.  The  bridge  was  supported 
on  twenty-two  timber  piers  of  vast  dimensions,  sunken  at  nearly  equal 
distance;  the  spaces  between  these  were  filled  with  separate  floats? 
each  about  fifty  feet  long  and  twelve  feet  wide,  and  the  whole  was 
held  together  by  chains  and  rivets  of  immense  size.  To  prevent  the 
enemy  from  approaching  with  his  numerous  ships,  and  attempting  to 
force  the  bridge,  it  was  defended  on  the  side  towards  Lake  Champlain 
by  a  boom  composed  of  very  large  pieces  of  timber,  joined  together 
with  iron  bolts  and  chains  of  prodigious  thickness.  Thus,  not  only 
the  passage  was  kept  open  between  these  two  posts,  but  all  access  by 


12  THE    AMERICAN    WAli.  HOOK  VIII. 

water  from  the  northern  side  was  totally  cut  off.  The  part  ol'the  inlet 
which  is  below  Ticonderoga,  and  which  may  be  considered  as  the 
head  of  Lake  Champlain,  widens  considerably  and  becomes  navigable 
to  vessels  of  burthen;  but  the  other  part,  which  is  above  the  fortress, 
and  is  the  issue  of  Lake  George,  besides  being  narrow,  is  also  ren- 
dered impracticable  by  shallows  and  falls.  But  on  its  arrival  at  Ticon- 
deroga, it  is  joined  by  a  great  body  of  water  on  the  eastern  side, 
called,  in  this  part,  South  river,  and  higher  up  towards  its  source,  as 
we  have  already  said  in  a  preceding  book,  it  is  known  under  the  Appel- 
lation of  Wood  Creek.  The  confluence  of  these  waters,  at  Ticon- 
deroga forms  a  small  bay  to  the  southward  of  the  bridge  of  communi- 
cation, and  the  point  of  land  formed  by  their  junction,  is  composed  of 
a  mountain  called  Sugar  Hill,  otherwise  known  by  the  name  of 
Mount  Defiance.  From  this  mountain  the  fort  of  Ticonderoga  is 
overlooked  and  effectually  commanded.  This  circumstance  occa- 
sioned a  consultation  among  the  Americans,  in  which  it  was  proposed 
to  fortify  that  mountain  ;  but  finding  themselves  too  feeble  to  man 
the  fortifications  they  had  already  erected,  they  renounced  the  design. 
It  was  likewise  hoped,  that  the  extreme  steepness  of  its  ascent,  and 
the  savage  irregularity  of  the  ground  on  its  summit  and  sides,  would 
prevent  the  enemy  from  attempting  to  occupy  it,  at  least  with  artillery. 
The  defence  of  Ticonderoga  was  committed  to  the  charge  of  general 
St.  Clair,  with  a  garrison  of  three  thousand  men,  one  third  of  whom 
were  militia  from  the  northern  provinces.  But  they  were  ill  equipped, 
and  worse  armed,  particularly  in  the  article  of  bayonets,  an  arm  so 
essential  in  the  defence  of  lines;  not  having  one  to  ten  of  their  number. 
On  the  second  of  July,  the  British  right  wing  under  general  Phil- 
lips, having  appeared  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  fortress,  St.  Clair,  too 
weak  to  defend  all  the  outworks,  or  believing  the  enemy  stronger  than 
he  was  in  reality,  immediately  ordered  the  evacuation  of  the  intrench- 
rnents  which  had  been  erected  upon  the  banks  of  the  inlet  of  Lake 
George,  above  Ticonderoga.  This  order  was  executed  with  prompt- 
itude, not,  however,  without  having  first  burnt  or  destroyed  -whatever 
was  found  in  this  part,  and  especially,  the  blockhouses  and  sawmills. 
General  Phillips  profiting  of  the  occasion,  took  possession,  without 
the  least  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  besieged,  of  a  post  of  great 
importance,  called  Mount  Hope,  which  besides  commanding  their 
lines  in  a  great  and  dangerous  degree,  totally  cut  off  their  communi- 
cation with  Lake  George.  Mount  Hope  being  thus  secured,  the  Bri- 
tish corps  which  had  advanced  upon  the  western  bank  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  extended  itself  from  the  mountain  to  the  lake,  so  as  completely 
to  invest  the  fort  on  the  part  of  the  northwest,  and  to  cut  off  its  com- 
munication with  the  land.  The  German  column,  commanded  by 
Reidesel,  which  had  inarched  along  the  eastern  shore  of  the  lake, 
was  also  arrived  under  the  walls  of  the  fortress,  and  was  established 
at  Three-miles  Point,  extending  itself  from  the  bank  of  the  lake,  be- 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  13 

hind  Mount  Independence,  as  far  as  East  Creek.  From  this  place, 
by  stretching  more  forward,  it  might  easily  occupy  the  ground  com- 
prehended between  East  Creek  and  South  River,  or  Wood  Creek, 
and  thus  deprive  the  Americans  of  their  communication  with  Skeenes- 
borough  by  the  right  bank  of  the  latter  stream.  But  the  most  inter- 
esting post  for  the  English,  was  that  of  Mount  Defiance,  which  so 
completely  commanded  the  fortress  that  it  was  beyond  all  doubt,  if 
batteries  were  planted  there,  that  the  garrison  must  immediately  eva- 
cuate the  place,  or  surrender  at  discretion.  This  eminence  being 
therefore  attentively  examined  by  the  British  generals,  they  believed 
it  possible,  though  with  infinite  labor  and  difficulty,  to  establish  their 
artillery  upon  its  summit.  This  arduous  task  was  immediately  un- 
dertaken and  pushed  with  such  spirit  and  industry,  that  on  the  fifth 
day,  the  road  was  completed,  the  artillery  mounted,  and  ready  to 
open  its  fire  on  the  following  morning.  The  garrison  were  afraid  to 
sally  out,  in  order  to  annoy,  or  even  to  retard  the  besiegers,  in  these 
works ;  they  were,  therefore,  in  danger  of  losing  all  way  of  retreat. 
St.  Clair  knew  very  well  that  after  the  loss  of  Mount  Defiance,  there 
was  no  longer  any  resource  for  Ticonderoga,  and  that  he  could  not 
even  aspire  to  the  honor  of  a  short  resistance.  The  only  way  of 
escape  that  he  had  left,  was  the  narrow  passage  between  East  Creek 
and  Wood  Creek,  which  Reidesel  could  shut  up  at  any  moment.  In 
these  circumstances,  St.  Clair,  having  convened  in  council  the  prin- 
cipal officers  of  the  garrison,  represented  to  them  the  critical  situation 
in  which  they  were  placed,  thus  pressed  by  the  enemy,  and  upon  the 
very  point  of  being  hemmed  in  on  every  side.  He  asked  them  if 
they  did  not  think  it  would  be  proper  to  evacuate  the  place  without 
loss  of  time ;  they  were  all  in  favor  of  the  measure. 

It  is  impossible  to  blame  this  determination  of  the  council  of  war 
of  Ticonderoga  ;  for,  independently  of  the  progress  already  made  by 
the  besiegers,  the  garrison  was  so  feeble  that  it  would  not  have  been 
able  to  defend  one  half  of  the  works,  or  to  sustain,  for  any  length  of 
time,  the  consequent  excess  of  fatigue.  By  remaining,  therefore, 
the  fortress  and  the  garrison  were  both  lost,  by  departing,  only  the 
first  and  the  second  might  be  saved.  It  was  known  also  to  St.  Clair, 
that  general  Schuyler,  who  was  then  at  Fort  Edward,  far  from  being 
able  to  bring  him  succour,  had  not  even  forces  sufficient  for  his  own 
defence.  But  here  an  objection  presents  itself  which  has  never  yet 
been  satisfactorily  answered.  Since  the  American  generals  found 
their  force  insufficient  for  the  defence  of  the  place,  why  did  they  not 
evacuate  it  in  time,  and  when  they  might  have  done  so  with  safety  ? 
They  would  thus  have  been  sure  of  saving  at  least  their  baggage, 
stores  and  artillery.  If  they  were  deceived  respecting  the  real  force 
of  the  enemy,  and  therefore,  at  first,  believed  themselves  able  to 
resist  him,  even  this  error,  could  only  have  proceeded  from  a  defect 
of  military  skill,  so  extraordinary  as  to  admit  of  no  excuse. 
VOL.  n.  3 


14  TIIE    AMERICAN     WAll.  iiOOK  V11I. 

However  it  was,  having  taken  their  resolution,  they  thought  ^of 
nothing  hut  executing  it  with  promptitude,  and  in  the  night  of  the 
fifth  of  July,  they  put  themselves  in  motion.  General  St.  Clair  led 
the  vanguard,  and  colonel  Francis  the  rear.  The  soldiers  had  re- 
ceived orders  to  maintain  a  profound  silence,  and  to  take  with  them 
sustenance  for  eight  days.  The  baggage  of  the  army,  the  furniture 
of  the  hospital,  with  all  the  sick,  and  such  artillery,  stores  and  provi- 
sions as  the  necessity  of  the  time  would  permit,  were  embarked  with 
a  strong  detachment  under  colonel  Long,  on  board  above  two  hun- 
dred batteaux  and  five  armed  gallics.  On  beginning  to  strike  the 
tents,  the  lights  were  extinguished.  These  preparations  were  exe- 
cuted with  much  order  at  Ticonderoga;  but  not  without  some  confu- 
sion at  Mount  Independence.  The  general  rendezvous  was  appointed 
at  Skeenesborough,  the  batteaux  proceeding  under  convoy  of  the 
gallies,  up  Wood  Creek,  and  the  main  army  taking  its  route  by  the 
way  of  Castletown,  upon  the  right  bank  of  that  stream.  St.  Clair 
issued  from  Ticonderoga  at  two  in  the  morning  ;  Francis  at  four. 
The  English  had  no  suspicion  of  what  was  passing,  and  the  march 
commenced  under  the  most  favorable  auspices.  But  all  at  once  a 
house  which  took  fire  on  Mount  Independence,  roused  by  its  glare 
of  light  the  attention  of  the  English,  who  immediately  perceived  all 
that  had  taken  place.  The  Americans  finding  themselves  discovered, 
could  not  but  feel  a  certain  agitation.  They  marched,  however, 
though  in  some  disorder,  as  far  as  Hubbardston,  where  they  halted 
to  refresh  themselves,  and  rally  the  dispersed.  But  the  English  were 
not  idle.  General  Frazer,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment  of 
grenadiers  and  light  troops,  commenced  an  eager  pursuit  by  land, 
upon  the  right  bank  of  Wood  Creek.  General  Reidesel,  behind  him, 
rapidly  advanced  with  his  Brunswickers,  either  to  support  the  Eng- 
lish, or  to  act  separately,  as  occasion  might  require.  General  Bur- 
goyne  determined  to  pursue  the  enemy  by  water.  But  it  was  first 
necessary  to  destroy  the  boom  and  bridge  which  the  Americans  had 
constructed  in  front  of  Ticonderoga.  The  British  seamen  and  arti- 
ficers immediately  engaged  in  the  operation,  and  in  less  time  than  it 
would  have  taken  to  describe  their  structure,  those  works,  which  had 
cost  so  much  labor  and  so  vast  an  expense,  were  cut  through  and 
demolished.  The  passage  thus  cleared,  the  ships  of  Burgoyne  im- 
mediately entered  Wood  Creek,  and  proceeded  with  extreme  rapi- 
dity in  search  of  the  enemy  ;  all  was  in  movement  at  once  upon  land 
and  water.  By  three  in  the  afternoon,  the  van  of  the  British  squad- 
ron, composed  of  gun  boats,  came  up  with,  and  attacked  the  Ameri- 
can gallies,  near  Skeenesborough  Falls.  In  the  meantime,  three 
regiments  which  had  been  landed  at  South  Bay,  ascended  and  passed 
a  mountain  with  great  expedition,  in  order  to  turn  the  enemy  above 
Wood  Creek,  to  destroy  his  works  at  the  falls  of  Skeenesborough, 
and  thus  to  cut  off  his  retreat  to  Fort  Anne.  But  the  Americans 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  15 

eluded  this  stroke  by  the  rapidity  of  their  flight.  The  British  frigates 
having  joined  the  van,  the  gailies,  already  hard  pressed  by  the  gun 
boats,  were  completely  overpowered.  Two  of  them  surrendered  ; 
three  were  blown  up.  The  Americans  now  despaired  ;  having  set 
fire  to  their  works,  mills,  and  batteaux,  and  otherwise  destroyed  what 
they  were  unable  to  burn,  they  escaped  as  well  as  they  could  up 
Wood  Creek,  without  halting  till  they  reached  Fort  Anne.  Their 
loss  was  considerable  ;  for  the  batteaux  they  burnt  were  loaded  with 
baggage,  provisions  and  munitions,  as  necessary  to  their  sustenance 
as  to  military  operations.  The  corps  which  had  set  out  by  land  was 
in  no  better  situation.  The  vanguard,  conducted  by  St.  Clair,  was 
arrived  at  Castletown,  thirty  miles  distant  from  Ticonderoga,  and 
twelve  from  Skeenesborough  ;  the  rear,  commanded  by  colonels 
Francis  and  Warner,  had  rested  the  night  of  the  sixth  at  Hubbards- 
ton,  six  miles  below  Castletown,  towards  Ticonderoga. 

At  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  seventh,  the  English  column 
under  general  Frazer  made  its  appearance.  The  Americans  were 
strongly  posted,  and  appeared  disposed  to  defend  themselves.  Fra- 
zer, though  inferior  in  point  of  number,  had  great  confidence  in  tho 
valor  of  his  troops.  He  also  expected  every  moment  to  be  joined 
by  general  Reidesel  ;  and  being  apprehensive  that  the  enemy  might 
escape  if  he  delayed,  he  ordered  the  attack  immediately.  The 
battle  was  long  and  sanguinary.  The  Americans  being  commanded 
by  valiant  officers,  behaved  with  great  spirit  and  firmness ;  but  the 
English  displayed  an  equal  obstinacy.  After  several  shocks  with 
alternate  success,  the  latter  began  to  fall  back  in  disorder ;  but  their 
leaders  rallied  them  anew,  and  led  them  to  a  furious  charge  with  the 
bayonet;  the  Americans  were  shaken  by  its  impetuosity.  At  this 
critical  moment,  general  Reidesel  arrived  at  the  head  of  his  column, 
composed  of  light  troops  and  some  grenadiers.  He  immediately 
took  part  in  the  action.  The  Americans,  overpowered  by  numbers, 
fled  on  all  sides,  leaving  their  brave  commander,  with  many  other 
officers,  and  upwards  of  two  hundred  soldiers,  dead  on  the  field. 
About  the  same  number,  besides  colonel  Hale,  and  seventeen  officers 
of  inferior  rank,  were  made  prisoners.  Above  six  hundred  were 
supposed  to  be  wounded,  many  of  whom,  deprived  of  all  succour, 
perished  miserably  in  the  woods.  The  loss  of  the  royal  troops  in 
dead  and  wounded  amounted  to  about  one  hundred  and  eighty. 
General  St.  Clair,  upon  intelligence  of  this  discomfiture,  and  that  of 
the  disaster  at  Skeenesborough,  which  was  brought  him  at  the  same 
time  by  an  officer  of  one  of  the  gailies,  apprehending  that  he  should 
be  interrupted  if  he  proceeded  towards  Fort  Anne,  struck  into  the 
woods  on  his  left,  uncertain  whether  he  should  repair  to  New  Eng- 
land and  the  upper  part  of  Connecticut,  or  to  Fort  Edward.  But 
being  joined  two  days  after  at  Manchester  by  the  remains  of  the 
corps  of  colonel  Warner,  and  having  collected  the  fugitives,  he 
proceeded  to  Fort  Edward,  in  order  to  unite  with  general  Schuyier. 


16  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

While  these  events  were  passing  on  the  left,  the  English  generals 
resolved  to  drive  the  Americans  from  Fort  Anne,  situated  higher  up 
towards  the  sources  of  Wood  Creek.  Colonel  Hill  was  detached 
for  this  purpose  from  Skeenesborough,  and  to  facilitate  his  operations, 
the  greatest  exertions  were  made  in  carrying  batteaux  over  the  falls 
of  that  place  ;  which  enabled  him  to  attack  the  fort  also  by  water. 
Upon  intelligence  that  the  Americans  had  a  numerous  garrison  there, 
brigadier  Powell  was  sent  with  two  regiments  to  the  succour  of  colo- 
nel Hill.  The  American  colonel  Long,. who  with  a  great  part  of  his 
corps  had  escaped  the  destruction  of  the  boats  at  the  falls,  command- 
ed the  garrison  of  Fort  Anne.  Having  heard  that  the  enemy  was 
approaching,  he  gallantly  sallied  out  to  receive  him.  The  English 
defended  themselves  with  courage,  but  the  Americans  had  already 
nearly  surrounded  them.  Colonel  Hill  finding  himself  too  hard 
pressed,  endeavored  to  take  a  stronger  position.  This  movement 
was  executed  with  as  much  order  as  intrepidity,  amidst  the  reiterated 
and  furious  charges  of  the  enemy.  The  combat  had  lasted  for  more 
than  two  hours,  and  victory  was  still  doubtful,  when  all  at  once  the 
Americans  heard  the  horrible  yells  of  the  savages,  who  approached  ; 
and  being  informed  at  the  same  instant  that  the  corps  of  Powell  was 
about  to  fall  upon  them,  they  retired  to  Fort  Anne.  Not  thinking 
themselves  in  safety  even  there,  they  set  it  on  fire,  and  withdrew  to 
Fort  Edward  on  the  river  Hudson. 

General  Schuyler  was  already  in  this  place,  and  St.  Clair  arrived 
there  on  the  twelfth,  with  the  remains  of  the  garrison  of  Ticonderoga. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  hardships  and  misery  which  these 
troops  had  suffered,  from  the  badness  of  the  weather  and  the  want 
of  covering  and  provisions,  in  their  circuitous  march  through  the 
woods,  from  Castletown  to  Fort  Edward.  After  the  arrival  of  these 
corps,  and  of  the  fugitives,  who  came  in  by  companies,  all  the 
American  troops  amounted  to  little  over  four  thousand  men,  including 
the  militia.  They  were  in  want  of  all  necessaries,  and  even  of 
courage,  by  the  effect  of  their  recent  reverses.  The  Americans  lost 
in  these  different  actions,  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight 
pieces  of  artillery,  with  a  prodigious  quantity  of  warlike  stores, 
baggage  and  provisions,  particularly  of  flour,  which  they  left  in 
Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence.  To  increase  the  calamity, 
the  whole  of  the  neighboring  country  was  struck  with  terror  by  this 
torrent  of  disasters,  and  the  inhabitants  thought  more  of  providing 
for  their  own  safety,  than  of  flying  to  the  succour  of  their  country  in 
jeopardy. 

In  a  conjuncture  so  alarming,  general  Schuyler  neglected  none  of 
those  cares  which  become  an  able  commander,  and  an  excellent  citi- 
zen. Already,  while  the  enemy  was  assembling  at  Skeenesborough, 
he  had  endeavored  to  interrupt,  with  all  manner  of  obstacles,  the 
navigation  of  Wood  Creek,  from  that  place  to  Fort  Anne,  where  it 


BOOK    VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  17 

determined  even  for  batteaux.  The  country  between  Fort  Anne 
and  Fort  Edward  (a  distance  of  only  sixteen  miles)  is  excessively 
rough  and  savage  ;  the  ground  is  unequal,  and  broken  with  numerous 
creeks,  and  with  wide  and  deep  morasses. 

General  Schuyler  neglected  no  means  of  adding  by  art  to  the 
difficulties  with  which  nature  seemed  to  have  purposely  interdicted 
this  passage.  Trenches  were  opened,  the  roads  and  paths  obstructed, 
the  bridges  broken  up;  and  in  the  only  practicable  defiles,  immense 
trees  were  cut  in  such  a  manner,  on  both  sides  of  the  road,  as  to  fall 
across  and  lengthwise,  which,  with  their  branches  interwoven,  present- 
ed an  insurmountable  barrier;  in  a  word,  this  wilderness,  of  itself  so 
horrible,  was  thus  rendered  almost  absolutely  impenetrable.  Nor  did 
the  American  general  rest  satisfied  with  these  precautions ;  he  direct- 
ed the  cattle  to  be  removed  to  the  most  distant  places,  and  the  stores 
and  baggage  from  Fort  George  to  Fort  Edward,  that  articles  of  such 
necessity  for  his  troops,  might  not  fall  into  the  power  of  the  enemy. 
He  urgently  demanded  that  all  the  regiments  of  regular  troops  found 
in  the  adjacent  provinces,  should  be  sent,  without  delay,  to  join  him; 
he  also  made  earnest  and  frequent  calls  upon  the  militia  of  New 
England  and  of  New  York.  He  likewise  exerted  his  utmost  endea- 
vors to  procure  himself  recruits  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Edward  and 
the  city  of  Albany  ;  the  great  influence  he  enjoyed  with  the  inha- 
bitants, gave  him,  in  this  quarter,  all  the  success  he  could  desire. 
Finally,  to  retard  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  he  resolved  to  threaten 
his  left  flank;  accordingly  he  detached  colonel  Warner,  with  his 
regiment,  into  the  state  of  Vermont,  with  orders  to  assemble  the 
militia  of  the  country,  and  to  make  incursions  towards  Ticonderoga. 
In  brief,  general  Schuyler  neglected  no  means  that  could  tend  to 
impede  or  defeat  the  projects  of  the  enemy. 

While  he  thus  occupied  himself  with  so  much  ardor,  general 
Burgoyne  was  detained  at  Skeenesborough,  as  well  by  the  difficulty 
of  the  ground  he  had  to  pass,  as  because  he  chose  to  wait  for  the 
arrival  of  tents,  baggage,  artillery  and  provisions,  so  absolutely  neces- 
sary before  plunging  himself  into  these  fearful  solitudes.  His  army 
at  this  time  was  disposed  in  the  following  manner ;  the  right  occupied 
the  heights  of  Skeenesborough,  the  German  division  of  Reidesel 
forming  its  extremity  ;  the  left,  composed  of  Brunswickers,  extending 
into  the  plain,  rested  upon  the  river  of  Castletown,  and  the  brigade 
of  Frazer  formed  the  centre.  The  regiment  of  Hessians,  of  Hanau, 
was  posted  at  the  source  of  East  Creek,  to  protect  the  camp  of 
Castletown,  and  the  batteaux  upon  Wood  Creek,  against  the  incur- . 
sions  of  Colonel  Warner.  In  the  meantime,  indefatigable  labor  was 
exerted  in  removing  all  obstacles  to  the  navigation  of  this  stream,  as 
also  in  clearing  passages,  and  opening  roads  through  the  country 
about  Fort  Anne.  The  design  of  Burgoyne  was,  that  the  main  body 
of  the  army  should  penetrate  through  the  wilderness  we  have  just 


18  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

described,  to  Fort  Edward,  while  another  column,  embarking  at 
Ticonderoga,  should  proceed  up  Lake  George,  reduce  the  fort  of 
that  name,  situated  at  its  extremity,  and  afterwards  rejoin  him  at 
Fort  Edward.  Upon  the  acquisition  of  Fort  George,  the  stores, 
provisions  and  necessaries  were  to  be  conveyed  to  the  camp  by  way 
of  the  lake,  the  navigation  of  which  is  easier  and  more  expeditious 
than  that  of  Wood  Creek,  and  there  was,  besides,  a  good  wagon  road 
between  the  two  forls.  Such  were  the  efforts  exerted  by  the  two 
belligerents  ;  the  English  believing  themselves  secure  of  victory  ;  the 
Americans  hardly  venturing  to  hope  for  better  fortune.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  consternation  and  terror  which  the  victory  of 
Ticonderoga,  and  the  subsequent  successes  of  Burgoyne,  spread 
throughout  the  American  provinces,  nor  the  joy  and  exultation  they 
excited  in  England.  The  arrival  of  these  glad  tidings  was  celebrated 
by  the  most  brilliant  rejoicings  at  court,  and  welcomed  with  the  same 
enthusiasm  by  all  those  who  desired  the  unconditional  reduction  of 
America.  They  already  announced  the  approaching  termination  of 
this  glorious  war;  they  openly  declared  it  a  thing  impossible,  that  the 
rebels  should  ever  recover  from  the  shock  of  their  recent  losses,  as 
well  of  men  as  of  arms  and  of  military  stores  ;  and  especially  that 
they  should  ever  regain  their  courage  and  reputation,  whirh,  in  war, 
contribute  to  success,  as  much,  at  least,  as  arms  themselves.  Even 
the  ancient  reproaches  of  cowardice  were  renewed  against  the 
Americans,  and  their  own  partisans  abated  much  of  the  esteem  they 
had  borne  them.  They  were  more  than  half  disposed  to  pronounce 
the  colonists  unworthy  to  defend  that  liberty,  which  they  gloried  in, 
with  so  much  complacency.  The  ministers,  pluming  themselves 
upon  their  good  fortune,  marched  through  the  court  as  if  to  exact 
the  tribute  of  felicitation.  No  praises  were  refused  them  ;  their 
obstinacy  was  denominated  constancy ;  their  projects,  which  had 
appeared  full  of  temerity,  were  now  acknowledged  to  have  been 
dictated  by  the  profoundest  sagacity  ;  and  their  pertinacity  in  reject- 
ing every  proposition  for  accommodation,  was  pronounced  to  have 
been  a  noble  zeal  for  the  interests  of  the  state.  The  military  coun- 
sels of  the  ministers  having  resulted  in  such  brilliant  success,  even 
those  who  had  heretofore  inclined  for  the  ways  of  conciliation, 
welcomed  with  all  sail  this  prosperous  breeze  of  fortune,  and  appeared 
now  rather  to  wish  the  reduction,  than  the  voluntary  reunion  of  the 
Americans. 

But  in  America,  the  loss  of  the  fortress  and  the  lakes,  which  were 
.  considered  as  the  keys  of  the  United  States,  appeared  the  more 
alarming,  as  it  was  unexpected  ;  for,  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, as  well  as  the  Congress,  and  Washington  himself,  were  im- 
pressed with  a  belief,  that  the  British  army  in  Canada  was  weaker, 
and  that  of  general  Schuyler  stronger,  than  they  were  in  effect. 
They  entertained  no  doubt  in  particular,  that  the  garrison  left  in 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAIt.  19 

Ticonderoga  was  sufficient  for  its  entire  security.  Malignity  began 
to  assail  the  reputation  of  the  officers  of  the  northern  army  ;  its 
envenomed  shafts  were  especially  aimed  at  St.  Ciair.  Schuyler 
himself,  that  able  general  and  devoted  patriot,  whose  long  services 
had  only  been  repaid  by  long  ingratitude,  escaped  not  the  serpent 
tongue  of  calumny.  As  the  friend  of  the  New  Yorkers,  he  was  no 
favorite  with  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  and  the  latter  were 
those  who  aspersed  him  with  the  most  bitterness.  The  Congress, 
for  the  honor  of  their  arms,  and  to  satisfy  the  people,  decreed  an 
an  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  the  officers,  and  that  successors  should 
be  despatched  to  relieve  them  in  command.  The  result  of  the 
investigation  was  favorable  to  them  ;  by  the  intercession  of  Washing- 
ton, the  appointment  of  successors  was  waived.  But  what  was  not  a 
little  remarkable,  is,  that  in  the  midst  of  all  these  disasters,  no  sort  of 
disposition  to  submit  appeared  in  any  quarter.  No  public  body  dis- 
covered symptoms  of  dismay,  and  if  a  few  individuals  betrayed  a 
want  of  firmness,  they  were  chiefly  persons  without  influence,  and 
without  character. 

Meanwhile,  the  Congress  apprehending  that  the  news  of  these 
sinister  events  might  operate  to  the  prejudice  of  the  negotiations 
opened  with  the  court  of  France,  and,  as  it  too  often  happens,  being 
more  tender  of  their  own  interests  than  of  the  reputation  of  their 
generals,  they  hesitated  not  to  disguise  the  truth  of  facts,  by  throwing 
upon  St.  Clair  the  imputation  of  imbecility  and  misconduct.  Their 
agents  were  accordingly  instructed  to  declare  that  all  these  reverses 
were  to  be  attributed  to  those  officers  who,  with  a  garrison  of  five 
thousand  men,  well  armed  and  equipped,  had  wanted  capacity  to 
defend  an  almost  impregnable  fortress  ;  that,  as  for  the  rest,  the 
Americans,  far  from  being  discouraged,  only  waited  for  the  occasion 
to  avenge  their  defeats.  Washington,  who  in  this  crisis  as  in  all  the 
preceding,  manifested  an  unshaken  constancy,  was  entirely  occupied 
in  providing  means  to  confirm  the  tottering  state  of  the  republic  ;  he 
exerted  the  utmost  diligence  in  sending  reenforcements  and  necessa- 
ries to  the  army  of  Schuyler.  The  artillery  and  warlike  stores  were 
expedited  from  Massachusetts.  General  Lincoln,  a  man  of  great 
influence  in  New  England,  was  sent  there  to  encourage  the  militia  to 
enlist.  Arnold,  in  like  manner,  repaired  thither ;  it  was  thought 
his  ardor  might  serve  to  inspirit  the  dejected  troops.  Colonel  Mor- 
gan, an  officer  whose  brilliant  valor  we  have  already  had  occasion  to 
remark,  was  ordered  to  take  the  same  direction  with  his  troop  of 
light  horse.  All  these  measures,  conceived  with  prudence  and  ex- 
ecuted with  promptitude,  produced  the  natural  effect.  The  Ame- 
ricans recovered  by  degrees  their  former  ardor,  and  their  army 
increased  from  day  to  day. 

During  this  interval,  general  Burgoyne  exerted  himself  with  ex- 
treme diligence  in  opening  a  passage  from  Fort  Anne  to  Fort 


20  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

Edward.  But  notwithstanding  the  ardor  with  which  the  whole  army 
engaged  in  the  work,  their  progress  was  exceedingly  slow ;  so  formi- 
dable were  the  obstacles  which  nature  as  well  as  art  had  thrown  in 
their  way.  Besides  having  to  remove  the  fallen  trees  with  which 
the  enerny  had  obstructed  the  roads,  they  had  no  less  than  forty 
bridges  to  construct,  and  many  others  to  repair.  Finally,  the  army 
encountered  so  many  impediments  in  measuring  this  inconsiderable 
space,  that  it  could  not  arrive  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  near 
Fort  Edward,  until  the  thirtieth  of  July.  The  Americans,  either 
because  they  were  too  feeble  to  oppose  the  enemy,  or  that  Fort 
Edward  was  no  better  than  a  ruin,  unsusceptible  of  defence,  or 
finally,  because  they  were  apprehensive  that  colonel  St.  Leger,  after 
the  reduction  of  Fort  Stanwix  might  descend  by  the  left  bank  of  the 
Mohawk  to  the  Hudson,  and  thus  intercept  their  retreat,  retired  lower 
down  to  Stillwater,  where  they  threw  up  intrenchments.  At  the 
same  time  they  evacuated  Fort  George,  having  previously  burned 
their  vessels  upon  the  lake,  and  interrupted  in  various  places  the 
road  which  leads  thence  to  Fort  Edward.  The  route  from  Ticon- 
deroga  to  this  fortress  by  Lake  George  was  thus  left  entirely  open 
by  the  republicans.  The  English,  upon  their  arrival  on  the  Hudson 
river,  which  had  been  so  long  the  object  of  their  wishes,  and  which 
had  been  at  length  attained  at  the  expense  of  so  many  toils  and  hard- 
ships, were  seized  with  a  delirium  of  joy,  and  persuaded  themselves 
that  victory  could  now  no  longer  escape  them.  But  ere  it  was  long, 
their  brilliant  hopes  were  succeeded  by  anxiety  and  embarrassment; 
All  the  country  around  them  was  hostile,  and  they  could  obtain  no 
provisions  but  what  they  drew  from  Ticonderoga.  Accordingly, 
from  the  thirtieth  of  July  to  the  fifteenth  of  August,  the  English  army 
was  continually  employed  in  forwarding  batteaux,  provisions,  and 
ammunition,  from  Fort  George  to  the  first  navigable  part  of  the 
Hudson,  a  distance  of  about  eighteen  miles.  The  toil  was  excessive 
in  this  operation,  and  the  advantage  gained  by  it  in  no  degree  an 
equivalent  to  the  expense  of  labor  and  time.  The  roads  were  in 
some  parts  steep,  and  in  others  required  great  repairs.  Of  the 
horses  that  were  expected  from  Canada,  scarcely  one  third  were  yet- 
arrived,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  fifty  pair  of  oxen  had  been 
procured.  Heavy  and  continual  rains  added  to  these  impediments ; 
and  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  which  had  been  used,  it  was  found 
difficult  to  supply  the  army  with  provisions  for  its  current  consump- 
tion, and  utterly  impracticable  in  this  mode  to  establish  such  a  maga- 
zine as  would  enable  it  to  prosecute  the  further  operations  of  the 
campaign.  On  the  fifteenth,  there  was  not  above  four  days'  provi- 
sion in  store,  nor  above  ten  batteaux  in  the  Hudson  river. 

General  Burgoyne  was  severely  censured,  as  well  for  having  lost 
so  much  time  by  crossing  the  wilderness  of  Fort  Anne,  as  for  having 
exposed  himself  to  want  subsistence  in  his  camp  at  Fort  Edward. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  24 

It  was  alleged  that,  instead  of  entangling  himself  in  those  dangerous 
defiles,  he  should,  after  the  occupation  of  Skeenesborough  and  the 
total  discomfiture  of  the  enemy's  army,  have  returned  immediately 
down  the  South  river  to  Ticonderoga,  where  he  might  again  have 
embarked  the  army  on  Lake  George,  and  proceeded  to  the  fort 
which  takes  its  name  ;  this  being  reduced,  a  broad  firm  road  lay 
before  him  to  Fort  Edward.  In  this  manner,  it  was  added,  would 
have  been  avoided  delays  as  detrimental  to  the  British  army,  as  pro- 
pitious to  the  Americans.  Thus,  it  was  maintained,  the  army  might 
have  made  itself  master  of  Albany,  before  the  enemy  would  have 
had  time  to  recollect  himself.  But,  in  justification  of  Burgoyne,  it 
was  advanced,  that  a  retrograde  motion  in  the  height  of  victory, 
would  have  diminished  the  spirit  of  his  troops,  and  revived  the  hopes 
of  the  enemy ;  that  the  Americans  would  undoubtedly  have  made  a 
stand  at  Fort  George,  and  in  the  meantime  would  have  broken  up  the 
road  leading  to  Fort  Edward  ;  that  by  passing,  as  he  had  done, 
through  the  desert  of  Fort  Anne,  besides  inuring  his  troops  to  the 
war  of  the  woods,  a  war  so  embarrassing  and  difficult,  he  compelled 
the  enemy  to  evacuate  Fort  George  without  striking  a  blow  ;  that 
having  already  opened  himself  a  road,  it  was  to  be  hoped  the  Ame- 
ricans would  not  interrupt  the  other  ;  that  the  route  by  land  left  the 
vessels,  which  would  have  been  required  for  the  transport  of  the 
troops,  upon  Lake  George,  at  liberty  to  be  employed  in  that  of  arms, 
ammunition,  provisions,  and  baggage.  Finally,  it  was  represented, 
that  by  preferring  the  way  upon  the  left  to  that  upon  the  right  by 
Lake  George,  he  had  enabled  himself  to  detach  a  strong  corps  under 
the  command  of  general  Reidesel,  to  agitate  alarms  in  Connecticut 
and  throughout  the  country  of  Vermont.  !;jT,  ')o  tfs. 

However,  the  truth  was,  Schuyler  profited  with  great  dexterity  of 
these  delays.  Several  regiments  of  regular  troops  from  Peek's  Kill 
were  already  arrived  at  the  camp,  and  although  it  was  then  the  sea- 
son of  harvest,  the  militia  of  New  England  assembled  from  all 
quarters^  and  hastened  to  join  the  principal  army.  These  reenforce- 
inents  placed  it  in  a  situation,  if  not  to  resume  the  offensive,  at  least 
to  occupy  all  the  tenable  positions,  and  defend  them  with  energy  and 
effect.  :{  noxo  ! 

In  the  meantime,  general  Burgoyne  received  intelligence  that 
colonel  St.  Leger,  whose  detachment  had  been  reenforced  by  a  con- 
siderable party  of  savages,  after  descending  by  the  Lake  Oneida 
from  Oswego,  in  the  country  of  the  Mohawks,  had  arrived  before, 
and  was  closely  besieging,  Fort  Stanwix.  He  immediately  conceived 
the  hope  of  deriving  an  important  advantage  from  this  operation. 
For  if  the  American  army  in  his  front  proceeded  up  the  Mohawk  to 
the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix,  the  English  found  the  way  open  to  Alba- 
ny, and  thus  attained  the  first  object  of  their  desires.  Moreover,  if 
St.  Leger  succeeded,  the  Americans  would  find  themselves  between 
VOL.  u.  4 


22  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

two  royal  armies,  that  of  St.  Leger  in  front,  and  that  of  Burgoyne 
in  rear.     If,  on  the  other  hand,  the   republicans  abandoned  Fort 
Stanwix  to  its  fate,  and  withdrew  towards  Albany,  the  country  on  the 
Mohawk  would  fall  into  the  power  of  the  English,  and  they  might 
form  a  junction  with  colonel  St.  Leger.    Their  army  thus  reenforced, 
and  victualled   by  the  Mohawks,  would  be  in  a  situation  to  move 
forward.     From  these  operations  it  must  result,  either  that  the  enemy 
would  resolve  to  stand  an  action,  and,   in  this  case,  Burgoyne  felt 
assured  of  victory  ;  or,  that  he  would  gradually  retire   down   the 
Hudson,  and  thus  abandon  to  the  English  the  city  of  Albany.     If 
the  propriety  of  a  rapid  movement  forward  was  therefore  evident, 
the  difficulty  of  finding  means  to  execute  it  was  not  less  manifest,  as 
the  want  of  subsistence   still   continued  ;    and  this  want  would  of 
necessity  increase  with  the   distance  of  the  army  from  the  lakes, 
through  which  it  received  its  provisions.     To  maintain  such  a  com- 
munication with  Fort  George,  during  the  whole  time  of  so  extensive 
a  movement,  as  would  secure  the  convoys  from  being  intercepted  by 
the  enemy,  was  obviously  impracticable.     The  army  was  too  weak 
to  afford  a  chain  of  posts  for  such  an  extent ;  and  continual  escorts 
for  every  separate  supply,  would  be  a  still  greater  drain.     Burgoyne 
therefore  perceived  distinctly  that  he  must  have  recourse  to  some 
other  source  of  supply,  or   totally  relinquish  the  enterprise.     He 
knew  that  the  Americans  had   accumulated  considerable  stores  of 
live  cattle,  corn,  and   other  necessaries,  besides  a  large  number  of 
wheel  carriages,  at  a  village  called  Bennington,  situated  between  two 
streams,  which,   afterwards   uniting,  form  the  river  Hosack.     This 
place  lies  only  twenty  miles   distant  from  the   Hudson ;  it  was  the 
repository  of  all  the  supplies  intended  for  the  republican  camp,  which 
were  expedited  from  New  England  by  the  upper  part  of  Connecticut 
river,  and  thence  through  the  country  of  Vermont.     From  Benning- 
ton they  were  conveyed,  as  occasion  required,  to  the  different  parts 
of  the   army.     The   magazines  were   only   guarded,    however,    by 
detachments  of  militia,  whose   numbers  varied   continually,   as  they 
went  and  came  at  discretion.     Though  the  distance  was  considerable 
from  the  carnp  of  Burgoyne  to  Bennington,  yet  as  the  whole  country 
through  which   the  corps  of  Reidesel  had   lately   passed   appeared 
peaceable,  and  even  well  inclined  to  submission,  the  English  general, 
impelled   by  necessity,  and  allured  by  an  ardent  thirst  of  glory,  did 
not  despair  of  being  able  to  surprise  Bennington,  and   bring  off  the 
provisions  of  the   enemy  by  means  of  his  own   carriages.     Having 
taken  this  resolution,  he  entrusted  the  execution  of  it  to  lieutenant- 
colonel  Baum,  a  German  officer  of  great  bravery,  and  well  versed  in 
this  sort  of  partisan  war. 

The  force  allotted  to  this  service,  amounted  to  about  five  hundred 
men,  consisting  of  two  hundred  of  Reidesel's  dismounted  dragoons, 
captain  Frazer's  marksmen,  the  Canada  volunteers,  a  party  of  pro- 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  23 

vincials  who  were  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  about  a 
hundred  Indians  ;  the  corps  took  with  them  two  light  pieces  of  artil- 
lery. At  the  same  time  lieutenant-colonel  Breyman,  with  his  regi- 
ment of  Brunswick  grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  marched  down 
towards  Bennington,  and  took  post  at  Batten  Kill,  in  order,  if  neces- 
sary, to  support  Baum.  The  latter  had  received  from  general 
Burgoyne  very  suitable  instructions ;  he  was  to  exercise  extreme 
caution  in  the  choice  of  his  posts  ;  to  have  the  country  diligently 
explored  by  the  Indians,  on  the  part  of  Otter  Creek,  and  towards 
Connecticut  river ;  he  was  not  to  allow^his  regular  troops  to  scatter, 
but  to  keep  them  always  in  a  compact  body  ;  he  was  to  march  light 
troops  in  front  and  rear  of  his  column,  to  guard  against  ambuscades ; 
he  was  ordered  not  to  hazard  dubious  rencounters,  but  if  the  enemy 
came  upon  him  in  superior  force,  to"  take  a  strong  position  and  in- 
trench himself;  he  was  to  give  out  that  the  whole  army  was  upon 
the  march  for  Connecticut ;  finally,  he  was  to  rejoin  the  army  at 
Albany.  Burgoyne,  in  order  to  facilitate  this  operation,  and  to  hold 
the  republican  army  in  check,  moved  with  all  his  troops  down  the 
left  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  established  his  camp  nearly  opposite  to 
Saratoga,  having,  at  the  same  time,  thrown  a  bridge  of  rafts  over,  by 
which  the  advanced  corps  were  passed  to  that  place. 

These  demonstrations  tended  to  inspire  the  belief  that  all  the 
British  army  was  about  to  cross  the  river,  in  order  to  attack  the 
enemy,  who  still  continued  to  occupy  his  encampment  at  Stillwater. 

According  to  the  plan  which  had  been  traced  for  him,  lieutenant- 
colonel  Baum  set  forward  upon  his  march  with  equal  celerity  and 
caution.  He  very  shortly  fell  in  with  a  party  of  the  enemy,  who 
were  escorting  some  cattle  and  provisions,  both  of  which  he  took 
with  little  difficulty  and  sent  back  to  the  camp  ;  but  that  evil  fortune 
soon  began  to  appear,  which  had  already  so  fatally  retarded  the 
royal  army.  The  want  of  horses  and  carriages,  and  the  roads  now 
become  heavy  and  slippery,  in  consequence  of  the  bad  weather,  ren- 
dered the  advance  of  Baum  excessively  tedious.  Hence  the  enemy, 
who  stood  upon  their  guard  at  Bennington,  were  seasonably  informed 
of  his  approach.  Colonel  Stark,  who  had  lately  arrived  with  a 
corps  of  militia  he  had  assembled  in  New  Hampshire,  commanded 
in  that  town.  He  sent  with  all  speed  to  request  colonel  Warner, 
who,  since  the  defeat  of  Hubbardston,  had  taken  post  at  Manchester, 
to  march  to  his  assistance.  All  these  troops,  reenforced  with  some 
of  the  neighboring  rnilitia,  amounted  to  about  two  thousand  men. 
Upon  the  intelligence  that  the  enemy  approached,  Stark  detached 
colonel  Gregg  upon  the  lookout ;  supposing  at  first  it  might  be  only 
a  party  of  savages  who  were  scouring  the  country.  When  he  had 
discovered  that  they  were  regular  troops,  he  fell  back  to  his  principal 
position  at  Bennington.  Lieutenant-colonel  Baum,  on  his  part,  hav- 
ing learnt  that  the  enemy  were  too  strong  to  be  attacked  byjiis 


24  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

present  force  without  temerity,  sent  immediately  to  Breyman,  appris- 
ing him  of  his  situation,  ,and  pressing  him  to  hasten- to  his  succour. 
In  the  meantime,  he  took  an  excellent  post  near  Santcoick  Mills,  on 
the"  banks  of  Walloon  Creek,  about  four  miles  from  Bennington,  and 
there  intrenched  himself. 

But  Stark,  not  choosing  to  wait  for  the  junction  of  the  two  parties, 
determined  to  attack  him.  Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  six- 
teenth of  August,  he  issued  from  Bennington,  and  advanced  with  his 
troops  divided  in  several  corps,  in  order  to  surround  the  posts  of 
Baum,  and  assault  them  on  all  sides  at  once.  The  latter,  on  seeing 
the  Americans  approach,  persuaded  himself  that  they  were  bodies  of 
loyalists  coming  up  to  join  him.  A  number  of  refugees,  who  made 
part  of  his  detachment,  had  prevailed  upon  an 'officer,  more  familiar 
with  arms  than  with  civil  contentions,  to  adopt  the  absurd  hopes  and 
chimerical  conceits  with  which  they  habitually  deceived  themselves. 
Having  at  length  discovered  his  error,  he  defended  himself  with 
great  valor.  But  such  was  the  impetuosity,  and  even  the  superiority 
of  the  Americans,  that  he  could  not  resist  them  long  ;  having  carried 
all  before  them,  and  taken  his  two  pieces  of  cannon,  they  poured  on 
every  side  into  his  intrenchments.  The  savages,  Canadians  and 
British  marksmen,  profiting  of  their  activity,  escaped  in  the  woods. 
The  German  dragoons  still  kept  together,  and  when  their  ammu- 
nition was  expended,  were  bravely  led  by  their  commander  to 
charge  with  their  swords.  But  they  were  soon  overwhelmed,  and 
the  survivors,  among  whom  was  their  wounded  colonel,  were  made 
prisoners. 

In  the  meantime,  Breyman  had  set  forward  from  Batten  Kill  to 
the  succour  of  Baum  ;  and  although  he  was  on  the  march  by  eight 
in  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  had  continued  it  without  intermission, 
and  the  distance  was  not  over  twenty-four  miles  ;  yet,  so  many  and 
so  formidable  were  the  impediments  he  encountered,  from  the  bad- 
ness of  the  roads,  rendered  still  more  difficult  by  the  continual  rain, 
and  from  the  weakness  and  tiring  of  horses  in  getting  forward  the 
artillery,  that  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  camp  of  Baum,  till  after 
fortune  had  already  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  Americans.  It  is 
asserted  that  he  had  received  no  timely  information  of  the  engage- 
ment, and  that  his  first  knowledge  of  it  was  brought  him  by  the  fugi- 
tives. It  was  four  in  the  afternoon  when  he  appeared  before  the 
intrenchments  of  Baum,  where,  instead  of  meeting  his  friends,  he 
found  his  detachment  attacked  on  all  sides  by  enemies.  Though  his 
men  were  excessively  fatigued,  they  defended  themselves  with  great 
spirit  and  resolution.  As  many  of  the  provincial  militia  had  dis- 
banded to  pillage,  the  action  was  maintained  at  first  with  an  equality 
of  advantage,  and  there  was  even  danger  that  Breyman  would 
recover  what  Baum  had  lost. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

He  had  already  dislodged  the  Americans  from  two  or  three  differ- 
ent hills  on  which  they  had  posts,  and  he  pressed  them  so  vigorously 
that  they  hegan  to  exhibit  symptoms  of  disorder.  But  the  affair 
soon  assumed  a  quite  different  aspect  ;  colonel  Warner  arrived  at 
the  head  of  his  regiment  of  the  line,  and  falling  upon  the  rear  of  the 
English  and  Germans,  restored  the  battle  with  increase  of  vehe- 
mence. The  militia  that  were  dispersed  in  quest  of  plunder,  on 
hearing  the  report  of  the  cannon,  immediately  rallied.  Victory, 
however,  remained  doubtful  till  the  dusk  of  evening  ;  on  one  side 
combated  valor  and  discipline,  on  the  other,  number  and  fury. 

At  length  the  soldiers  of  Breyman,  overpowered  by  numbers,  hav- 
ing expended  all  their  ammunition,  and  lost  the  two  pieces  of  artillery 
they  had  been  at  such -pains  to  bring  with  them,  began  to  give  ground, 
and  afterwards  to  break.  They  abandoned  the  field  of  battle,  and 
in  the  precipitation  of  their  retreat,  left  in  the  power  of  the  conqueror 
all  their  baggage,  a  thousand  muskets  and  nearly  as  many  sabres. 
The  obscurity  of  night  covered  their  retreat.  The  royalists  lost,  in 
these  two  engagements,  seven  hundred  men,  the  greater  part  prison- 
ers ;  the  number  of  killed  was  probably  about  two  hundred.  The 
loss  of  the  republicans  was  inconsiderable.  The  Congress  addressed 
their  public  thanks  to  colonel  Stark  and  the  militia  who  took  part  in 
the  actions  of  this  day.  Stark  was  moreover  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  brigadier-general. 

In  the  country  of  the  Mohawks  the  affairs  of  the  English  took,  at 
first,  the  most  favorable  turn.  Colonel  St.  Leger  had  encamped, 
the  third  of  August,  under  Fort  Stanwix.  The  force  under  his  com- 
mand, consisting:  of  English,  Germans,  Canadians  and  American  loy- 
alists, amounted  to  about  eight  hundred  men.  He  was  followed  by 
a  train  of'savages,  with  their  wives  and  children,  thirsting  indeed  for 
carnage  and  plunder,  but  feeble  auxiliaries  in  besieging  fortresses. 
Colonel  Gansevort,  on  being  summoned  by  the  English,  answered 
that  he  should  defend  himself  to  the  last.  Apprised  of  this  state  of 
things,  and  knowing  the  importance  of  this  fort  to  the  United  States, 
general  Harkimer,  a  leading  man  in  the  county  of  Tryon,  assembled 
the  militia  and  marched  with  all  expedition  to  the  relief  of  Gansevort. 
He  sent  an  express  from  his  camp  of  Erick,  six  miles  from  the  fort, 
to  inform  him,  .that  he  was  about  to  advance  and  make  every  exertion 
to  effect  his  junction  with  the  garrison.  Gansevort  directed  lieute- 
nant-colonel Willet  to  make  a  sally  upon  the  British  lines,  in  order 
to  favor  the  attempt  of  Harkimer  ;  but  the  English  commander  per- 
ceiving how  dangerous  it  was  to  receive  the  enemy  in  his  intrench- 
ments,  and  knowing  full  well  how  much  better  the  Indians  were 
adapted  for  the  attack  than  for  acting  upon  the  defensive,  detached 
colonel  Johnson,'  with  a  part  of  the  regular  troops  and  the  Indians, 
to  intercept  the  Americans  upon  their  approach.  General  Harkimer 
advanced  with  extreme  negligence,  without  examination  of  his 


;>G  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

ground,  without  a  reconnoitring  party  in  front,  and  without  rangers 
upon  his  flanks  ;  a  thing  the  more  surprising,  as  he  could  not  have 
been  ignorant  how  liable  he  was  to  ambuscades  from  the  nature  of 
the  country,  and  the  singular  adroitness  of  the  savages  in  that  mode 
of  war.  These  barbarians  soon  found  occasion  to  give  him  a  san- 
guinary proof  of  it.  They  concealed  themselves  with  a  detachment 
of  regulars  in  the  woods  near  the  road  by  which  the  Americans 
approached.  The  moment  the  column  had  passed,  they  suddenly 
fell  upon  the  rear  guard  with  inconceivable  fury.  After  the  first  fire 
the  Indians  rushed  on  with  their  spears  and  hatchets,  and  killed  with 
the  same  cruelty  those  who  resisted  and  those  who  surrendered. 
The  disorder  became  extreme ;  the  carnage  was  frightful ;  and 
even  the  horrible  aspect  of  the  principal  actors,  contributed  to 
heighten  the  terrors  of  the  scene.  The  republicans,  however,  re- 
covered from  their  first  surprise,  and  forming  themselves  into  a  solid 
column,  attained  an  advantageous  ground,  which  enabled  them  to 
maintain  a  spirited  resistance.  They  would,  nevertheless,  have  been 
overborne  by  the  number  and  fury  of  the  enemy,  if  the  intelligence 
of  the  attack  upon  his  camp  by  colonel  Willet  had  not  induced  him 
to  retire.  Four  hundred  Americans  were  slain,  and  among  them 
general  Harkimer.  Many  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  the 
province,  and  several  of  the  most  considerable  magistrates  shared 
the  same  fate.  The  royalists  looked  upon  this  success  as  a  sure 
pledge  of  the  approaching  reduction  of  the  rebels.  Their  victory, 
however,  was  not  bought  without  blood  ;  besides  a  certain  number 
of  regulars,  about  sixty  Indians  were  killed  and  wounded,  among 
whom  were  several  of  their  principal  chiefs,  and  of  their  most  dis- 
tinguished and  favorite  warriors.  It  appears  also,  that  in  the  heat  and 
confusion  of  the  conflict,  several  savages  were  killed  by  the  English 
themselves.  Thus,  these  intraqtable  and  undisciplined  barbarians, 
by  nature  ferocious,  and  inclined  to  suspicion,  irritated  at  finding  a 
resistance  to  which  they  had  not  been  accustomed,  became  still  more 
refractory  and  still  more  ruthless.  They  wreaked  the  first  trans- 
ports of  their  rage  upon  the  unhappy  prisoners,  whom  they  inhu- 
manly butchered  in  cold  blood.  Submission  to  European  officers 
became  insupportable  to  them,  and  they  refused  to  obey.  It  was 
now  perceived,  that  their  presence  was  more  prejudicial,  and  even 
more  dangerous,  than  useful  to  the  British  army. 

Meanwhile,  colonel  Willet  had  conducted  his  sally  with  great  spirit 
and  ability.  He  entered  the  enemy's  camp  at  the  first  onset,  killed 
a  great  number  of  his  men,  and  drove  the  rest  into  the  woods  or  into 
the  river.  But  his  sole  object  being  to  make  a  diversion  in  favor  ot 
Harkimer,  as  soon  as  he  had  accomplished  it,  he  returned  into  the 
fort,  carrying  with  him  in  triumph  the  spoil  and  besieging  utensils 
that  he  had  taken  from  the  enemy.  The  English  were  desirous  of 
intercepting  his  retreat,  and  had  prepared  an  ambuscade  for  the  pur- 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  '21 

pose ;  but  his  vigilance  eluded  the  danger ;  he  kept  the  assailants  at 
a  distance  by  a  violent  fire  of  musketry,  and  of  artillery  with  grape- 
shot.  He  led  back  his  whole  corps  without  loss,  and  raised  a  trophy 
composed  of  the  conquered  arms  and  baggage  under  the  American 
standard,  which  waved  upon  the  walls  of  the  fortress.  He  afterwards 
undertook,  in  company  with  another  officer,  named  Stockwell,  a 
much  more  perilous  expedition.  They  passed  by  night  through  the 
English  camp,  and  in  contempt  of  the  danger  and  cruelty  of  the 
savages  made  their  way  for  fifty  miles  through  pathless  woods  and 
unexplored  morasses,  in  order  to  raise  the  country  and  bring  relief 
to  the  fort;  an  action  so  magnanimous  it  is  impossible  to  commend 
too  much. 

Colonel  St.  Leger  left  no  means  untried  to  profit  of  his  victory,  by 
intimidating  the  garrison.  He  sent  verbal  and  written  messages, 
stating  their  hopeless  situation,  the  utter  destruction  of  their  friends, 
the  impossibility  of  their  obtaining  relief,  as  general  Burgoyne,  after 
destroying  every  thing  in  his  way,  was  now  at  Albany,  receiving  the 
submission  of  all  the  adjoining  countries.  After  prodigiously  magni- 
fying his  own  force,  as  well  as  that  of  Burgoyne,  he  promised  the 
Americans,  that,  in  case  of  an  immediate  surrender,  they  should  be 
treated  according  to  the  practice  of  civilised  nations ;  at  the  same 
time  he  declared,  that  if,  through  an  incorrigible  obstinacy,  they 
should  continue  a  hopeless  and  fruitless  defence,  not  only  the  soldiers 
would  fall  victims  to  the  fury  of  the  savages,  but  that,  however  against 
his  will,  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  in  the  Mohawk  country,  would 
be  massacred  and  scalped  without  mercy. 

Colonel  Gansevort  replied  with  great  firmness,  that  he  had  been 
entrusted  with  the  charge  of  that  garrison  by  the  United  States  of 
America  ;  that  he  should  defend  the  trust  committed  to  his  care  at 
every  hazard,  and  to  the  utmost  extremity  ;  and  that  he  neither 
thought  himself  accountable  for,  nor  should  he  at  all  concern  himself 
about  any  consequences  that  attended  the  discharge  of  his  duty.  He 
had  very  judiciously  conjectured,  that  if  the  force  of  the  British  com- 
mander had  been  sufficient,  he  would  have  made  a  more  simple 
summons,  or  would  have  attacked  the  fort  immediately,  without  wast- 
ing his  time  in  drawing  up  so  extraordinary  a  bravado.  The  British 
commander,  finding  that  neither  ambushes  nor  threats  could  effect 
his  purpose,  turned  all  his  thoughts  upon  a  regular  siege.  But  he 
was  not  long  in  perceiving  that  the  fort  was  stronger,  and  much  better 
defended,  than  it  had  been  reported.  He  also  found  by  experience, 
that  his  artillery  was  not  sufficient  in  weight  to  make  much  impression 
at  a  certain  distance.  The  only  remedy  was,  to  bring  his  approaches 
so  near  that  they  must  take  effect ;  which  he  set  about  with  the 
greatest  diligence.  But  the  savages,  from  the  dissatisfaction  they 
felt  at  their  late  losses,  and  from  the  disappointment  of  their 
hopes  of  plunder,  became  every  day  more  sullen  and  ungovern- 


28  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

able.  The  English  commander  was  in  continual  apprehension  that 
they  would  pillage  his  camp,  and  abandon  the  British  standard. 
In  this  disagreeable  situation,  he  was  informed  that  general  Arnold 
was  rapidly  approaching,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment,  to 
relieve  the  fort.  It  appears  that  general  Schuyler,  upon  intelligence 
that  the  fort  which  had  taken  his  name,  was  besieged,  had  despatch- 
ed Arnold  to  its  succour,  with  a  brigade  of  regular  troops  commanded 
by  general  Larned,  which  was  afterwards  reenforced  by  a  thousand 
light  infantry  detached  by  general  pates.  Arnold  had  advanced  with 
his  usual  celerity  up  the  Mohawk  river,  but  before  he  had  got  half 
way,  having  learnt  that  Gansevort  was  hard  pushed  by  the  enemy, 
and  knowing  all  the  importance  of  expedition,  he  quitted  the  main 
body,  and  with  a  light  armed  detachment  of  only  nine  hundred  men. 
set  forward  by  forced  marches  towards  the  fortress.  The  Indians, 
who  were  incessantly  upon  the  lookout,  were  soon  informed  of  his 
approach,  either  by  their  own  scouts,  or  by  the  spies  that  were  de- 
spatched by,  Arnold  himself,  who  prodigiousjy  exaggerated  his 
strength.  At  the  name  of  Arnold,  and  in  their  present  temper,  they 
were  seized  with  terror  and  dismay.  Other  scouts  arrived  immedi- 
ately after  with  a  report,  which  probably  grew  out  of  the  affair  of 
Bennington,  that  Burgoyne's  army  was  entirely  cut  to  pieces.  They 
would  now  stay  no  longer,  and  assembled  tumultuously,  intending  to 
abandon  the  camp.  Colonel  St.  Leger  endeavored  to  dissipate  their 
terrors  and  detain  them,  by  promising  to  lead  them  himself,  to  bring 
all  his  best  troops  into  action,  and  by  carrying  their  leaders  out  to 
mark  a  field  of  battle,  and  the  flattery  of  consulting  them  upon  the 
intended  plan  of  operation.  Finally,  the  British  commander  called 
a  council  of  their  chiefs,  hoping,  that  by  the  influence  which  colonel 
Johnson,  and  the  superintendents  Glaus  and  Butler  had  over  them, 
they  might  still  be  induced  to  make  a  stand.  He  was  disappointed. 
A  part  of  the  savages  decamped  whilst  the  council  was  sitting,  and 
the  remainder  threatened  peremptorily  to  abandon  him  if  he  did  not 
immediately  retreat.  The  English  were  forced  to  comply  with  their 
demands.  They  raised  the  siege  the  twenty-second  of  August,  and 
jetreated,  or  rather  fled,  towards  Lake  Oneida.  Their  tents,  artil- 
lery, and  stores,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy ;  who,  issuing  from 
the  fort,  assailed  their  rear  guard,  and  treated  it  very  roughly.  Bui 
the  British  troops  were  exposed  to  greater  danger  from  the  fury  of 
their  savage  allies,  than  even  from  the  pursuit  of  the  republicans. 
During  the  retreat,  they  robbed  the  officers  of  their  baggage,  and 
the  army  in  general  of  their  provisions.  Not  content  with  this,  they 
first  stripped  of  their  arms,  and  afterwards  murdered  with  their  own 
bayonets,  all  those  who,  from  an  inability  to  keep  up,  fear,  or  any 
other  cause,  were  separated  from  the  main  body.  It  would  be  in 
vain  to  attempt  a  description  of  the  confusion,  the  terror,  and  all  the 
miseries  which  attended  this  discomfiture  of  the  royal  troops.  They 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  29 

arrived,  however,  at  length,  upon  the  lake,  where  they  found  some 
repose.  St.  Leger  returned  to  Montreal,  and  afterwards  passed  to 
Ticonderoga,  on  his  way  to  join  Burgoyne.  Arnold  arrived  at  the 
fort  in  the  evening  of  the  twenty-fourth,  two  days  after  the  siege  had 
been  raised  ;  he  and  his  soldiers  were  welcomed  by  the  garrison, 
with  the  acknowledgment  of  deliverance,  and  the  exultation  of  vic- 
tory. 

By  the  affairs  of  Bennington,  and  this  of  Fort  Schuyler,  it  appeared 
that  fortune  began  to  smile  upon  the  cause  of  the  Americans.  These 
successes  produced  the  more  happy  effect  upon  their  minds,  the 
more  they  were  unexpected  ;  for  since  the  fatal  stroke  which  deprived 
them  of  Montgomery,  they  had  found  this  war  of  Canada  but  one 
continued  series  of  disasters.  Their  late  discouragement  and  timi- 
dity, were  instantly  converted  into  confidence  and  ardor.  The  Eng- 
lish, on  the  contrary,  could  not  witness  without  apprehension,  the 
extinction  of  those  brilliant  hopes,  which,  from  their  first  advantages, 
they  had  been  led  to  entertain. 

Thus  the  face  of  things  had  experienced  a  total  change  ;  and  this 
army,  of  late  the  object  of  so  much  terror  for  the  Americans,  was 
now  looked  upon  as  a  prey  which  could  not  escape  them.  The  ex- 
ploit of  Bennington,  in  particular,  had  inspired  the  militia  with  great 
confidence  in  themselves ;  since  they  had  not  only  combated,  but 
repulsed  and  vanquished,  the  regular  troops  of  the  royal  army,  both 
English  and  German. 

They  began  now  to  forget  all  distinctions  between  themselves  and 
troops  of  the  line,  and  the  latter  made  new  exertions  and  more  stre- 
nuous efforts  to  maintain  their  established  reputation  for  superiority 
over  the  militia.  Having  lost  all  hope  of  seizing  the  magazines  at 
Bennington,  general  Burgoyne  experienced  anew  the  most  alarming 
scarcity  of  provisions.  But  on  the  other  hand,  the  successes  of  the 
Americans  under  the  walls  of  Fort  Schuyler,  besides  having  inspirited 
the  militia,  produced  also  this  other  happy  effect,  that  of  enabling 
them,  now  liberated  from  the  fear  of  invasion  in  the  country  upon  the 
Mohawk,  to  unite  all  their  forces  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  against 
the  army  of  Burgoyne.  The  country  people  took  arms  in  multitudes, 
and  hastened  to  the  camp.  The  moment  was  favorable  ;  the  harvests 
were  ended,  and  the  arrival  of  general  Gates  to  take  the  command 
of  the  army,  gave  a  new  spur  to  their  alacrity.  This  officer  enjoyed 
the  entire  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  Americans ;  his  name  alone 
was  considered  among  them  as  the  presage  of  success.  The  Con- 
gress, in  their  sitting  of  the  fourth  of  August,  had  appointed  him  to 
the  command  of  the  army  of  the  north,  while  affairs  still  wore  the 
most  lowering  aspect ;  but  he  had  not  arrived  at  Stillwater  till  the 
twenty-first. 

General  Schuyler  was  promptly  apprised  that  a  successor  had  been 
given  him  ;  but  this  good  citizen  had  continued  until  the  arrival  of 

VOL,    II.  5 


30  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII* 

Gates  to  exert  all  his  energies  to  repair  the  evil.  Already,  as  we 
have  seen,  his  efforts  had  not  been  fruitless,  and  victory  inclined  in 
his  favor.  He  bitterly  complained  to  Washington,  that  the  course  of 
his  fortune  was  interrupted,  and  that  the  fruit  of  his  toils  vvas  given 
to  another,  who  was  about  to  enjoy  that  victory  for  which  he  had 
prepared  the  way.  But  the  Congress  preferred  to  place  at  the  head 
of  an  army,  dismayed  by  its  reverses,  a  general  celebrated  for  his 
achievements.  Moreover  they  were  not  ignorant  that  if  Schuyler 
was  agreeable  to  the  New  Yorkers,  he  was  nevertheless  in  great 
disrepute  with  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  other  provinces 
of  New  England. 

This  necessarily  counteracted  that  alacrity  with  which  it  was  de- 
sired that  the  militia  from  that  quarter  should  hasten  to  reenforce  the 
.army  of  the  north,  which  vvas  then  encamped  in  the  islands  situated 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Mohawk  with  the  Hudson. 

Another  and  very  powerful  cause  contributed  to  excite  the  mass 
of  the  Americans  to  rise  against  the  English  army,  which  was  the 
cruelties  committed  by  the  savages  under  St.  Leger  and  Burgoyne, 
who  spared  neither  age  nor  sex  nor  opinions.  The  friends  of  the 
royal  cause,  as  well  as  its  enemies,  were  equally  victims  to  their 
indiscriminate  rage.  The  people  abhorred  and  execrated  an  army, 
which  consented  to  act  with  such  ferocious  auxiliaries.  Though  too 
true,  their  deeds  of  barbarity  were  aggravated  by  the  writers  and 
orators  of  the  patriot  party,  which  carried  the  exasperation  of  minds 
to  its  utmost  height.  They  related,  among  others,  an  event,  which 
drew  tears  from  every  eye,  and  might  furnish,  if  not  too  horrible,  an 
affecting  subject  for  the  dramatic  art. 

A  young  lady,  by  the  name  of  M'Crea,  as  distinguished  for  her 
virtues  as  for  the  beauty  of  her  person  and  the  gentleness  of  her 
manners,  of  respectable  family,  and  recently  affianced  to  a  British 
officer,  was  seized  by  the  savages  in  her  father's  house,  near  Fort 
Edward,  dragged  into  the  woods,  with  several  other  young  people  of 
both  sexes,  and  there  barbarously  scalped  and  afterwards  murdered. 
Thus,  this  ill  fated  damsel,  instead  of  being  conducted  to  the  hyme- 
neal altar,  received  an  inhuman  death  at  the  very  hands  of  the  com- 
panions in  arms  of  that  husband  she  was  about  to  espouse.  The 
recital  of  an  atrocity  so  unexampled,  struck  every  breast  with  horror, 
as  well  in  Europe  as  America,  and  the  authors  of  the  Indian  war 
were  loaded  with  the  bitterest  maledictions. 

The  Americans  represent  the  fact  as  it  is  stated  above  ;  other 
writers  relate  it  differently.  According  to  their  account,  young 
Jones,  the  British  officer,  fearing  that  some  ill  might  betide  the  object 
of  his  love,  as  well  in  consequence  of  the  obstinate  attachment  of 
her  father  to  the  royal  cause,  as  because  their  mutual  passion  was 
already  publicly  talked  of,  had,  by  the  promise  of  a  larg;e  recompense, 
induced  two  Indians,  of  different  tribes,  to  take  her  under  their 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  31 

escort,  and  conduct  her  in  safety  to  the  camp.     The  two  savages 
went  accordingly,  and   brought  her  through   the  woods ;  hut  at  the 
very  momeut  they  were  about  to  place  her  in  the  hands  of  her  future 
husband,  they  fell  to  quarrelling  about  their  recompense,  each  con- 
tending that  it  belonged  entirely  to  himself;  when  one  of  them,  trans- 
ported with  brutal  fury,  raised  his  club  and  laid  the  unhappy  maiden 
dead  at  his  feet.     General   Burgoyne,   on  being  informed   of •  this 
horrid  act,  ordered  the  assassin  to  be  arrested,  that  he  might  suffer 
the  punishment  due  to  his  crime.     But  he  soon  after  pardoned   him 
upon  the  promise  made  him  by  the  savages  of  abstaining  for  the  future 
from  similar  barbarities,  and  of  strictly  observing   the  'conditions  to 
which   they  had   pledged  themselves  upon  the  banks  of  the  river 
Bouquet.     The  general  believed  that  this  act  of  clemency  would  be 
more    advantageous    than   the   example   of  chastisement.     It   even 
appears  that  he  did  not  think  himself  sufficiently  authorised,  by  the 
laws  of  England,  to  try  and   punish  with  death  the  murderer  of  the 
young  lady  ;  as  if  there  existed  not  other  laws  besides  the  English, 
which  bound  him  to  inflict  a  just  chastisement  upon  the  perpetrator 
of  a  crime  so  execrable.     But  if  he  was  warned  by   prudence  to 
abstain  from  it,  then  was  he  to  be  pitied  for  the  state  of  weakness  to 
which   he  was  reduced,  and   the  weight  of  censure  and  detestation 
must  fall  exclusively   upon  the  counsels  of  those   who   had  called 
these   barbarians  into  a  civil  contest.     However  the  truth  was,  the 
condescension  of  general   Burgoyne   recoiled  upon  himself;  for  the 
savages  finding  they  were  no  longer  permitted,  as  at   first,  to  satiate 
their  passion  for  pillage  and  massacre,  deserted  the  camp  and   re- 
turned to  their  several  homes,  ravaging  and  plundering  whatever  they 
found  in  their  way.     Thus  terminated,  almost  entirely,  this  year,  the 
Indian  war  ;  a  war  impolitic  in  principle,  atrocious  in  execution,  and 
bootless  in  result.     The  Canadians  themselves,  and  the  loyalists  who 
followed   the  royal  army,  terrified  at  the  sinister  aspect  of  affairs, 
deserted  with  one  consent;  so  that  Burgoyne,  in  his  greatest  need, 
was  left  nearly  destitute  of  other  force  except  his  English  and  Ger- 
man regular  troops. 

Such  was  his  situation,  when  a  party  of  republicans  undertook  an 
enterprise  upon  the  rear  of  his  army,  which-,  if  it  had  succeeded, 
would  have  entirely  cut  off  his  provisions  and  retreat  towards  Cana- 
da ;  and  at  least  demonstrated  the  danger  to  which  he  had  exposed 
himself,  in  having  advanced  with  so  small  an  army  to  so  great  a  dis- 
tance from  the  strong  posts  upon  the  lakes. 

General  Lincoln,  with  a  strong  corps  of  the  militia  of  New 
Hampshire  and  Connecticut,  conceived  the  hope  of  recovering  for 
the  confederation  the  fortresses  of  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independ- 
ence, and  consequently  the  command  of  Lake  George.  He  knew 
that  these  places  were  guarded  only  by  feeble  garrisons.  He  ad- 
vanced from  Manchester  to  Pawlet.  He  parted  his  corps  into  three 


32  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

divisions  ;  the  first,  commanded  by  colonel  Brown,  was  to  proceed  to 
the  northern  extremity  of  Lake  George,  and  thence  to  fall  by  sur- 
prise upon  Ticonderoga  ;  the  second,  -led  by  colonel"  Johnston,  was 
destined  to  scour  the  country  about  Fort  Independence,  in  order  to 
make  a  diversion,  and  even  an  attack,  if  occasion  should  favor  it; 
the  third,  under  the  orders  of  colonel  Woodbury,  had  it  in  view  to 
reduce  Skeenesborough,  Fort  Anne,  and  even  Fort  Edward.  Colo- 
nel Brown,  with  equal  secrecy  and  celerity,  surprised  all  the  posts 
noon  Lake  George  and  the  inlet  of  Ticonderoga,  Mount  Hope, 
Mount  Defiance,  and  the  old  French  lines.  He  took  possession  of 
two  hundred  batteaux,  an  armed  brig,  and  several  gun  boats;  he 
also  made  a  very  considerable  number  of  prisoners.  Colonel  John- 
ston arrived  at  the  same  time  under  the  walls  of  Fort  Independence. 
The  two  fortresses  were  summoned  to  capitulate.  But  brigadier 
Powell,  who  held  the  chief  command,  replied,  that  he  was  resolved 
to  defend  himself.  The  Americans  continued  their  cannonade  for 
the  space  of  four  days;  but  their  artillery  being  of  small  caliber,  and 
the  English  opposing  a  spirited  resistance,  they  were  constrained  to 
abandon  the  enterprise,  and  to  recover  their  former  positions. 

Meanwhile,  general  Burgoyne  continued  in  his  camp,  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Hudson,  where  he  used  the  most  unremitting  industry  and 
perseverance  in  bringing  stores  and  provisions  forward  from  Fort 
George.  Having  at  length,  by  strenuous  efforts,  obtained  about  thirty 
days'  provision,  he  took  a  resolution  of  passing  the  river  with  his 
army,  in  order  to  engage  the  enemy,  and  force  a  passage  to  Albany. 
As  a  swell  of  the  water,  occasioned  by  great  rains,  had  carried  away 
his  bridge  of  rafts,  he  threw  another,  of  boats,  over  the  river  at  the 
same  place.  Towards  the  middle  of  September,  he  crossed  with  his 
army  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  encamped  on  the  heights 
and  in  the  plain  of  Saratoga  ;  Gates  being  then  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Stillwater,  about  three  miles  below.  The  two  armies  of  course 
faced  each  other,  and  a  battle  was  expected  soon  to  follow. 

This  measure  of  passing  the  Hudson  was  by  many  censured  with 
great  vehemence  ;  it  was  considered  as  the  principal  cause  of  the 
unfortunate  issue  of  this  campaign.  Some  were  of  the  opinion  that 
after  the  affairs  of  Bennington  and  Stanwix,  Burgoyne  would  have 
acted  more  wisely,  considering  the  daily  increase  of  the  American 
army,  if  he  had  renounced  the  project  of  occupying  Albany,  and 
made  the  best  of  his  way  back  to  the  lakes.  It  appears,  however, 
to  us  but  just  to  remark  for  his  excuse,  that  at  this  time  he  had  not 
yet  received  any  intelligence  either  of  the  strength  of  the  army  left 
at  New  York,  or  of  the  movements  which  sir  Henry  Clinton  was  to 
make,  or  had  made,  up  the  North  river  towards  Albany.  He  cal- 
culated upon  a  powerful  cooperation  on  the  part  of  that  general. 
Such  was  the  plan  of  the  ministers,  and  such  the  tenor  of  his  own 
peremptory  instructions.  And  to  what  reproaches  would  he  not 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  33 

have  exposed  himself,  if,  by  retiring  towards  Ticonderogo,  he  had 
abandoned  Ciinton  to  himself,  and  thus  voluntarily  relinquished  all 
the  advantages  that  were  expected  from  the  junction  of  the  two 
armies  ?  We  may,  however,  consider  as  vain  the  apology  which 
was  advanced  by  Burgoyne  himself,  when  he  alleged,  that  if  he  had 
returned  to  the  lakes,  Gates  might  have  gone  to  join  Washington, 
who,  falling  upon  Howe  with  the  combined  armies,  must  have  over- 
powered him,  and  decided  the  fate  of  the  whole  war.  Gates  would 
never  have  abandoned  the  shores  of  the  Hudson,  so  long  as  the  army 
of  Burgoyne  was  opposed  to  him,  whether  in  the  position  of  Sara- 
toga, or  in  that  of  Ticonderoga.  It  is,  besides,  to  be  observed,  that 
as  a  great  part  of  the  army  of  Gates  consisted  in  the  New  England 
militia,  these,  at  least,  would  not  have  followed  him,  even  if  he  had 
marched  upon  the  Delaware.  But,  though  we  think  that  Burgoyne 
committed  no  error  in  resolving  to  prosecute  his  expedition,  it  never- 
theless appears  that  he  ought  not  to  have  passed  the  Hudson.  By 
continuing  upon  the  left  bank,  he  could  retire  at  will  towards  Ticon- 
deroga, or  push  forward  towards  Albany.  It  was  evidently  more 
easy  to  execute  this  movement,  while  having  between  himself  and 
the  now  formidable  army  of  Gates,  so  broad  a  river  as  the  Hudson. 
The  roads  above,  from  Batten  Kill  to  Fort  George,  were  much 
easier  upon  the  left  than  those  upon  the  right  bank  ;  and  in  going 
down  towards  Albany,  if  they  were  not  better,  at  least  they  were 
not  worse.  The  city  of  Albany,  it  is  true,  is  situated  upon  the  right 
bank  ;  but  when  Burgoyne  should  have  arrived  opposite  to  that  city, 
upon  the  left,  the  English  from  below  might  have  come  up  with  their 
boats,  and  transported  the  troops  to  the  right  bank.  At  any  rate, 
Burgoyne  might  thus  have  operated  his  junction  with  Clinton.  But 
the  former,  either  confiding  too  much  in  his  army,  which  was,  in 
truth,  equally  brave  and  flourishing,  or  not  esteeming  the  Americans 
enough,  notwithstanding  the  more  favorable  opinion  of  them  which 
the  actions  of  Bennington  and  of  Stanwix  should  have  given  him, 
resolved  to  quit  the  safer  ground  and  try  the  fortune  of  a  battle  ;  he 
considered  victory  as  certain  and  decisive.  In  like  manner  as  the 
British  ministers,  erroneously  estimating  the  constancy  of  the  colo- 
nists, had  persuaded  themselves  that  they  could  reduce  them  to 
submission  by  rigorous  laws,  the  generals  deceiving  themselves  as 
strangely  with  respect  to  their  courage,  had  no  doubt  that  with  their 
presence,  a  few  threats,  and  a  little  rattling  of  their  arms,  they  could 
put  them  to  flight.  From  this  blind  confidence  in  victory,  resulted 
a  series  of  defeats,  and  the  war  was  irretrievably  lost  from  too  san- 
guine an  assurance  of  triumph. 

But  let  us  resume  the  course  of  events.  The  nineteenth  of 
September  was  reserved  by  destiny  for  an  obstinate  and  sanguinary 
action,  in  which  it  was  at  length  to  be  decided  whether  the  Ameri- 
cans, as  some  pretended,  could  only  resist  the  English  when  protected 


,;i  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  BOOK  VIII. 

by  the  strength  of  works,  or  of  woods,  rivers  and  mountains,  or  if 
they  were  capable  of  meeting  them  upon  equal  ground,  in  fair  and 
regular  battle.  General  Burgoyne  having  surmounted  the  obstacles 
of  thick  woods  and  broken  bridges,  by  which  his  progress  was 
continually  interrupted,  at  length  arrived  in  the  front  of  the  enemy, 
some  woods  only  of  no  great  extent  separating  the  two  armies. 
Without  a  moment's  delay,  the  English  formed  themselves  in  order 
of  battle  ;  their  right  wing  rested  upon  some  high  grounds,  which 
rise  gradually  from  the  river ;  it  was  flanked  by  the  grenadiers  and 
light  infantry,  who  occupied  the  hills.  At  some  distance  in  front, 
and  upon  the  side  of  these,  were  posted  those  Indians,  Canadians 
and  loyalists,  who  had  still  remained  in  the  camp.  The  left  wing 
and  artillery,  under  general  Phillips  and  Reidesel,  kept  along  the 
great  road  and  meadows  by  the  river  side.  The  American  army 
drew  up  in  the  same  order  from  the  Hudson  to  the  hills  ;  Gates  had 
taken  the  right,  and  given  the  left  to  Arnold.  Smart  skirmishes 
immediately  ensued  between  the  foremost  marksmen  of  either  army. 
Morgan,  with  his  light  horse,  and  colonel  Durbin  with  the  light 
infantry,  had  attacked  and  routed  the  Canadians  and  savages;  but 
the  latter  having  been  supported,  they  were  both  in  their  turn  com- 
pelled to  resume  their  place  in  the  line.  Meanwhile,  Burgoyne, 
either  intending  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy,  or  wishing  to 
avoid,  hy  passing  higher  up,  the  hollows  of  the  torrents  which  fall 
into  the  Hudson,  extended  his  right  wing  upon  the  heights,  in  order 
to  fall  upon  Arnold  in  flank  and  rear. 

But  Arnold  was,  at  the  same  time,  endeavoring  to  execute  a  simi- 
lar manoeuvre  upon  him,  while  neither  of  them  was  able,  on  account 
of  the  woods,  to  perceive  the  movements  of  his  enemy. 

The  two  parties  met ;  general  Frazer  repulsed  the  Americans. 
Finding  the  right  flank  of  the  enemy's  right  wing  so  well  defended, 
they  left  a  sufficient  guard  to  defend  this  passage,  made  a  rapid 
movement  to  their  right,  and  vigorously  assailed  the  left  flank  of  the 
same  wing.  Arnold  exhibited  upon  this  occasion  all  the  impetuosity 
of  his  courage  ;  he  encouraged  his  men  with  voice  and  example. 
The  action  became  extremely  warm  ;  the  enemy  fearing  that  Arnold, 
by  cutting  their  line,  would  penetrate  between  their  wings,  as  was 
manifestly  his  intention,  hastened  to  reenforce  the  points  attacked. 
General  Frazer  came  up  with  the  twenty-fourth  regiment,  some  light 
infantry  and  Breyman's  riflemen  ;  he  would  have  drawn  more  troops 
from  the  right  flank,  but  the  heights  on  which  it  was  posted,  were  of 
too  great  importance  to  be  totally  evacuated.  Meanwhile,  such  was 
the  valor  and  impetuosity  of  the  Americans,  that  the  English  began 
to  full  into  confusion  ;  but  general  Phillips  soon  appeared  with  fresh 
men  and  a  part  of  the  artillery;  upon  hearing  the  firing  he  had 
rapidly  made  his  way  through  a  very  difficult  wood  to  the  scene  of 
danger.  He  restored  the  action  at  the  very  moment  it  was  about 
being  decided  in  favor  of  the  enemv. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  35 

The  Americans,  however,  renewed  their  attacks  with  such  perse- 
vering energy  that  night  only  parted  the  combatants.  The  royalists 
passed  it  under  arms  upon  the  field  of  battle ;  the  republicans 
retired.  They  had  lost  from  three  to  four  hundred  men  in  killed 
and  wounded  ;  among  the  former  were  colonels  Adams  and  Coburn. 
The  English  had  to  regret  more  than  five  hundred,  and  among  others, 
captain  Jones,  of  the  artillery,  an  officer  of  great  merit. 

Both  parties  claimed  the  honor  of  victory.  The  English,  it  is 
true,  kept  possession  of  the  field  of  battle ;  yet,  as  the  intention  of 
the  Americans  was  not  to  advance,  but  to  maintain  their  position,  and 
that  of  the  English  not  to  maintain  theirs,  but  to  gain  ground,  and  as 
besides  it  was  a  victory  for  the  republicans  not  to  be  vanquished,  it  is 
easy  to  see  which  had  the  advantage  of  the  day.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  English  were  now  convinced,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  their 
hopes,  and  even  of  their  courage,  that  they  would  have  to  grapple 
with  a  foe  as  eager  for  action,  as  careless  of  danger,  and  as  indiffer- 
ent with  respect  to  ground  or  cover  as  themselves. 

The  day  following,  general  Burgoyne  finding  that  he  must  abandon 
all  idea  of  dislodging  the  enemy  by  force,  from  its  intrenched  posi- 
tions, endeavored  to  console  himself  with  the  hope,  that  time  might 
offer  him  some  occasion,  to  operate  with  more  effect. 

He  was,  besides,  in  daily  expectation  of  news  from  general  Clin- 
ton, with  respect  to  whose  movements  he  was  still  entirely  in  the 
dark.  Resolving,  therefore,  to  pause,  he  pitched  his  camp  within 
cannon  shot  of  the  American  lines.  He  threw  up  numerous  intrench- 
in  ents,  both  upon  his  right,  the  part  which  had  been  attacked,  and 
upon  his  left,  in  order  to  defend  the  meadows  near  the  river,  where 
he  had  established  his  magazines  and  hospitals.  An  English  regi- 
ment, the  Hessians  of  Hanau,  and  a  detachment  of  loyalists  were 
encamped  in  the  same  meadows  for  greater  security.  General  Gates 
continued  to  occupy  his  first  position,  taking  care,  however,  to  fortify 
himself  strongly  on  the  left.  With  the  return  of  success,  his  army 
was  continually  reenforced  by  the  accession  of  fresh  bodies  of  the 
militia.  General  Lincoln  joined  him  with  two  thousand  men,  well 
trained  and  disciplined,  from  the  New  England  provinces.  The 
English  exerted  the  greatest  vigilance  to  avoid  surprise  ;  and  the 
Americans  to  prevent  them  from  going  out  of  their  camp  to  forage. 
The  skirmishes  were  animated  and  frequent. 

The  British  general  had  for  a  long  time  been  expecting  news  from 
New  York  ;  and  his  impatience  was  at  its  height,  when,  the  twentieth 
of  September,  he  received  a  letter  of  the  tenth,  written  in  cyphers, 
by  general  Clinton,  informing  him  that  about  the  twentieth  of  the 
month,  he  should  with  two  thousand  men  attack  Fort  Montgomery, 
situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  upon  the  declivity  of 
the  highlands.  He  excused  himself  upon  account  of  weakness  for 
not  doing  more  5  and  even  declared,  that  if  the  enemy  made  anr 


36  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

movement  towards  the  coasts  of  New  York,  he  should  be  forced  to 
return  thither.     Burgoyne  immediately  despatched  an  emissary,  two 
officers  in  disguise,  and  some  other  trusty  persons,  by  different  routes, 
to  general  Clinton,  with  a  full  account  of  his  present  situation,  urging 
him  to  a  speedy  execution  of  the  diversions  he  had  proposed,  and  in- 
forming him  that  he  was  provided  with  sufficient  necessaries,  to  hold 
out  in  his  present  position  till  the  twelfth  of  October.     Although  the 
assistance  promised  by  Clinton  was  much  less  effectual  than  Burgoyne 
had  kept  in  view,  nevertheless,  he  still  cherished  a  hope  that  the  attack 
on  Fort  Montgomery,  and  the  apprehension  that  the  English  after  its 
reduction  might  make   their  way  up   the   river,  would   induce  Gates 
either  to  change  the   position  of  his  camp,  or  to  send  large  detach- 
ments down  the  river,  to  oppose  the  progress  of  Clinton,  and  that  in 
either  case,  some  occasion  would   be  offered   him  to  gain  a  decisive 
advantage,  and  open  his  passage  to  Albany.     But  whoever  considers 
the  great   superiority,  in   spirit  as  well  as  number,   of  the   army  of 
Gates  over  that  of  Burgoyne,  and   that  the  former  was  continually 
increasing  in  force,  will   readily  perceive  how  vain  were  the  expect- 
ations of  the  British  general.     It  appears,   therefore,  that  the  mere 
survey  of  his  own  weakness,  of  that  of  Clinton,  and  of  the  prepon- 
derant force  of  Gates,  should   have  determined   him  for  retreat,  if, 
however,  retreat  was  still  in  his  power.     For  to  cross  the  river  in 
sight  of  so  formidable  an  army,  would  have  been  too  perilous  an  en- 
terprise ;  and  here  it  is  .again  perceived  how  imprudent  had  been  the 
measure  of  passing  it  at  first,  since  from  that  moment  it  became  alike- 
impossible  to  advance  or  recede. 

In  the  beginning  of  October,  general  Burgoyne  thought  it  expedi- 
ent, from  the  difficulty  of  his  situation  and  the  uncertainty  of  succour, 
to  lessen  the  soldiers'  rations  of  provisions  ;  to  this  measure,  from  its 
necessity,  they  submitted  with  great  cheerfulness.  But  the  twelfth 
of  October  was  approaching,  the  term  limited  for  the  stay  of  the 
army  in  its  present  encampment.  The  seventh  was  already  arrived, 
and  no  tidings  came  of  the  operations  that  had  been  proposed  for  its 
relief.  In  this  alarming  state  of  things,  the  English  general  resolved 
to  make  a  movement  to  the  enemy's  left,  not  only  to  discover  whether 
there  were  any  possible  means  of  forcing  a  passage,  should  it  be 
necessary  to  advance,  or  of  dislodging  them  for  the  convenience  of 
retreat,  out  also  to  cover  a  forage  of  the  army.  He  was  impelled 
by  necessity  to  attempt  a  decisive  stroke.  Accordingly  he  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  detachment  of  fifteen  hundred  regular  troops, 
with  two  twelve  pounders,  two  howitzers,  and  six  six  pounders.  He 
was  seconded  by  general  Phillips,  Reidesel  and  Frazer,  ail  officers 
distinguished  for  their  zeal  and  ability.  The  guard  of  the  camp  upon 
the  high  grounds  was  committed  to  the  brigadiers  general  Hamilton 
and  Speight,  that  of  the  redoubts  and  plain  near  the  river,  to  briga- 
dier Goll, 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  37 

The  force  of  the  enemy  immediately  in  the  front  of  his  lines  was 
so  much  superior,  that  Burgoyne  could  not  venture  to  augment  his 
detachment  beyond  the  number  we  have  stated.  He  had  given 
orders  that  during  this  first  attack,  several  companies  of  loyalists  and 
Indians  should  be  pushed  on  through  byways,  to  appear  as  a  check 
upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  left  flank.  The  column  of  regulars 
having  already  issued  from  the  camp,  were  formed  within  three  quar- 
ters of  a  rnile  of  the  enemy's  left,  and  manifested  an  intention  to 
turn  it.  But  general  Gates,  who  observed  this  movement,  instantly 
penetrated  the  design  of  the  English,  and  with  exquisite  discernment 
•  resolved  to  make  a  sudden  and  rapid  attack  upon  the  left  of  this 
corps,  hoping  thus  to  separate  it  from  the  remainder  of  the  army, 
and  to  cut  off  its  retreat  to  the  camp.  The  Americans  advanced  to 
the  charge  with  incredible  impetuosity,  but  they  were  received  with 
equal  resolution  by  major  Ackland,  at  the  head  of  the  grenadiers. 
Gates  immediately  detached  a  fresh  and  powerful  reenforcement  to 
the  aid  of  the  first,  and  the  attack  was  soon  extended  along  the  whole 
front  of  the  Germans,  who  were  posted  immediately  on  the  right  of 
Ackland's  grenadiers.  Hence  the  British  general  found  it  impracti- 
cable to  move  any  part  of  that  body,  as  he  would  have  desired,  for 
the  purpose  of  forming  a  second  line  to  support  this  left  flank,  where 
the  great  weight  of  the  fire  still  fell.  As  yet  the  right  was  unengaged, 
when  the  British  generals  perceived  that  the  enemy  were  marching 
a  strong  body  round  their  flank,  in  order  to  cut  off  their  retreat.  To 
oppose  this  dangerous  design  of  the  American  general,  the  light 
infantry,  with  a  part  of  the  twenty-fourth  regiment,  which  were 
joined  with  them  at  that  post,  were  thrown  into  a  second  line,  in  order 
to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  troops  into  camp.  Whilst  this  movement 
was  yet  in  process,  Arnold  came  up  with  three  regiments,  and  fell 
upon  this  right  wing.  Gates,  at  the  same  time,  sent  a  strong  reen- 
forcement to  decide  the  action  on  the  English  left,  which  being  at 
length  totally  overpowered,  fell  into  disorder  and  fled.  The  light 
infantry  and  the  twenty-fourth  advanced  with  all  speed  to  check  the 
victorious  Americans,  whose  riflemen  pursued  the  fugitives  with  great 
eagerness ;  there  ensued  an  extremely  warm  affair,  and  many  pe- 
rished on  both  sides. 

Upon  this  occasion,  brigadier-general  Frazer  was  mortally  wound- 
ed, an  officer  whose  loss  was  severely  felt  by  the  English,  and  whose 
valor  and  abilities  justified  their  regrets.  Their  situation  now  became 
exceedingly  critical ;  even  their  camp  was  threatened ;  the  enemy, 
emboldened  by  victory,  was  advancing  to  storm  it,  and  if  he  arrived 
before  the  retreating  detachment,  there  could  be  little  hope  of  de- 
fending it.  Phillips  and  Reidesel  were  ordered  to  rally  with  all 
expedition  those  troops  which  were  nearest,  or  most  disengaged,  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  the  others,  while  Burgoyne  himself,  fiercely  pur- 
sued by  Arnold,  retired  with  great  precipitation  towards  the  camp 
VOL.  n.  6 


38  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

The  detachment  at  length,  though  with  extreme  difficulty,  regained 
the  intrenchments,  having  left,  however,  upon  the  field  of  battle  a 
great  number  of  killed  and  wounded,  particularly  of  the  artillery 
corps,  who  had,  with  equal  glory  to  themselves  and  prejudice  to  the 
enemy,  displayed  the  utmost  ability  in  their  profession,  along  with  the 
most  undaunted  resolution.  Six  pieces  of  cannon  also  remained  in 
the  power  of  the  Americans. 

But  the  business  of  the  day  was  not  yet  terminated;  The  English 
had  scarcely  entered  the  camp,  when  the  Americans,  pursuing  their 
success,  assaulted  it  in  different  parts  with  uncommon  fierceness ; 
rushing;  to  the  lines  through  a  severe  fire  of  grape-shot  and  small 
arms,  with  the  utmost  fury.  Arnold  especially,  who  in  this  day  ap- 
peared intoxicated  with  the  thirst  of  battle  and  carnage,  led  on  the 
attack  against  a  part  of  the  intrenchments  occupied  by  the  light 
infantry,  under  lord  Balcarres.  But  the  English  received  him  with 
great  vigor  and  spirit.  The  action  was  obstinate  and  sanguinary. 
At  length,  as  it  grew  towards  evening,  Arnold  having  forced  all 
obstacles,  entered  the  works  with  some  of  the  most  fearless  of  his 
followers.  But  in  this  critical  moment  of  glory  and  danger,  he  was 
grievously  wounded  in  the  same  leg  which  had  been  already  shattered 
at  the  assault  of  Quebec.  To  his  great  regret,  he  was  constrained 
to  retire.  His  party  still  continued  the  attack,  and  the  English  sus- 
tained it  with  obstinacy,  till  night  separated  the  combatants. 

The  royalists  were  not  so  fortunate  in  another  quarter.  A  repub- 
lican detachment,  commanded  by  lieutenant-colonel  Brooks,  having 
succeeded  by  a  circuitous  movement  in  turning  the  right  wing  of  the 
English,  fell,  sword  in  hand,  upon  the  right  flank  of  their  intrench- 
ments, and  made  the  most  desperate  efforts  to  carry  them.  This 
post  was  defended  by  lieutenant-colonel  Breyman,  at  the  head  of  the 
German  reserve.  The  resistance  at  first  was  exceedingly  vigorous; 
but  Breyman  being  mortally  wounded,  his  countrymen  were  damped, 
and  at  length  routed,  with  great  slaughter.  Their  tents$  artillery,  and 
baggage,  fell  into  the  power  of  the  assailants.  The  Americans  esta- 
blished themselves  in  the  intrenchments.  General  Burgoyne,  upon 
hearing  of  this  disaster,  ordered  them  to  be  dislodged  immediately. 
But  either  in  consequence  of  the  approach  of  night,  or  from  the  dis- 
couragement of  his  troops,  he  was  not  obeyed,  and  the  victors  con- 
tinued to  occupy  the  positions  they  had  gained  with  so  much  glory. 
They  had  now  acquired  an  opening  on  the  right  and  rear  of  the 
British  army.  The  other  American  divisions  passed  the  night  under 
arms,  at  the  distance  of  half  a  mile  from  the  British  camp.  The  loss  in 
dead  and  wounded  was  great  on  Doth  sides  ;  but  especially  on  the  part 
of  the  English,  of  whom  no  few  were  also  made  prisoners.  Majors 
Williams  of  the  artillery,  and  Ackland  of  the  grenadiers,  were  among 
the  latter.  Many  pieces  of  artillery,  all  the  baggage  of  the  Germans, 
and  many  warlike  stores,  fell  into  the  power  of  the  republicans,  who 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  39 

needed  them  greatly.  They  were  impatient  for  the  return  of  day, 
to  renew  the  batile.  But  deplorable,  and  perilous  beyond  expression, 
was  the  situation  of  the  British  troops  ;  they  bore  it,  however,  with 
admirable. temper  and  firmness.  It  was  evidently  impossible  to  con- 
tinue in  their  present  position,  without  submitting  to  a  certainty  of 
destruction  on  the  ensuing  day.  The  Americans,  invigorated  and 
encouraged,  would  certainly  have  profited  of  the  access  they  had 
already  opened"  to  themselves  on  the  right,  and  of  other  untenable 
points,  to  carry  every  part  of  the  camp,  and  completely  surround  the 
British  army.  Burgoyne  therefore  determined  to  operate  a  total 
change  of  ground.  He  executed  this  movement  with  admirable 
order,  and  without  any  loss.  The  artillery,  the  camp  and  its  apper- 
tenances,  were  all  removed  before  morning  to  the  heights  above  the 
hospital.  The  British  army  in  this  position  had  the  river  in  its  rear, 
and  its  two  wings  displayed  along  the  hills  upon  the  right  bank.  The 
English  expected  to  be  attacked  the  following  day.  But  Gates,  like 
the  experienced  general  he  was,  would  not  expose  to  the  risk  of 
another  battle  that  victory  of  which  he  was  already  certain.  He  in- 
tended that  time,  famine,  and  necessity,  should  complete  the  work 
which  his  arms  had  so  fortunately  commenced.  There  were  fre- 
quent skirmishes,  however,  engaged  in  the  course  of  the  day  ;  but  of 
little  importance.  Towards  night,  the  obsequies  of  general  Frazer 
were  celebrated  in  the  British  camp ;  a  ceremony  mournful  of  itself, 
and  rendered  even  terrible  by  the  sense  of  recent  losses,  of  future 
dangers,  and  of  regret  for  the  deceased.  The  darkness  and  silence 
of  night,  aided  the  effect  of  the  blaze  and  roar  of  the  American  artil- 
lery ;  while  at  every  moment  the  balls  spattered  earth  upon  the  face 
of  the  officiating  chaplain. 

General  Gates,  prior  to  the  battle,  had  detached  a  strong  division 
of  his  army  to  take  post  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Hudson,  opposite  to 
Saratoga,  in  order  to  guard  the  passage  and  prevent  the  enemy's  escape 
on  that  side.  He  now  despatched  a  second  detachment  to  occupy 
a  passage  higher  up.  He  ordered  at  the  same  time,  a  selected  corps 
of  two  thousand  men  to  push  forward  and  turn  the  right  flank  of  the 
enemy,  so  as  to  enclose  him  on  every  side.  Burgoyne,  on  intelli- 
gence of  this  motion,  determined  to  retire  towards  Saratoga,  situated 
six  miles  up  the  river,  on  the  same  bank.  The  army  accordingly 
began  to  move  at  nine  o'clock  at  night  ;  but  such  was  the  badness  of 
the  roads,  rendered  still  more  difficult  by  a  heavy  rain  which  fell  that 
night,  and  such  was  the  weakness  of  the  teams  for  want  of  forage, 
that  the  English  did  not  reach  Saratoga  till  the  evening  of  the  ensuing 
day  ;  the  soldiers  were  harassed  with  fatigue  and  hunger.  The  hos- 
pital, with  three  hundred  sick  and  wounded,  and  a  great  number  of 
wheel  carriages,  were  abandoned  to  the  enemy.  The  English,  as 
they  retired,  burnt  the  houses,  and  destroyed  whatever  they  could  use 
no  longer. 


40  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

The  rain  having  ceased,  Gates  followed  them  step  by  step,  and 
with  extreme  caution,  as  they  had  broken  all  the  bridges,  and  he 
was  resolved  not  to  give  them  any  opportunity  to  engage  him  with 
advantage. 

Fearing  that  Burgoyne  would  hasten  to  detach  his  light  troops,  in 
order  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  river  near  Fort  Edward,  he  rapidly 
threw  several  companies  of  militia  into  that  fort,  in  order  to  prevent 
it.  Scarcely  had  they  arrived  there,  when  the  English  rangers 
appeared  ;  but  finding  themselves  anticipated,  they  returned  disap- 
pointed and  dejected.  During  this  time,  the  main  body  of  the 
English  army  having  passed  the  night  of  the  ninth  at  Saratoga,  left 
it  on  the  morning  of  the  tenth,  and  forded  Fish  Kill  Creek  which 
falls  into  the  Hudson  a  little  to  the  northward  of  that  town.  The 
British  generals  had  hoped  that  they  should  here  be  able  to  cross 
the  river  at  the  principal  ford,  and  escape  pursuit  upon  its  left  bank. 
But  they  found  a  body  of  republicans  already  arrived,  and  throwing 
up  intrenchments  on  the  heights  to  the  left  of  Fish  Kill  Creek. 
These  Americans,  however,  when  they  observed  the  great  superiority 
of  the  English,  retired  over  the  Hudson,  and  there  joined  a  greater 
force,  which  was  stationed  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the  army.  Hav- 
ing; lost  all  hope  of  passing  the  river  in  the  vicinity  of  Saratoga,  the 
British  generals  had  it  in  mind  to  push  forward  upon  the  right  bank, 
till  they  arrived  in  front  of  Fort  Edward,  and  then  to  force  a  passage 
to  the  left  bank,  in  defiance  of  the  troops  stationed  there  for  its 
defence.  For  this  purpose  a  company  of  artificers,  under  the  escort 
of  a  regiment  of  the  line,  with  a  detachment  of  marksmen  and  loyal- 
ists, was  sent  forward  to  repair  the  bridges,  and  open  the  road  to  Fort 
Edward.  But  they  were  not  long  departed  from  the  camp,  when 
the  enemy  appeared  in  great  force  upon  the  heights  on  the  opposite 
side  of  Fish  Kill  Creek,  and  seemed. preparing  to  cross  it,  in  order 
to  bring  on  an  immediate  engagement. 

The  regulars  and  marksmen  were  immediately  recalled.  The 
workmen  had  only  commenced  the  repair  of  the  first  bridge,  when 
they  were  abandoned  by  the  loyalists,  who  ran  away,  and  left  them 
to  shift  for  themselves,  only  upon  a  very  slight  attack  of  an  incon- 
siderable party  of  the  enemy.  Hence  it  became  necessary  to  aban- 
don all  hopes  of  saving  the  artillery  and  baggage. 

Amidst  all  these  embarrassments,  still  a  new  difficulty  presented 
itself ;  the  republicans  who  lined  the  further  shore  of  the  Hudson, 
kept  up  a  continual  fire  upon  the  batteaux  loaded  with  provisions  and 
necessaries  which  had  attended  the  motions  of  the  army  up  the 
river,  since  its  departure  from  Stillwater.  Many  of  these  boats  had 
been  taken,  some  retaken,  and  a  number  of  men  lost  on  both  sides. 
At  length,  to  avoid  these  inconveniences,  the  English  were  forced  to 
and  the  provisions  and  transport  them  up  the  hill  to  the  camp  ;  a 

2$r  which  they  accomplished  under  a  heavy  fire  with  great  fatigue 


BOOK  VIII-  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  41 

and  loss.  Nothing  could  now  exceed  the  distress  and  calamity  of 
the  British  army  ;  the  soldiers  as  well  as  the  generals  were  reduced 
to  brood  upon  the  prospect  of  an  ignominious  surrender,  or  total 
destruction.  To  attempt  the  passage  of  so  wide  a  river,  while  its 
shore  was  guarded  with  so  much  vigilance  by  a  formidable  body  of 
troops,  and  in  the  presence  of  a  powerful  enemy,  flushed  with  vic- 
tory, was  an  enterprise  savoring  rather  of  madness  than  temerity. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  retreat  upon  the  right  bank,  with  the  same 
enemy  at  the  rear,  through  ways  so  difficult  and  impracticable,  was 
a  scheme  which  presented  obstacles  absolutely  insurmountable. 
Every  thing  announced  therefore  an  inevitable  catastrophe.  Never- 
theless, in  the  midst  of  so  much  calamity,  a  ray  of  hope  suddenly 
gleamed  upon'  the  English  ;  and  they  were  near  gaining  an  oppor- 
tunity of  retrieving  their  affairs  all  at  once.  The  two  armies  were 
only  separated  by  the  Fish  Kill  Creek  ;  report,  which  magnifies  all 
things,  had  represented  to  general  Gates  the  feeble  detachment 
which  Burg;oyne  had  sent  to  escort  his  pioneers  upon  the  route  to 
Fort  Edward,  as  the  entire  vanguard  and  centre  of  the  British  army, 
already  well  on  their  way  towards  that  fort.  He  concluded,  there- 
fore, that  only  the  rear  guard  remained  near  the  Fish  Kill,  and 
instantly  conceived  the  hope  of  crushing  it  by  an  attack  with  all  his 
forces.  He  made  all  his  preparations  in  jhe  morning  of  the  eleventh 
of  October.  His  scheme  was  to  take  advantage  of  a  thick  fog, 
which  in  those  regions,  and  at  this  season,  usually  obscure  the  atmos- 
phere till  a  little  after  sunrise,  to  pass  the  Fish  Kill  very  early,  to 
seize  a  battery  which  Burgoyne  had  erected  upon  the  opposite  bank, 
and  then  to  fall  immediately  upon  the  enemy.  The  English  general 
had  notice  of  this  plan  ;  he  furnished  the  battery  with  a  strong  guard, 
and  posted  his  troops  in  ambush  behind  the  thickets  which  covered 
the  banks  of  the  creek.  In  this  position  he  waited  the  enemy's 
approach,  and  calculating  upon  their  supposed  error,  he  had  little 
doubt  of  victory.  The  brigade  of  the  American  general  Nixon  had 
already  forded  the  Fish  Kill,  and  that  of  general  Glover  was  about 
to  follow  it.  But  just  as  the  latter  entered  the  water,  he  was 
informed  by  a  British  deserter,  that  not  only  the  rear  guard,  but  the 
whole  royal  army,  was  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  upon  the  other 
bank.  Upon  this  intelligence  Glover  halted,  and  sent  to  apprise 
Nixon  of  the  danger  he  was  in  of  being  cut  in  pieces,  unless  he 
hastened  to  recover  the  left  bank.  General  Gates  was  immediate- 
ly informed  of  the  incident ;  he  revoked  all  the  orders  he  had 
given,  and  directed  that  the  troops  should  be  reconducted  to  their 
positions.  General  Nixon  received  the  message  of  Glover  in  good 
time  ;  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  later  he  would  have  been  lost  irre- 
coverably. He  fell  back  with  all  expedition  ;  but  the  fog  being 
dissipated  before  he  was  out  of  sight  of  the  enemy,  his  real- 
guard  was  annoyed  by  the. English  artillery,  with  the  loss  of  a  few 
soldiers. 


42  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

Frustrated  of  this  hope,  general  Burgoyne  applied  his  thoughts  to 
devise,  if  possible,  some  other  way  to  save  the  army.  He  called  a 
council  of  war,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  attempt  by  a  rapid  retreat 
in  the  night  up  the  Hudson,  to  gain  the  fords  of  that  river  at  or 
above  Fort  Edward,  and  there  having  forced  a  passage,  to  press  on 
to  Fort  George.  That  nothing  might  retard  the  march,  it  was 
determined  to  abandon  the  artillery,  baggage,  carriages,  and  all 
incumbrances.  The  soldiers  were  to  carry  upon  their  backs  a  suffi- 
cient quantity  of  provisions,  to  support  them  till  they  could  arrive 
at  Fort  George.  All  the  troops  prepared  to  execute  the  plan  of 
their  general. 

But  Gates  had  already,  with  great  foresight,  taken  all  his  measures 
to  defeat  it.  He  had  recommended  the  utmost  vigilance  to  the 
parties  that  were  stationed  to  guard  the  opposite  shore  of  the  river  ; 
he  had  posted  a  strong  detachment  to  guard  the  fords  near  Fort 
Edward,  with  orders  to  oppose  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  pass 
them,  till  he  should  arrive  with  the  army  upon  his  rear.  In  addition 
to  this,  he  had  established  a  camp  in  force,  and  provided  with 
artillery,  upon  the  hia;h  and  strong  grounds  between  Fort  Edward 
and  Fort  George.  General  Burgoyne  had  sent  forward  scouts,  to 
examine  the  route,  and  especially  to  ascertain  whether  it  was  possi- 
ble to  force  the  passage  opposite  to  Fort  Edward.  They  returned 
with  an  account  that  the  roads  were  inconceivably  rough  and  diffi- 
cult;  that  the  enemy  were  so  numerous  and  vigilant  upon  the  left 
bank,  that  no  movement  of  the  army  upon  the  right  could  escape 
immediate  discovery  ;  and  that  the  passages  at  the  fort  were  so 
diligently  defended,  that  it  was  absolutely  impossible  to  force  them 
without  artillery.  They  also  mentioned  the  intrenched  camp  on  the 
hills  between  the  two  forts.  Burgoyne  had  no  sooner  received  this 
afflicting  intelligence,  than  he  was  also  informed  that  general  Gates, 
with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  was  so  near,  and  observed  him 
with  such  steady  attention,  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to 
move  a  step  without  being  instantly  followed  ;  he  then  saw  that  he 
must  relinquish  all  hope  of  saving  himself  by  his  own  efforts. 

In  this  deplorable  extremity,  his  only  refuge  from  despair  was  the 
faint  hope  of  cooperation  from  the  parts  down  the  river  ;  and  with 
the  most  intense  desire  he  looked  for  the  aid  of  Clinton. 

It  exceeds  the  power  of  words  to  describe  the  pitiable  condition 
tq  which  the  British  army  was  now  reduced.  The  troops,  worn 
down  by  a  series  of  hard  toil,  incessant  effort  and  stubborn  action  ; 
abandoned  by  the  Indians  and  Canadians  ;  the  whole  army  reduced 
by  repeated  and  heavy  losses  of  many  of  their  best  men  and  most 
distinguished  officers  from  ten  thousand  combatants  to  less  than  five 
thousand  effective  fighting  men,  of  whom  little  more  than  three 
thousand  were  English.  In  these  circumstances,  and  in  this  state  of 
weakness,  without  a  possibility  of  retreat,  they  were  invested  by  an 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  43 

army  of  four  times  their  own  number,  whose  position  extended  three 
parts  in  four  of  a  circle  round  them  ;  who  refused  to  tight  from  a 
knowledge  of  their  own  condition  ;  and  who  from  the  nature  of  the 
ground,  could  not  be  attacked  in  any  part.  In  this  helpless  situa- 
tion, obliged  to  lie  constantly  on  their  arms,  whilst  a  continued  can- 
nonade pervaded  all  the  camp^and  even  rifle  and  grape-shot  fell  in 
every  part  of  their  lines,  the  troops  of  Burgoyne  retained  their 
ordinary  constancy,  and  while  sinking  under  a  hard  necessity,  they 
showed  themselves  worthy  of  a  better  fate.  Nor  could  they  be 
reproached  with  any  action  or  word  which  betrayed  a  want  of  tem- 
per, or  of  fortitude . 

At  length,  no  succour  appearing,  and  no  rational  ground  of  hope 
of  any  kind  remaining,  an  exact  account  of  the  provisions  was  taken 
on  the  morning  of  the  thirteenth,  when  it  was  found  that  the  whole 
stock  would  afford  no  more  than  three  days  hare  subsistence  for  the 
army.  In  such  a  state,  it  was  alike  impossible  to  advance  or  to 
remain  as  they  were  ;  and  the  longer  they  delayed  to  take  a  defini- 
tive resolution,  the  more  desperate  became  their  situation.  Bur- 
goyne, therefore,  immediately  called  a  council  of  war,  at  which  not 
only  the  generals  and  field  officers  but  all  the  captains  of  companies 
were  invited  to  assist.  While  they  deliberated,  the  bullets  of  the 
Americans  whistled  around  them,  and  frequently  pierced  even  the 
tent  where  the  council  was  convened.  It  was  determined  unani- 
mously to  open  a  treaty  and  enter  into  a  convention  with  the  Ame- 
rican general.  • 

Gates  used  his  victory  with  moderation.  Only  he  proposed  that 
the  royal  troops  should  lay  down  their  arms  in  camp ;  a  condition 
which  appeared  too  hard  to  the  English,  and  which  they  perempto- 
rily refused.  They  all  preferred  to  be  led  against  the  enemy,  not- 
withstanding the  disadvantage  of  number,  rather  than  submit  to  such 
a  disgrace.  After  several  conferences,  the  articles  of  capitulation 
were  settled  the  fifteenth.  They  were  to  be  signed  by  the  two 
contracting  parties  on  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth.  In  the  night, 
captain  Campbell  arrived  at  the  British  camp,  sent  express  by  gene- 
ral Clinton,  with  the  intelligence  that  he  had  moved  up  the  Hudson, 
reduced  Fort  Montgomery,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  ^Esopus.  The 
hope  of  safety  revived  in  the  breasts  of  some. 

The  officers  were  invited  to  declare,  whether  in  a  case  of  extremity, 
the  soldiers  were  in  a  situation  to  fight,  and  whether  they  considered 
the  public  faith  as  pledged  by  the  verbal  convention.  A  great  num- 
ber answered,. that  the  soldiers  debilitated  by  fatigue  and  hunger, 
were  unable  to  make  resistance  ;  all  were  decidedly  of  the  opinion, 
that  the  public  faith  was  engaged.  Burgoyne  alone  manifested  a 
contrary  opinion.  But  he  was  constrained  to  acquiesce  in  the  general 
suffrage.  Meanwhile,  Gates,  apprised  of  these  hesitations  of  his 
enemy,  and  the  now  hopes  which  occasioned  them,  formed  his  troops 


44  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

in  order  of  battle  on  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth,  and  sent  to 
inform  Burgoyne  that  the  stipulated  time  being  arrived,  he  must 
either  sign  the  articles,  or  prepare  himself  for  battle. 

The  Englishman  had  ta-ken  his  resolution  ;  he  signed  the  paper, 
which  had  this  superscription ;  Convention  between  lieutenant-genera] 
Burgoyne  and  major-general  Gates. &  The  principal  articles,  exclu- 
sive of  those  which  related  to  the  provision  and  accommodation  of 
the  army  in  its  way  to  Boston,  and  during  its  stay  at  that  place, 
were  ; 

That  the  army  should  march  out  of  the  camp  witli  all  the  honors 
of  war  and  its  camp  artillery,  to  a  fixed  place,  where  they  were  to 
deposit  their  arms  and  leave  the  artillery  ;  to  be  allowed  a  free 
embarkation  and  passage  to  Europe,  from  Boston,  upon  condition  of 
their  not  serving  again  in  America,  during  the  present  war ;  the 
army  not  be  separated,  particularly  the  men  from  the  officers ;  roll 
calling,  and  other  duties  of  regularity,  to  be  permitted  ;  the  officers 
to  be  admitted  on  parole,  and  to  wear  their  side  arms ;  all  private 
property  to  be  retained,  and  the  public  delivered  upon  honor  ;  no 
baggage  to  be  searched  or  molested  ;  all  persons,  of  whatever  coun- 
try, appertaining  to,  or  following  the  camp,  to  be  fully  comprehended 
in  the  terms  of  capitulation,  and  the  Canadians  to  be  returned  to 
their  own  country,  liable  to  its  conditions. 

Assuredly,  these  conditions  were  very  honorable  for  the  British 
army,  considering  its  ruined  state  and  irretrievable  circumstances ; 
but  it  obtained  still  more*  from  the  magnanimity  of  general  Gates. 
From  tenderness  towards  the  feelings  of  the  vanquished,  he  ordered 
his  army  to  retire  within  their  lines,  that  they  might  not  witness  the 
shame  of  the  English,  when  {hey  piled  their  arms. 

This  conduct  demonstrated  not  only  the  humanity  but  the  cle- 
mency and  elevation  of  character  which  distinguished  the  American 
general ;  for  he  was  already  informed  of  the  horrible  ravages  recently 
committed  by  general  Vaughan,  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson, 
where,  imitating  the  usage  of  barbarians,  he  had  laid  in  ashes,  and 
utterly  destroyed,  the  fine  village  of  ^Esopus.  It  is  our  duty  not  to 
pass  without  mention,  that  While  Gates,  in  the  whole  course  of  this 
campaign  upon  the  Hudson,  displayed  all  the  talents  which  constitute 
an  able  and  valiant  general,  he  proved  himself  not  to  want  any  of 
those  qualities  which  characterise  a  benevolent  and  generous  heart. 
Humane  towards  all  whom  the  fortune  of  war  had  thrown  into  his 
hands,  he  was  eminently  attentive  to  those  who  were  sick,  and  suf- 
fered them  to  want  for  no  succour  within  his  power  to  administer. 

The  day  of  the  capitulation,  the  American  army  amounted  to 
near  fifteen  thousand  men,  of  whom  about  ten  thousand  were  regular 
troops  ;  the  English  army  to  five  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety- 
one,  of  whom  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  twelve  were  Germans, 
and  three  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy-nine  English. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  45 

The  Americans  acquired  a  fine  train  of  brass  artillery,  amounting 
to  forty-two  pieces  of  different  sorts  and  sizes,  four  thousand  six 
hundred  muskets,  an  immense  quantity  of  cartridges,  bombs,  balls, 
and  other  implements  of  war. 

Such  was  the  fate  of  the  British  expedition  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson.  It  had  been  undertaken  with  singular  confidence  of  success, 
but  the  obstacles  proved  so  formidable  that  those  who  had  expected 
from  it  such  brilliant  results,  were  themselves  its  victims  ;  and  those 
it  had  alarmed  at  first,  derived  from  it  the  most  important  advantages. 
There  can  be  no  doubt,  that,  if  it  was  planned  with  ability,  as  to  us 
it  appears  to  have  been,  it  was  conducted  with  imprudence  by  those 
who  were  intrusted  with  its  execution.  For,  it  is  to  be  remarked, 
that  its  success  depended  entirely  on  the  combined  efforts  of  the 
generals  who  commanded  upon  the  lakes,  and  of  those  who  had  the 
management  of  the  war  in  the  state  of  New  York.  But  far  from 
moving  in  concert,  when  one  advanced,  the  other  retired.  When 
Carleton  had  obtained  the  command  of  the  lakes,  Howe,  instead  of 
ascending  the  Hudson,  towards  Albany,  carried  his  arms  into  New 
Jersey,  and  advanced  upon  the  Delaware.  When,  afterwards,  Bur- 
goyne  entered  Ticonderoga  in  triumph,  Howe  embarked  upon  the 
expedition  against  Philadelphia ;  and  thus  the  army  of  Canada  was 
deprived  of  the  assistance  it  expected  from  New  York. 

Perhaps  Howe  imagined  that  the  reduction  of  such  a  city  as  Phi- 
ladelphia, would  so  confound  the  Americans,  and  so  derange  their 
plans,  that  they  would  either  immediately  submit,  or  make  but  a 
feeble  resistance.  Perhaps  also  he  believed  that  by  attacking  the 
centre,  and  as  it  were,  the  very  heart  of  the  confederation,  he 
effected  the  most  useful  diversion  in  favor  of  the  army  of  the  north, 
thereby  depriving  the  Americans  of  the  ability  to  oppose  it  with  a 
sufficient  force  upon  the  Hudson.  Finally,  it  is  not  impossible,  that, 
listening  to  his  ambition,  he  had  flattered  himself  that  with  his  own 
means  alone  he  could  acquire  the  exclusive  glory  of  having  put  an 
end  to  the  war.  But  whatever  might  have  been  the  importance  of 
the  acquisition  of  Philadelphia,  every  one  must  readily  perceive  how 
much  greater  was  that  of  the  junction  at  Albany,  of  the  two  armies 
of  Canada  and  of  New  York.  It  was  very  doubtful  whether  the 
conquest  of  a  single  city  could  decide  the  issue  of  the  war;  whereas 
the  juncture  of  the  armies,  offered  almost  an  assurance  of  it.  It 
should  also  be  considered  that  the  Americans,  in  order  to  prevent 
this  junction,  would  have  risked  a  pitched  battle,  the  success  of 
which  could  scarcely  be  doubtful,  and  which  could  have  formed  no 
obstacle  to  the  eventual  union.  Besides,  when  two  armies  have  the 
same  object  in  view,  is  it  not  evident  that  they  can  operate  with  more 
concert  and  effect,  when  they  are  near  to  each  other,  than  while 
remotely  separated  ?  We  may  therefore  consider  this  expedition  as 
having  been  wisely  calculated  in  its  design,  and  even  in  the  means 
YOL.  ii.  7 


46  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

of  execution,  if  we  except  that  scourge  of  the  savages,  which  must 
be  imputed  to  the  British  ministers.  Bating  this  fault,  they  did  not, 
in  our  opinion,  deserve  the  reproaches  with  which  they  were  loaded, 
as  well  in  parliament  as  by  the  writers  of  the  opposite  party.  Per- 
haps also  they  erred  in  this,  that  having  too  great  confidence  in  the 
reputation,  rank,  and  military  experience  of  sir  William  Howe,  they 
neglected  to  send  him  more  precise  instructions.  For  it  appears 
from  the  best  information  we  have  found  upon  this  subject,  that  the 
orders  given  to  that  general  in  regard  to  his  cooperation  with  the 
army  of  Canada,  were  rather  discretionary  than  absolute  ;  but  all 
the  ruin  of  the  enterprise  is  clearly  attributable  to  this  want  of  coope- 
ration. Gates,  after  the  victory,  immediately  despatched  colonel 
Wilkinson  to  carry  the  happy  tidings  to  Congress.  On  being  intro- 
duced into  the  hall,  he  said ;  '  The  whole  British  army  has  laid 
down  arms  at  Saratoga  ;  our  own,  full  of  vigor  and  courage,  expect 
your  orders  ;  it  is  for  your  wisdom  to  decide  where  the  country  may 
still  have  need  of  their  services.'  The  Congress  voted  thanks  to 
general  Gates  and  his  army.  They  decreed  that  he  should  be  pre- 
sented with  a  medal  of  gold,  to  be  struck  expressly  in  commemora- 
tion of  so  glorious  a  victory.  On  one  side  of  it  was  the  bust  of  the 
general,  with  these  words  around  ;  Horatio  Gates,  Dud  strenuo  ; 
and  in  the  middle,  Comitia  Americana.  On  the  reverse,  Burgoyne 
was  represented  in  the  attitude  of  delivering  his  sword  ;  and  in  the 
back  ground,  on  the  one  side  and  on  the  other  were  seen  the  two 
armies  of  England  and  of  America.  At  the  top  were  these  words ; 
Salutn  regionum  septentrion  ;  and  at  the  foot,  Hoste  ad  Saratogam 
in  deditione  accepto.  Die  XVII  Oct.  MDCCLXXVIL  It  would 
be  difficult  to  describe  the  transports  of  joy  which  the  news  of  this 
event  excited  among  the  Americans.  They  began  to  flatter  them- 
selves with  a  still  more  happy  future  ;  no  one  any  longer  entertained 
a  doubt  of  independence.  All  hoped,  and  not  without  much  reason, 
that  a  success  of  this  importance  would  at  length  determine  France, 
and  the  other  European  powers  that  waited  for  her  example,  to 
declare  themselves  in  favor  of  America.  There  could  no  longer  be 
any  question  respecting  the  future  ;  all  danger  had  ceased  of  espous- 
ing the  cause  of  a  people  too  feeble  to  defend  themselves. 

While  Burgoyne  found  himself  in  the  most  critical  situation,  Clin- 
ton, in  the  beginning  of  October,  had  embarked  at  New  York,  with 
about  three  thousand  men,  upon  his  expedition  up  the  Hudson  for 
his  relief.  The  Americans,  commanded  by  general  Putnam,  occu- 
pied the  steep  mountains  between  which  this  river  flows  with  rapidity, 
and  which  begin  to  rise  in  the  vicinity  of  Peek's  Kill.  In  addition 
to  the  natural  strength  of  the  places  in  the  midst  of  these  mountains, 
the  banks  of  the  Hudson  being  almost  inaccessible,  the  Americans 
had  secured  the  passages  in  divers  modes.  About  six  miles  above 
Peek's  Kill,  upon  the  western  bank,  they  had  two  forts,  called  the  one 


BOOK  VIII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  47 

Montgomery,  and  the  other  Clinton,  separated  only  by  a  torrent, 
which,  gushing  from  the  neighboring  heights,  falls  into  the  river. 
Their  situation,  upon  heights  so  precipitous  that  it  was  impossible  to 
climb  them,  entirely  commanded  the  course  of  the  Hudson.  There 
was  no  other  way  by  which  the  enemy  could  approach  them,  but  that 
of  penetrating  into  the  mountains  a  little  below,  towards  Stony  Point, 
and  marching  through  narrow  and  difficult  paths.  But  such  were 
these  defiles,  that  if  they  had  been  suitably  guarded,  it  would  have 
been  not  only  dangerous,  but  absolutely  impracticable  to  thread  them. 
To  prevent  the  enemy  from  passing  above  the  forts  by  water,  che- 
vaux-de-frize  were  sunken  in  the  river,  and  a  boom  extended  from 
bank  to  bank.  This  boom  was  covered  by  an  immense  chain,  stretch- 
ed at  some  distance  in  its  front.  These  works  were  remarkable  for 
their  perfection,  and  had  been  executed  with  equal  industry  and  dif- 
ficulty. They  were  defended  by  the  artillery  of  the  forts,  by  a  fri- 
gate, and  by  several  gailies,  stationed  a  little  above  the  boom.  Such 
were  the  fortifications  which  the  Americans  had  constructed  upon  the 
right  bank,  and  even  in  the  bed  of  the  Hudson,  in  order  to  secure 
these  passages,  which  had  been  the  object  of  their  solicitude  from  the 
commencement  of  hostilities  ;  they  being  in  effect  the  most  defensi- 
ble barriers  against  a  descent  of  the  enemy  from  Canada.  Upon  the 
left  bank,  on  a  high  point  of  land,  four  or  five  miles  below  Forts 
Montgomery  and  Clinton,  they  had  erected  a  fort  to  which  they  gave 
the  name  of  Independence,  and  another  called  Constitution,  about 
six  miles  above  the  same  forts,  on  an  island  near  the  eastern  shore. 
They  had  also  there  interrupted  the  navigation  of  the  river  by  che- 
vaux-de-frize  and  a  boom. 

General  Putnam  guarded  these  different  passages  with  a  corps  of 
six  hundred  regular  troops,  and  some  militia,  of  whom  the  number 
was  uncertain.  An  American  officer  named  Clinton,  commanded  in 
the  forts. 

The  British  general  knew  perfectly  well  that  to  attack  Forts  Clin*- 
ton  and  Montgomery  in  front,  would  have  been  a  vain  attempt.  He 
therefore  formed  the  design  of  marching  to  the  assault  upon  their 
rear,  by  the  defiles  which  commence  near  Stony  Point.  But  in  order 
to  divert  the  Americans  from  the  thought  of  reenforcing  the  garri- 
sons, he  resolved  to  make  such  motions  upon  the  left  bank,  as  should 
alarm  them  for  the  safety  of  Fort  Independence.  On  the  fifth  of 
October  he  landed  all  his  troops  at  Verplank's  Point,  a  little  below 
Peek's  Kill,  where  general  Putnam  had  established  his  head  quar- 
ters. Putnam  immediately  retired  to  the  strong  heights  in  his  rear. 
The  English  having  reembarked  the  greater  part  of  their  troops  in 
the  night,  landed  by  break  of  day  upon  the  right  bank,  at  Stony 
Point ;  without  loss  of  time  they  entered  the  defiles,  and  marched 
towards  the  forts.  In  the  meantime,  the  manoeuvres  of  the  vessels, 
and  the  appearance  of  the  small  detachment  left  at  Verplank's  Point, 


48  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   VIII. 

persuaded  Putnam  that  the  enemy  meditated  an  attack  on  Fort  Inde- 
pendence. The  English  during  this  interval  were  making  the  best 
of  their  way  through  the  mountains.  Governor  Clinton  had  not  dis- 
covered their  approach  till  very  late.  They  appeared  before  the  two 
forts  at  nearly  the  same  time,  and  having  without  difficulty  repulsed 
the  advanced  parties  which  had  been  sent  out  to  retard  them,  they 
furiously  began  their  attack.  Their  ships  of  war  had  also  now  made 
their  appearance,  and  supported  them  with  a  near  fire.  The  Ame- 
ricans, though  surprised,  defended  themselves  with  courage  for  a 
considerable  length  of  time ;  but  at  length,  unable  to  sustain  the 
reiterated  efforts  of  the  assailants,  and  too  feeble  to  man  their  fortifi- 
cations sufficiently,  after  a  severe  loss  in  killed  and  wounded,  they 
retired. 

Those  who  knew  the  ground,  among  whom  was  governor  Clinton, 
escaped.  The  slaughter  was  however  great,  the  English  being  irri- 
tated by  the  opposition  they  met,  and  by  the  loss  of  some  favorite 
officers.  The  Americans  set  fire  to  their  frigates  and  gallies,  which, 
with  their  stores  and  ammunition,  were  all  consumed  ;  but  the  Eng- 
lish got  possession  of  the  boom  and  chain. 

In  a  day  or  two  after,  Forts  Independence  and  Constitution,  upon 
the  approach  of  the  enemy  with  his  land  and  naval  forces,  were  set 
on  fire,  and  evacuated  by  their  defenders.  Tryon  was  sent  on  the 
ninth,  at  the  head  of  a  detachment,  to  destroy  a  thriving  settlement, 
called  Continental  Village,  where  the  republicans  had  deposited  a 
great  quantity  of  stores. 

Thus  fell  into  the  power  of  the  English  these  important  passages  of 
the  mountains  of  the  Hudson,  which  the  Americans  had  labored  to 
defend  by  every  mode  of  fortification.  They  were  justly  considered 
as  the  keys  of  the  county  of  Albany.  It  is  therefore  evident,  that  if 
the  royalists  had  been  more  numerous,  they  might  have  extended  an 
efficacious  succour  to  the  army  of  Burgoyne,  and  perhaps,  decided 
in  their  faVor  the  final  issue  of  the  northern  war.  But  they  could  not 
take  part  in  it,  as  well  because  they  were  much  too  weak,  as  that 
Putnam,  whose  army  was  now  increased  by  the  militia  of  Connecti- 
cut, New  York,  and  New  Jersey,  to  six  thousand  men,  menaced 
them  both  in  front  and  rear. 

Unable  to  conquer,  the  English  set  themselves  to  sack  the  country. 
The  thirteenth  of  October,  Sir  Jarnes  Wallace,  with  a  flying  squad- 
ron of  light  frigates,  and  general  Vaughan  with  a  considerable  de- 
tachment of  troops,  made  an  excursion  up  the  river,  carrying  slaughter 
and  destruction  wherever  they  went ;  a  barbarity  of  conduct  the 
more  execrable,  as  it  was  not  justified  by  the  least  necessity  or  utility. 
They  marched  to  a  rich  and  flourishing  village,  called  Kingston  or 
^sopus,  upon  the  western  bank  of  the  river;  having  driven  the  re- 
publicans out  of  it  by  a  furious  cannonade,  they  set  fire  to  it  on  every 
side.  All  was  consumed ;  not  a  house  was  left  standing.  Exten- 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  49 

sive  magazines  of  provisions  and  military  stores,  were  also  consign- 
ed to  the  flames.  In  order  to  justify  these  atrocities  it  was  alleged 
by  Vaughan  that  the  Americans  had  fired  through  the  windows ;  a 
fact  which  they  denied  with  greater  probability  of  truth.  For  it  ap- 
pears that  they  evacuated  the  town  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  royal 
troops  were  disembarked  upon  the  neighboring  shore.  The  English 
committed  these  excesses  at  the  very  time  that  Burgoyne  was  receiv- 
ing from  general  Gates  the  most  honorable  conditions  for  himself  and 
a  ruined  army. 

The  American  wrote  Vaughan  a  letter  full  of  energy  and  just  indig- 
nation ;  he  complained  in  sharp  terms  of  the  burning  of  ^Esopus,  and 
of  the  horrible  devastations  committed  upon  the  (wo  banks  of  the 
Hudson.  He  concluded  with  saying;  'Is  it  thus  that  the  generals 
of  the  king  expect  to  make  converts  to  the  royal  cause  ?  Their  cruel- 
ties operate  a  contrary  effect ;  independence  is  founded  upon  the 
universal  disgust  of  the  people.  The  fortune  of  war  has  delivered 
into  rny  hands  older  and  abler  generals  than  general  Vaughan  is  re- 
puted to  be  ;  their  condition  may  one  day  become  his,  and  then  no 
human  power  can  save  him  from  the  just  vengeance  of  an  offended 
people.' 

But  Vaughan  and  Wallace  having  heard  that  Gates  was  marching 
rapidly  upon  them,  resolved  not  to  wait  his  approach.  Having  dis- 
mantled the  forts,  and  carrying  off  their  booty,  they  retired  from  this 
quarter,  and  uniting  with  the  remainder  of  the  troops  of  Clinton, 
returned  with  no  ordinary  speed  to  New  York. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  loss  which  the  United  States  sustained  from 
this  expedition  of  the  English  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  was 
extremely  severe  ;  for  it  being  universally  believed  that  these  elevated 
and  precipitous  places  were  absolutely  inaccessible  to  the  fury  of  the 
enemy,  the  Americans  had  deposited  there  an  immense  quantity  of 
arms,  ammunition  and  stores  of  all  sorts. 

The  artillery  lost,  including  that  of  the  forts,  and  that  of  the  vessels 
destroyed  or  taken,  amounted  to  more  than  a  hundred  pieces  of  dif- 
ferent sizes.  To  which  must  be  added,  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand 
pounds  of  powder,  balls  in  proportion,  and  all  the  implements  neces- 
sary to  the  daily  service  of  the  artillery. 

Meanwhile,  the  captive  army  was  marched  towards  Boston.  On 
its  departure  from  Saratoga,  it  passed  in  the  midst  of  the  ranks  of  the 
victorious  troops,  who  were  formed  in  order  of  battle  for  this  purpose 
along  the  road  and  upon  the  hills  which  border  the  two  sides  of  it. 
The  English  expected  to  be  scoffed  at  and  insulted.  Not  an  Ame- 
rican uttered  a  syllable  ;  a  memorable  example  of  moderation  and 
military  discipline !  The  prisoners,  particularly  those  incorrigible 
Germans,  ravaged  whatever  they  could  lay  their  hands  on  during  the 
march;  the  inhabitants  could  judge  by  what  they  did,  being  vanquish- 
ed, of  what  they  would  have  done,  had  they  been  victors.  They 


50  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

arrived  at  Boston,  and  were  lodged  in  the  barracks  of  Cambridge. 
The  inhabitants  held  them  in  abhorrence ;  they  could  not  forget  the 
burning  of  Charlestown,  and  the  late  devastations. 

Burgoyne,  after  the  capitulation,  experienced  the  most  courteous 
attentions  on  the  part  of  the  American  generals.  Gates  invited  him 
to  his  table ;  he  appeared  silent  and  dejected.  The  conversation 
was  guarded,  and  to  spare  his  feelings  nothing  was  said  of  the  late 
events ;  only  he  was  asked  how  he  could  find  in  his  heart  to  burn  the 
houses  of  poor  people.  He  answered  that  such  were  his  orders,  and 
that,  besides,  he  was  authorised  to  do  it  by  the  laws  of  war.  Certain 
individuals  in  New  England,  without  delicacy  as  without  reserve, 
loaded  him  with  insults.  But  this  was  confined  to  the  populace. 
Well  educated  men  treated  him  with  marked  civility.  General 
Schuyler,  among  others,  politely  despatched  an  aid-de-camp,  to 
accompany  him  to  Albany.  .He  lodged  him  in  his  own  house,  where 
his  wife  received  him  in  the  most  flattering  manner.  Yet  Burgoyne, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Saratoga,  where  Schuyler  possessed  extensive 
estates,  had  devoted  to  the  flames  his  magnificent  villa,  with  its 
moveables  and  dependencies,  valued  at  more  than  thirty-seven  thou- 
sand dollars.  At  Boston,  Burgoyne  was  likewise  lodged  in  the  habi- 
tation of  general  Heath,  who  commanded  in  Massachusetts  ;  he  there 
wanted  for  no  attention.  He  walked  at  his  pleasure  through  the 
city,  without  ever  having  found  occasion  to  complain  of  outrage. 

But  the  other  officers  did  not  experience  the  same  reception  ; 
the  Bostonians  would  not  lodge  them  in  their  houses,  and  therefore  it 
became  necessary  to  distribute  them  in  the  barracks.  Burgoyne 
complained  of  it,  at  first,  to  general  Heath,  and  afterwards  to  Gates. 
He  insisted  that  a  treatment  of  his  officers  so  little  conformable  to 
their  rank,  was  a  violation  of  the  convention  of  Saratoga.  Moreover, 
fearing  that  the  season,  already  advanced,  might  not  permit  the 
transports  to  arrive  soon  enough  at  Boston,  where  the  embarkation 
was  appointed  by  the  capitulation,  he  requested  Washington  to  con- 
sent that  it  should  take  place  at  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  or  at  some 
other  port  of  the  Sound.  Washington,  not  thinking  himself  author- 
ised to  decide  upon  this  request,  submitted  it  to  the  determination  of 
Congress.  That  body  was  much  displeased  at  this  verbal  discussion, 
and  especially  at  the  imputation  of  a  breach  of  faith  ;  apprehending 
it  might  be  a  pretext  which  Burgoyne  was  inclined  to  use  for  not 
keeping  his  own. 

It  appeared,  besides,  to  the  Congress,  that  the  vessels  assembled 
at  Boston  for  the  transport  of  the  troops,  were  neither  sufficient  for 
so  great  a  number,  nor  fuAished  with  provisions  enough  for  so  long  a 
voyage.  Finally,  they  observed  that  the  English  had  not  strictly 
fulfilled  the  stipulation  in  respect  to  the  surrender  of  arms,  as  they 
had  retained  their  cartridge  boxes,  and  other  effects,  which,  if  not 
actually  arms,  are  of  indispensable  use  to  those  who  bear  them. 


BOOK    VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  51 

Gates  undertook  to  justify  the  English  upon  this  point,  and  with 
complete  success.  But  the  Congress  had  need  of  a  quarrel,  and 
therefore  sought  the  grounds.  They  wished  to  retard  the  embarka- 
tion of  the  prisoners,  under  the  apprehension  that,  in  defia*nce  of 
treaties,  they  would  go  to  join  general  Howe,  or  at  least,  that  arming 
too  early  in  England,  the  government  would  be  able  to  fill  their 
place  immediately  by  an  equal  number  in  America.  They  decreed, 
therefore,  that-general  Bujgoyne  should  furnish  the  rolls  of  "his  army, 
that  a  list  might  be  taken  of  the  name  and  rank  of  every  commis- 
sioned officer  ;  jfeith  the  name,  former  place  of  abode,  occupation, 
size,  age  and  description  of  every  noncommissioned  officer  and  pri- 
vate soldier. 

Burgoyne  considered  this  demand  extraordinary,  and^  therefore 
resorted  to  various  subterfuges  in  order  to  evade  compliance.  Ge- 
neral Howe,  on  his  part,  proceeded  with  much  subtility  and  illiberally 
in  the  exchange  of  prisoners  ;  and  thus  the  discontents  and  suspicions 
were  continually  increased. 

The  ambiguous  conduct  of  each  of  these  generals  alarmed  the 
Congress  exceedingly ;  they  decreed,  therefore,  thai  the  embarkation 
of  Burgoyne  and  all  the  captive  troops  should  be  suspended,  until  a 
distinct  and  explicit  ratification  of  the  convention  of  Saratoga  should 
be  properly  notified  to  Congress  by  the  court  of  Great  Britain.  At 
the  same  time  they  sent  directions  to  general  Heath,  to  order  any 
vessels  which  might  have  arrived,  or  which  should  arrive,  for  the 
transportation  of  the  army,  to  quit  the  port  of  Boston  without  delay. 
An  additional  force  was  also  provided  to  guard  the  British  army. 
Burgoyne  then  addressed  a  letter  to  Congress,  in  which  he  endeavored 
to  justify  his  conduct ;  he  protested  that  he  had  never  thought  himself 
released  from  the  conditions  of  the  convention  of  Saratoga,  and 
affirmed  that  all  his  officers  individually  were  ready  to  give  their 
written  promise  to  observe  all  the  articles  of  that  capitulation.  All 
was  in  vain  ;  Congress  was  inflexible  ;  and  the  prisoners  had  to  make 
up  their  rninds  to  remain  in  America.  This  decision  they  took  in 
great  dudgeon  ;  and  it  served  as  a  pretext  for  the  partisans  of  the 
ministry  to  charge  the  Americans  with  perfidy.  We  shall  not  under- 
take to  decide  whether  the  fears  manifested  by  Congress  had  a  real 
foundation  ;  and  we  shall  abstain  as  well  from  blaming  the  imprudence 
of  Burgoyne,  as  from  praising  the  wisdom,  or  condemning  the  distrust 
of  the  Congress. 

It  is  but  too  certain  that  in  these  civil  dissentions  and  animosities, 
appearances  become  realities,  and  probabilities  demonstration.  Ac- 
cordingly, at  that  time  the  Americans  complained  bitterly  of  British 
perfidy,  and  the  English  of  American  want  of  faith. 

Finding  that  he  could  obtain  nothing  for  others,  Burgoyne  solicited 
for  himself,  and  easily  got  permission  to  return  to  England.  As  soon 
as  he  was  arrived  in  London,  he  began  to  declaim  with  virulence 


52  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

against  those  ministers,  whose  favor  a  little  before  he  had  used  every 
means  to  captivate,  and  who  had  given  him,  to  the  prejudice  of  a 
general  approved  by  long  services,  an  opportunity  to  distinguish  his 
name  by  a  glorious  enterprise.  Burgoyne  wanted  neither  an  active 
genius  nor  military  science  and  experience  ;  but  formed  in  the  wars 
of  Germany,  his  movements  were  made  with  caution,  and  extreme 
deliberation,  and  never  till  all  circumstances  united  to  favor  them. 
He  would,  upon  no  consideration,  have  attacked  an  enemy,  until  the 
minutest  precepts  of  the  military  art  had  all  been  faithfully  observed. 
This  was  totally  mistaking  the  nature  of  the  American  war,  which 
required  to  be  carried  on  with  vigor  and  spirit.  TO  a  region  like 
America,  broken  by  so  many  defiles  and  fastnesses,  against  an  enemy 
so  able  to  profit  of  them,  by  scouring  the  country,  by  preparing 
ambuscades,  by  intercepting  convoys  and  retreats,  the  celerity  which 
might  involve  a  transient  peril,  was  assuredly  preferable  to  the  slow- 
ness which,  under  its  apparent  security,  concealed  a  future  and 
inevitable  danger. 

This  general  lost  the  opportunity  to  conquer,  because  he  would 
never  run  the  risk  of  defeat ;  and  as  he  would  put  nothing  in  the 
power  of  fortune,  she  seemed  to  have  thought  him  unworthy  of  her 
favors.  Moreover,  the  employment  of  savages  in  the  wars  of  civilised 
nations,  was  never  the  source  of  durable  success  ;  nor  was  it  ever 
the  practice  of  prudent  generals  to  provoke  the  enemy  by  threats,  or 
to  exasperate  him  by  ravages  and  conflagrations. 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  the  north,  admiral  and  general 
Howe  were  at  sea,  undecided  whether  to  enter  the  Delaware,  or  to 
take  the  route  of  the  Chesapeake  bay,  in  order  to  march  against 
Philadelphia.  Washington  continued  in  New  Jersey,  prepared  to 
defend  the  passages  of  the  Hudson,  if  the  British  army  should  have 
taken  thai  direction,  or  to  cover  Philadelphia,  should  it  threaten  that 
city.  But  while  waiting  for  certain  information  respecting  the  move- 
ments and  plans  of  the  British  generals,  he  neglected  none  of  those 
measures  which  were  proper  to  place  his  army  in  a  situation  to  resist 
the  storm  that  was  about  to  burst  upon  it.  He  collected  arms  and 
ammunition,  called  out  the  militia  of  the  neighboring  provinces,  and 
ordered  to  join  him  all  the  regiments  of  regular  troops  that  were  not 
necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  Hudson.  These  different  corps 
were  continually  exercised  in  arms  and  military  evolutions  ;  wherein 
they  derived  great  advantage  from  the  example  and  instructions  of 
the  French  officers  who  had  recently  entered  the  service  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Among  these,  the  splendor  of  rank  added  to  the  fasci- 
nation of  his  personal  qualities,  eminently  distinguished  the  marquis 
de  la  Fayette.  Animated  by  the  enthusiasm  which  generous  minds 
are  wont  to  feel  for  great  enterprises,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
Americans  with  a  partiality  common  to  almost  all  the  men  of  that 
time,  and  particularly  to  the  French.  He  considered  it  not  only  just, 


BOQK    VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  53 

bur  exalted  and  sacred  ;  the  affection  he  bore  it  was  the  more  ardent, 
as  independently  of  the  candor  of  his  character,  he  was  of  that  age, 
not  exceeding  nineteen  years,  in  which  good  appears  not  only  good, 
but  fair,  and  man  not  only  loves,  but  is  enamored.  Inflamed  with 
desire  to  take  part  in  events  which  were  echoed  by  all  Europe,  he 
had  communicated,  about  the  close  of  1776,  to  the  American  com- 
missioners his  intention  of  repairing  to  America  ;  they  had  encouraged 
him  in  that  resolution.  But  when  they  were  informed  of  the 
reverses  of  New  Jersey,  compelled  almost  to  despair  of  the  success 
of  the  revolution,  they,  with  honorable  sincerity,  endeavored  to  dis- 
suade him  from  it.  They  even  declared  to  him  that  their  affairs 
were  so  deranged  by  this  unhappy  news,  that  they  were  not  able  to 
charter  a  vessel  for  his  passage  to  America.  It  is  said  the  gallant 
youth  replied,  that  it  was  then  precisely  the  moment  to  serve  their 
cause ;  that  the  more  people  were  discouraged  the  greater  utility 
would  result  from  his  departure,  and  that  if  they  could  not  furnish 
him  with  a  ship,  he  would  freight  one  at  his  own  expense  to  convey 
himself  and  their  despatches  to  America.  And  as  he  said,  he  also 
did.  The  people  were  astonished,  and  much  conversation  was 
excited  by  this  determination  on  the  part  of  so  illustrious  a  personage. 
The  court  of  France,  either  to  save  appearances,  and  avoid  giving 
umbrage  to  England,  or  being  really  displeased  at  this  departure, 
forbade  La  Fayette  to  embark.  It  is  even  asserted,  that  ships  were 
despatched  with  orders  to  arrest  him  in  the  waters  of  the  West 
Indies.  Tearing  himself,  however,  from  the  arms  of  his  beloved 
wife,  who  was  in  all  the  bloom  of  youth,  he  put  to  sea,  and  steering 
wide  of  those  islands,  arrived  in  Georgetown.  The  Congress  omitted 
none  of  those  demonstrations  which  could  persuade  the  young 
Frenchman,  and  all  the  American  people,  in  what  esteem  they  held 
his  person,  and  how  much  they  felt  the  sacrifices  he  had  made,  and 
the  dangers  to  which  he  had  exposed  himself,  and  was  still  exposed, 
for  being  come  to  offer  his  support  to  the  tottering  cause  of  America. 
Touched  by  this  flattering  reception,  he  promised  to  exert  him- 
self to  the  utmost  of  his  knowledge  and  ability  ;  but  requested  per- 
mission to  serve  at  first  only  as  a  volunteer  and  at  his  own  expense. 
This  generosity  and  modesty  of  the  marquis  de  la  Fayetle,  delighted 
the  Americans  the  more,  as  some  of  the  French  who  had  entered 
their  service  were  never  to  be  satisfied  in  the  articles  either  of  pay, 
or  of  rank.  '  It  was  Silas  Deane  who  had  encouraged  these  exorbi- 
tant expectations,  by  entering  in  France  into  such  engagements  with 
tjjose  officers,  as  could  not  be  confirmed  in  America.  This  conduct 
had  greatly  displeased  the  Congress,  and  was  what  chiefly  determin- 
ed them  to  send  him,  soon  after,  a  successor  in  the  person  of  John 
Adams.  The  Congress  decreed,  that  'Whereas  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette,  out  of  his  great  zeal  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  in  which  the 
United  States  were  engaged,  had  left  his  family  and  connections, 

VOL.    II.  8 


54  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIH* 

and  at  his  own  expense  come  over  to  offer  his  services  without  pen- 
sion or  particular  allowance,  and  was  anxious  to  risk  his  life  in  their 
defence,  they  accepted  his  services  ;  and  that  in  consideration  of 
his  zea),  illustrious  family  and  connections,  he  was  invested  with  the 
rank  of  major-general  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.'  The  mar- 
quis having  repaired  to  the  camp,  was  received  with  consideration 
by  general  Washington,  and  soon  there  was  established  between 
them  that  warm  friendship  which  subsisted  until  the  death  of  the 
American  general. 

The  American  army  was  at  this  time  strong  in  number  ;  it  amount- 
ed, including  however  the  rnililia,  little  accustomed  to  regular  battle, 
to  fifteen  thousand  men.  It  was  full  of  confidence  in  its  chiefs ;  and 
animated  by  their  example  and  exhortations.  The  news  was  then 
received  that  the  British  fleet  was  in  sight  of  Cape  May,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Delaware,  steering  eastward.  Washington  immediately 
conceived  some  alarm  for  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  which  he  had 
always  watched  with  care  from  the  commencement  of  the  war.  He 
ordered  the  troops  that  were  to  come  from  Peek's  Kill  to  join  him 
in  New  Jersey,  not  to  move;  and  those  who  were  already  on  the 
march,  to  halt  in  their  positions. 

The  seventh  of  August,  the  British  squadron  was  perceived  anew 
at  the  entrance  of  the  Delaware  ;  but  it  disappeared  a  little  after, 
and  was  not  heard  of  again  for  several  days.  The  commander-in- 
chief  could  not  penetrate  the  design  of  the  enemy  ;  still  in  doubt,  he 
continued  stationary,  not  knowing  where  the  tempest  was  to  strike. 
But  after  a  certain  lapse  of  time,  even  the  length  of  delay  led  him  to 
suspect  that  the  views  of  Howe  were  by  no  means  directed  towards 
the  Hudson  ;  for  the  winds  having  prevailed  for.  a  long  time  from 
the  south,  if  such  had  been  his  intention  he  would  already  have  been 
arrived  at  the  destined  spot.  Washington  was  therefore  inclined  to 
believe  that  the  English  meditated  an  expedition  against  some  part 
of  the  southern  provinces.  He  felt  indeed  some  solicitude  for  the 
bay  of  Chesapeake  ;  but,  as  it  was  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
mouths  of  the  Delaware,  the  enemy  ought  already  to  have  made  his 
appearance  there.  Upon  these  considerations,  he  more  feared  for 
the  safety  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina  ;  but  even  if  so,  he  was 
unable  to  arrive  in  time  to  the  relief  of  that  city.  Besides,  that 
country  was  naturally  unhealthy,  and  especially  at  the  present 
season. 

There  was  also  danger  that  Howe  might  reembark  his  troops,  and 
make  a  sudden  push  against  Philadelphia,  which,  in  the  absence  §f 
the  army,  must  inevitably  fall  into  his  power.  It  therefore  appeared 
much  more  prudent  to  maintain  a  position  which  admitted  of  watch- 
ins;  over  Pennsylvania,  and  to  leave  the  Carolinas  with  their  own 
means  only  to  defend  themselves  as  well  as  they  could  against  the 
invasions  of  the  enemy.  But  in  order  to  compensate  the  losses 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  55 

which  might  perhaps  ensue  in  that  quarter,  Washington  resolved  to 
march  with  all  his  troops  towards  the  Hudson,  to  be  ready  to  turn 
bis  arms  according  to  circumstances,  either  against  Burgoyne 
towards  Fort  Edward,  or  against  Clinton  towards  New  York,  then 
divested  of  the  greater  part  of  its  defenders. 

He  had  scarcely  formed  this  determination,  when  he  was  informed 
that  the  enemy  had  appeared  with  all  his  forces  in  the  Chesapeake. 
This  intelligence  put  an  end  to  all  his  uncertainties,  and  he  then  saw 
distinctly  the  course  he  had  to  pursue.  He  despatched  orders  to 
all  the  detached  corps  to  join  him  by  forced  marches  in  the  environs 
of  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  thence  to  the^head  of 
the  Chesapeake.  The  militia  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Delaware, 
and  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia,  were  ordered  to  take  arms  and 
repair  to  the  principal  army. 

While  these  preparations  were  making  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, the  English  fleet  entered  with  full  sails  into  the  Chesapeake 
bay,  and  profiting  of  a  favorable  wind,  proceeded  as  far  up  as  the 
point  called  Elk  Head.  From  the  time  of  its  departure  from  Sandy 
Hook  this  squadron  had  experienced  the  most  contrary  winds,  an'd 
had  been  more  than  a  week  in  doubling  the  capes  of  Delaware.  The 
English  generals  were  there  informed  that  the  Americans  had 
so  effectually  obstructed  the  navigation  of  that  river  that  it  would  be 
equally  dangerous  and  fruitless  to  attempt  the  passage  up  to  Phila- 
delphia. 

Though  some  persons  maintain  that  they  might  easily  h'ave  disem- 
barked at  Wilmington,  whence  there  was  an  excellent  road  leading 
directly  to  that  city.  However  this  was,  they  preferred  to  proceed 
further  south,  and  to  sail  up  the  Chesapeake  bay  as  far  as  that  part 
of  Maryland  which  borders  on  Pennsylvania,  and  is  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  Philadelphia.  But  in  the  passage  from  the  Delaware  to 
the  Chesapeake  the  winds  were  so  constantly  unfavorable  that  they 
could  not  enter  the  bay  till  towards  the  last  of  August.  This  delay 
was  excessively  prejudicial  to  the  English  army  ;  the  troops  being 
crowded  into  the  vessels  along  with  the  horses  and  all  the  baggage, 
in  the  midst  of  the  hottest  season  of  the  year.  The  health  of  the 
soldiers  would  have  suffered  still  more,  if  the  generals  had  not  taken 
the  precaution  to  put  on  board  a  large  stock  of  fresh  provisions  and 
a  copious  supply  of  water.  The  sea  became  more  propitious  in  the 
Chesapeake,  and  the  squadron  soon  gained  the  coasts  of  Maryland. 
Thus  the  two  armies  advanced,  each  towards  the  other,  amidst  the 
•axious  expectation  of  the  American  people. 

About  this  time  an  expedition  was  undertaken  by  general  Sullivan, 
against  Staten  Island,  the  commencement  of  which  had  created  hopes 
of  a  more  happy  termination.  He  landed  without  opposition  and 
took  many  prisoners,  but  was  afterwards  repulsed  with  heavy  loss. 
He  then  rapidly  retired  towards  Philadelphia.  On  the  twenty-fifth 


56  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

of  August,  the  British  army,  eighteen  thousand  strong,  was  disem- 
barked not  far  from  the  head  of  the  river  Elk.  It  was  plentifully 
furnished  with  all  the  equipage  of  war,  excepting  the  defect  of 
horses,  as  well  for  the  cavalry  as  for  the  baggage.  The  scarcity  of 
forage  had  caused  many  of  them  to  perish  the  preceding  winter,  arid 
a  considerable  number  had  died  also  in  the  late  passage. 

This  was  a  serious  disadvantage  for  the  royal  troops  ;  who,  in  the 
vast  plains  of  Pennsylvania,  might  have  employed  cavalry  with  singu- 
lar effect.  On  the  twenty-seventh,  the  English  vanguard  arrived  at 
the  head  of  the  Elk,  and  the  day  following  at  Gray's  Hill.  Here  it 
was  afterwards  joined  by  the  rear  guard  under  general  Knyphausen, 
who  had  been  left  upon  the  coast  to  cover  the  debarkation  of  the 
stores  and  artillery. 

The  whole  army  took  post  behind  the  river  Christiana,  having 
Newark  upon  the  right,  and  Pencada  or  Atkins  on  the  left.  A 
column  commanded  by  lord  Cornwallis  having  fallen  in  with  Max- 
well's riflemen,  routed  and  pursued  them  as  far  as  the  further  side 
of  White  Clay  Creek,  with  the  loss  of  some  dead  and  wounded. 

The  American  army,  in  order  to  encourage  the  partisans  of  inde- 
pendence and  overawe  the  disaffected,  marched  through  the  rity  of 
Philadelphia  ;  it  afterwards  advanced  towards  the  enemy,  and  en- 
camped behind  White  Clay  Creek.  A  little  after,  leaving  only  the 
riflemen  in  the  camp,  Washington  retired  with  the  main  body  of  his 
army  behirud  the  Red  Clay  Creek,  occupying  with  his  right  wing 
the  town  of  Newport,  situated  near  die  Christiana,  and  upon  the 
great  road  to  Philadelphia  ;  his  left  was  at  Hockesen.  But  this  line 
was  little  capable  of  defence. 

The  enemy  reenforced  by  the  rear  guard  under  general  Grant, 
threatened  with  his  right  the  centre  of  the  Americans,  extended  his 
left  as  il  with  the  intention  of  turning  their  right  flank.  Washington 
saw  the  danger  and  retired  with  his  troops  behind  the  Brandy  wine  ; 
he  encamped  on  the  rising  grounds  which  extend  from  Chadsford, 
in  the  direction  of  northwest  to  southeast.  The  riflemen  of  Maxwell 
scoured  the  right  bank  of  the  Brandywine,  in  order  to  harass  and 
retard  the  enemy.  The  militia  under  the  command  of  general 
Armstrong,  guarded  a  passage  below  the  principal  encampment  of 
Washington,  and  the  right  wing  lined  the  banks  of  the  river  higher 
up,  where  the  passages  were  more  difficult.  The  passage  of  Chads- 
ford,  as  the  most  practicable  of  all,  was  defended  by  the  chief  force 
of  the  army.  The  troops  being  thus  disposed,  the  American  general 
waited  the  approach  of  the  English.  Although  the  Brandywint, 
being  fordable  almost  every  where,  could  not  serve  as  a  sufficient 
defence  against  the  impetuosity  of  the  enemy,  yet  Washington  had 
taken  post  upon  its  banks,  from  a  conviction  that  a  battle  was  now 
inevitable,  and  that  Philadelphia  could  only  be  saved  by  a  victory. 
General  Howe  displayed  the  front  of  his  army,  but  not  however 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  57 

without  great  circumspection.  Being  arrived  at  Kennen  Square,  a 
short  distance  from  the  river,  he  detached  his  light  horse  to  the  right 
upon  Wilmington,  to  the  left  upon  the  Lancaster  road,  and  in  front 
towards  Chadsford  The  two  armies  found  themselves  within  seven 
miles  of  each  other,  the  Brandy  wine  flowing  between  them. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the   eleventh  of  September,   the  British 
army  marched  to  the  enemy.     Howe  had   formed  his  army  in  two 
columns;  the  right  commanded  by  general  Knyphausen,  the  left  by 
lord   Corn wa His.      His  plan  was,  that  while   the   first  should    make 
repeated   feints  to  attempt   the  passage  of  Chadsford,   in   order  to 
occupy  the  attention  of  the  republicans,  the  second   should   take  a 
long  circuit  to  the  upper  part  of  the  river,  and  cross  at  a  place  where 
it  is  divided  into  two  shallow  streams.     The  English  marksmen  fell 
in  with   those  of  Maxwell,   and   a   smart  skirmish  was  immediately 
engaged.     The  latter  were  at  first  repulsed  ;  but  being  reenforced 
from  the  camp,  they  compelled   the   English   to   retire  in  their  turn. 
But   at  length,  they  also  were   reenforced,  and   Maxwell  was  con- 
strained to  withdraw  his  detachment  behind  the  river.     Meanwhile, 
Knyphausen  advanced  with  his  column,  and  commenced  a  furious 
cannonade  upon  the  passage  of  Chadsford,  making  all  his  dispositions 
as  if  he  intended  to  force  it.     The  Americans  defended  themselves 
with   gallantry,  and  even  passed  several  detachments  of  light  troops 
to  the  other  side,  in  order  to  harass  the  enemy's  flanks.     But  after  a 
course  of  skirmishes,  sometimes  advancing,  and  at  others  obliged  to 
retire,  they  were  finally,  with  an  eager  pursuit,  driven  over  the  river. 
Knyphausen  then  appeared  more  than  ever  determined  to  pass  the 
ford  ;  he  stormed,  and  kept  up  an  incredible  noise.     In  this  manner 
the  attention  of  the  Americans  was  fully  occupied  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Chadsford.     Meanwhile,    lord  Cornwallis,  at  the  head  of 
the  second  column,  took  a  circuitous  march   to  the  left,  and  gained 
unperceived  the  forks  of  the  Brandywine.     By  this  rapid  movement, 
he  passed   both   branches  of  the  river  at  Trimble's  and  at  Jeffery's 
Fords,  without  opposition,  about  two  o'clock   in  the   afternoon,  and 
then  turning  short  down  the  river,  took  the  road  to  Dilworth,  in  order 
to  fall  upon  the  right  flank  of  the  American  army.     The  republican 
general,  however,  received  intelligence  of  this  movement  about  noon, 
and,  as  it  usually  happens  in   similar  cases,  the  reports  exaggerated 
its  importance  exceedingly  ;  it  being  represented  that  general  Howe 
commanded   this  division  in  person.     Washington  therefore  decided 
immediately  for  the   most  judicious,  though  boldest  measure  ;  this 
was*,  to  pass  the  river  with  the  centre  and  left  wing  of  his  army,  and 
overwhelm    Knyphausen    by   the    most    furious    attack.     He  justly 
reflected  that  the  advantage  he  should  obtain  upon  the  enemy's  right, 
would  amply  compensate  the  loss  that  his  own   mi^ht  sustain  at  the 
same  time.     Accordingly,   he  ordered    general   Sullivan  to  pass  the 
Brandywine  with  his  division  at  an  upper  ford,  and  attack  the  left  of 


58  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

Knyphausen,  while  he,  in  person,  should  cross  lower  down  and  fall 
upon  the  right  of  that  general. 

They  were  both  already  in  motion  in  order  to  execute  this  design, 
when  a  second  report  arrived,  which  represented  what  had  really 
taken  place  as  false,  or  in  other  words,  that  the  enemy  had  not 
crossed  the  two  branches  of  the  river,  and  that  he  had  not  made  his 
appearance  upon  the  right  flank  of  the  American  troops.  Deceived 
by  this  false  intelligence,  Washington  desisted  ;  and  Greene,  who  had 
already  passed  with  the  vanguard,  was  ordered  back.  In  the  midst 
of  these  uncertainties,  the  commander-in-chief  at  length  received  the 
positive  assurance,  not  only  that  the  English  had  appeared  upon  the 
left  bank,  but  also  that  they  were  about  to  fall  in  great  force  upon 
the  right  wing.  It  was  composed  of  the  brigades  of  generals  Ste- 
phens, Stirling,  and  Sullivan  ;  the  first  was  the  most  advanced,  and 
consequently  the  nearest  to  the  English  ;  the  two  others  were  posted 
in  the  order  of  their  rank,  that  of  Sullivan  being  next  to  the  centre. 
This  general  was  immediately  detached  from  the  main  body,  to 
support  the  two  former  brigades,  and,  being  the  senior  officer,  took 
the  command  of  the  whole  wing.  Washington  himself,  followed  by 
general  Greene,  approached  with  two  strong  divisions  towards  this 
wing,  and  posted  himself  between  it  and  the  corps  he  had  left  at 
Chadsford,  under  general  Wayne,  to  oppose  the  passage  of  Knyp- 
hausen. These  two  divisions,  under  the  immediate  orders  of  the 
comrnander-in-chief,  served  as  a  corps  of  reserve,  ready  to  march, 
according  to  circumstances,  to  the  succour  of  Sullivan  or  of  Wayne. 

But  the  column  of  Cornwallis  was  already  in  sight  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. Sullivan  drew  up  his  troops  on  the  commanding  ground  above 
Birmingham  meetinghouse,  with  his  left  extending  towards  the 
Brandywine,  and  both  his  flanks  covered  with  very  thick  woods. 
His  artillery  was  advantageously  planted  upon  the  neighboring  hills; 
but  it  appears  that  Sullivan's  own  brigade,  having  taken  a  long  cir- 
cuit, ar-rived  too  late  upon  the  field  of  battle,  and  had  not  yet  occu- 
pied the  position  assigned  it,  when  the  action  commenced.  The 
English  having  reconnoitred  the  dispositions  of  the  Americans, 
immediately  formed,  and  fell  upon  them  with  the  utmost  impetuosity. 
The  engagement  became  equally  fierce  on  both  sides  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  For  some  length  of  time  the  Americans 
defended  themselves  with  great  valor,  and  the  carnage  was  terrible. 
But  such  was  the  emulation  which  invigorated  the  efforts  of  the 
English  and  Hessians,  that  neither  the  advantages  of  situation,  nor  a 
heavy  and  well  supported  fire  of  small  arms  and  artillery,  nor  the 
unshaken  courage  of  the  Americans,  were  able  to  resist  their  impe- 
tuosity. The  light  infantry,  chasseurs,  grenadiers,  and  guards,  threw 
themselves  with  such  fury  into  the  midst  of  the  republican  battalions, 
that  they  were  forced  to  give  way.  Their  left  flank  was  first  thrown 
into  confusion,  but  the  rout  soon  became  general.  The  vanquished 


BOOK    VIII.  THE,  AMERICAN1    WAR.  59 

fled  into  the  woods  in  their  rear  ;  the  victors  pursued,  and  advanced 
by  the  great  road  towards  Dilworth.  On  the  first  fire  of  the  artillery, 
Washington,  having  no  doubt  of  what  was  passing,  had  pushed  for- 
ward the  reserve  to  the  succour  of  Sullivan.  But  this  corps,  on  ap- 
proaching the  field  of  battle,  fell  in  with  the  flying  soldiers  of  Sullivan, 
and  perceived  that  no  hope  remained  of  retrieving  the  fortune  of  the 
day.  General  Greene,  by  a  judicious  manoeuvre,  opened  his  ranks 
to  receive  the  fugitives,  and  after  their  passage  having  closed  them 
anew,  he  retired  in  good  order  ;  checking  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy 
by  a  continual  fire  of  the  artillery  which  covered  his  rear.  Having 
come  to  a  defile,  covered  on  both  sides  with  woods,  he  drew  up  his 
men  there,  and  again  faced  the  enemy.  His  corps  was  composed  of 
Virginians  and  Pennsylvanians ;  they  defended  themselves  with  gal- 
lantry ;  the  former  especially,  commanded  by  colonel  Stephens,  made 
an  heroic  stand. 

Knyphausen  finding  the  Americans  to  be  fully  engaged  on  their 
right,  and  observing;  that  the  corps  opposed  to  him  at  Chadsford  was 
enfeebled  by  the  troops  which  had  been  detached  to  the  succour  of 
Sullivan,  began  to  make  dispositions  for  crossing  the  river  in  reality. 
The  passage  of  Chadsford  was  defended  by  an  intrenchment  and 
battery.  The  republicans  stood  firm  at  first ;  but  upon  intelligence 
of  the  defeat  of  their  right,  and  seeing  some  of  the  British  troops 
who  had  penetrated  through  the  woods,  come  out  upon  their  flank, 
they  retired  in  disorder,  abandoning  their  artillery  and  munitions  to 
the  German  general.  In  their  retreat,  or  rather  flight,  they  passed 
behind  the  position  of  general  Greene,  who  still  defended  himself, 
and  was  the  last  to  quit  the  field  of  battle.  Finally,  it  being  already 
dark,  after  a  long  and  obstinate  conflict,  he  also  retired.  The  whole 
army  retreated  that  night  to  Chester,  and  the  day  following  to  Phila- 
delphia. 

There  the  fugitives  arrived  incessantly,  having  effected  their 
escape  through  byways  and  circuitous  routes.  The  victors  passed 
the  night  on  the  field  of  battle.  If  darkness  had  not  arrived  season- 
ably, it  is  ve'ry  probable  that  the  whole  American  army  would  have 
been  destroyed.  The  loss  of  the  republicans  was  computed  at  about 
three  hundred  killed,  six  hundred  wounded,  and  near  four  hundred 
taken  prisoners.  They  also  lost  ten  field  pieces  and  a  howitzer. 
The  loss  in  the  royal  army  was  not  in  proportion,  being  something 
under  five  hundred,  of  which  the  slain  did  not  amount  to  one  fifth. 

The  French  officers  were  of  great  utility  to  the  Americans,  as 
well  in  forming  the  troops,  as  in  rallying  them  when  thrown  into 
confusion.  One  of  them,  the  baron  St.  Ovary,  was  made  a  prison- 
er, to  the  great  regret  of  Congress,  who  bore  him  a  particular  esteenrf 
Captain  de  Fleury  had  a  horse  killed  under  him  in  the  hottest  of  the 
action.  The  Congress  gave  him  another  a  few  days  after.  The 
marquis  de  la  Fayette,  whilst  he  was  endeavoring,  by  his  words  and 


(30  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

example,  to  rally  the  fugitives,  was  wounded  in  the  leg.  He  con- 
tinued, nevertheless,  to  fulfill  his  duty  both  as  a  soldier  in  fighting, 
and  as  a  general,  in  cheering  the  troops  and  reestablishing  order. 
The  count  Pulaski,  a  noble  Pole,  also  displayed  an  undaunted 
courage,  at  the  head  of  the  light  horse.  The  Congress  manifested 
their  sense  of  his  merit  by  giving  him,  shortly  after,  the  rank  of 
brigadier,  and  the  command  of  the  cavalry. 

If  all  the  American  troops  in  the  action  of  the  Brandywine  had 
fought  with  the  same  intrepidity  as  the  Virginians  and  Pennsylvanians, 
and,  especially,  if  Washington  had  not  been  led  into  error  by  a  false 
report,  perhaps,  notwithstanding  the  inferiority  of  number  and  the  im- 
perfection of  arms,  he  would  have  gained  the  victory,  or,  at  least, 
would  have  made  it  more  sanguinary  to  the  English.  However  this 
might  have  been,  it  must  be  admitted  that  general  Howe's  order  of 
battle  was  excellent  ;  that  his  movements  were  executed  with  as 
much  ability  as  promptitude  ;  and  that  his  troops,  English  as  well  as 
German,  behaved  admirably  well. 

The  day  after  the  battle,  towards  evening,  the  English  despatched 
a  detachment  of  light  troops  to  Wilmington,  a  place  situated  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Christiana  and  the  Brandywine.  There  they  took 
prisoner  the  governor  of  the  state  of  Delaware,  and  seized  a  consi- 
derable quantity  of  coined  money,  as  well  as  other  property,  both 
public  and  private,  and  some  papers  of  importance. 

The  other  towns  of  lower  Pennsylvania,  followed  the  fortune  of 
the  victorious  party ;  they  were  all  received  into  the  king's  obedi- 
ence. 

The  Congress,  far  from  being  discouraged  by  so  heavy  a  reverse, 
endeavored,  on  the  contrary,  to  persuade  the  people  that  it  was  by 
no  means  so  decisive,  but  that  affairs  might  soon  resume  a  favorable 
aspect.  They  gave  out,  that  though  the  English  had  remained  in 
possession  of  the  field  of  battle,  yet  their  victory  was  far  from  being 
complete,  since  their  loss  was  not  less,  and  perhaps  greater, than  that  of 
the  Americans.  They  affirmed,  that  although  their  army  was  in  part 
dispersed,  still  it  was  safe  ;  and,  in  a  few  days,  would  be  rallied,  and 
in  a  condition  to  meet  the  enemy.  Finally,  that  hold  demonstrations 
might  inspire  that  confidence  which,  perhaps,  words  alone  would  not 
have  produced, the  Congress  appeared  to  have  no  idea  of  quitting 
Philadelphia.  They  ordered  that  fifteen  hundred  regulars  should  be 
marched  to  that  city  from  Peek's  Kill ;  that  the  militia  of  New  Jersey, 
with  those  of  Philadelphia,  the  brigade  of  general  Smallwotid,  and  a 
regiment  of  the  line,  then  at  Alexandria,  should  proceed  with  all  pos- 
sible despatch  to  reenforce  the  principal  army  in  Pennsylvania.  They 
empowered  general  Washington  to  impress  all  wagons,  horses,  pro- 
visions, and  other  articles  necessary  for  the  use  of  the  army,  or,  giving 
certificates  to  the  owners,  who  were  to  be  satisfied  from  the  conti- 
nental treasury.  The  commander-in-chief  exerted  himself  to  inspire 


BOOK  VIII. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  6l 


his  troops  with  fresh  courage ;  he  persuaded  them  that  they  had  not 
shown  themselves  at  all  inferior  to  their  adversaries;  and  that  at 
another  time  they  might  decide  in  their  favor  what  was  left  in  doubt 
at  the  Brandywine.  He  gave  them  a  day  for  refreshment,  in  the 
environs  of  Germantown  ;  but  took  care  to  send  out  the  lightest  and 
freshest  corps  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Schuyikill,  as  far  as  Ches- 
ter, in  order  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy,  to  repress  his  excur- 
sions, and  at  the  same  time  to  collect  the  dispersed  and  straggling 
Americans.  As  to  himself,  he  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  where  he 
had  frequent  conferences  with  the  Congress,  in  order  to  concert  with 
them  the  measures  to  be  pursued  for  the  reestablishment  of  affairs. 
But  the  fifteenth  he  returned  to  camp,  and  repassing,  with  all  his 
forces,  from  the  left  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Schuyikill,  proceeded 
on  the  Lancaster  road  as  far  as  the  Warren  tavern,  with  the  intention 
of  risking  another  engagement.  Conjecturing  that  the  enemy  must  be 
much  incurnbered  with  their  sick  and  wounded,  he  ordered  Small- 
wood  to  hang  with  his  light  troops  on  their  flank  or  rear,  as  occasion 
might  require,  and  do  them  all  the  harm  he  could.  At  the  same 
time,  the  bridge  over  the  Schuyikill  was  ordered  to  be  loosened  from 
its  moorings,  to  swing  on  the  Philadelphia  side ;  and  general  Arm- 
strong, with  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  was  directed  to  guard  the  passes 
over  that  river,  for  the  defence  of  which  M.  de  Portail,  chief  of 
engineers,  constructed  such  sudden  works  as  might  be  of  immediate 
use. 

General  Howe,  having  passed  the  night  of  the  eleventh  on  the  field 
of  battle,  sent  the  following  day  a  strong  detachment  to  Concord, 
commanded  by  general  Grant,  who  was  joined  afterwards  by  lord 
Cornwallis.  They  marched  together  towards  Chester,  upon  the  bank 
of  the  Delaware,  as  if  they  intended  to  surprise  Philadelphia.  Howe, 
with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  advanced  to  gain  the  Lancaster 
road,  and  had  arrived  on  the  sixteenth  near  Goshen,  when  he  receiv- 
ed intelligence  that  Washington  was  approaching  with  all  his  troops 
to  give  him  battle,  and  was  already  within  five  miles  of  Goshen. 
With  great  alacrity  both  armies  immediately  prepared  for  action;  the 
advanced  parties  had  met,  when  there  came  up  so  violent  a  fall  of 
rain,  that  the  soldiers  were  forced  to  cease  their  fire.  The  Amo- 
ricans,  especially,  suffered  exceedingly  from  it  in  their  arms  and 
ammunition.  Their  gunlocks  not  being  well  secured,  many  of  their 
muskets  were  rendered  unfit  for  use.  Their  cartridgeboxes  had 
been  so  badly  constructed  as  not  to  protect  their  powder  from  the 
severity  of  the  tempest. 

These  circumstances  compelled  Washington  to  defer  the  engage- 
ment. He  therefore  recrossed  the  Schuyikill  at  Parker's  Ferry,  and 
encamped  upon  the  eastern  bank  of  that  river,  on  both  sides  of 
Perkyomy  Creek.  But  as  this  retreat  left  general  Smallwood  too 
much  exposed  to  be  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  general  Wayne,  with 

VOL.    II.  9 


G2  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  POOR  VIII. 

his  division,  was  detached  to  the  rear  of  the  British  with  orders  to 
join  him  ;  and  carefully  concealing  himself  and  his  movements,  to 
seize  every  occasion  which  their  march  might  offer,  of  engaging  them 
to  advantage. 

The  extreme  severity  of  the  weather  entirely  stopped  the  British 
army,  and  prevented  any  pursuit.  They  made  no  oiher  movement 
than  merely  to  unite  their  columns,  and  then  took  post  at  Tryduffin, 
whence  they  detached  a  party  to  seize  a  magazine  of  flour  and  other 
stores,  which  the  republicans  had  deposited  at  Valley  Forge.  Howe 
discovered  by  his  spies,  that  general  Wayne,  with  fifteen  hundred 
men,  was  lying  in  the  woods  in  the  rear,  and  not  far  from  the  left 
wing  of  his  army.  Suspecting  some  scheme  of  enterprise,  he  deter- 
mined to  avert  the  stroke,  by  causing  Wayne  to  experience  the  check 
he  destined  for  him.  Accordingly,  in  the  night  of  the  thirteenth,  he 
detached  general  Grey,  with  two  regiments  and  a  body  of  light  infant- 
ry, to  surprise  the  enemy.  That  general  conducted  the  enterprise 
with  great  prudence  and  activity.  Stealing  his  way  through  the 
woods,  he  arrived  undiscovered,  about  one  in  the  morning,  before  the 
encampment  of  Wayne.  Having  forced  his  pickets  without  noise, 
the  British  detachment,  guided  by  the  light  of  their  fires,  rushed  in 
upon  the  enemy,  torpid  with  sleep  and  chilled  with  terror.  In  the 
midst  of  this  obscurity  and  confusion,  a  shocking  slaughter  was  exe- 
cuted with  bayonets.  The  Americans  lost  many  of  their  men,  with 
their  baggage,  arms,  and  stores.  The  whole  corps  must  have  been 
cut  off,  if  Wayne  had  not  preserved  his  coolness  ;  he  promptly  rallied 
a  few  regiments,  who  withstood  the  shock  of  the  enemy,  and  covered 
the  retreat  of  the  others.  The  loss  of  the  English  was  very  inconsi- 
derable. When  this  attack  commenced,  general  Smallwood,  who  was 
coming  up  to  join  Wayne,  was  already  within  a  mile  of  the  field  of 
battle;  and,  had  he  commanded  troops  who  were  to  be  relied  on, 
might  have  given  a  very  different  turn  to  the  night.  But  his  militia, 
who  were  excessively  alarmed,  thought  only  of  their  own  safety  ;  and 
having  fallen  in  with  a  party  returning  from  the  pursuit  of  Wayne, 
they  instantly  fled  in  confusion. 

Having  thus  secured  his  rear,  the  British  general  resolved  to  bring 
the  Americans  to  action,  or  to  press  them  so  far  from  Philadelphia  as 
should  enable  him  to  push  suddenly  across  the  Schuylkill,  and  turn 
without  danger  to  his  right,  in  order  to  take  possession  of  that  city. 
To  this  end  he  made  such  movements  upon  the  western  bank,  as  to 
give  the  enemy  jealousy  that  he  intended  to  cross  higher  up,  where 
the  river  was  more  shallow,  and  after  turning  his  right  flank,  to  seize 
the  extensive  magazines  of  provisions  and  military  stores,  which  had 
been  established  at  Reading.  In  order  to  oppose  so  great  a  mischief, 
Washington  retired  with  his  army  up  the  river,  and  encamped  at 
Potts  Grove.  Howe,  on  intelligence  of  this  change  of  the  enemy's 
position,  immediately  crossed  the  Schuylkill  without  opposition ;  a 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  60 

part  of  his  troops  being  passed  at  Gordon's  Ford,  and  the  rest  lower 
down  at  Flatland  Ford.  On  the  night  of  the  twenty-third,  the  whole 
British  army  encamped  upon  the  left  bank  ;  thus  finding  itself  be- 
tween the  army  of  Washington  and  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

It  was  now  selfevident  that  nothing  could  save  that  city  from  the 
grasp  of  the  English,  unless  the  American  general  chose  to  risk  a 
battle  for  its  rescue. 

But  Washington,  more  guided  by  prudence  than  by  the  wishes 
and  clamors  of  the  multitude,  abstained  from  resorting  to  that  fatal 
experiment.  He  deemed  it  a  measure  of  blind  temerity  to  commit 
the  fate  of  America  to  the  uncertain  issue  of  a  general  engagement. 
He  daily  expected  the  arrival  of  the  remaining  troops  of  Wayne  and 
Smallwood,  the  continental  troops  of  Peek's  Kill  and  the  provincial 
militia  of  New  Jersey,  under  the  command  of  general  Dickinson. 
The  soldiers  were  less  fatigued  than  worn  down  by  continual 
marches,  bad  roads,  want  of  food  and  sufferings  of  every  denomina- 
tion. A  council  of  war  being  assembled,  and  the  condition  of  the 
army  considered,  it  was  unanimously  decided  to  remain  on  the  pre- 
sent ground,  until  the  expected  reenforcements  should  arrive,  and  to 
allow  the  harassed  troops  a  few  days  for  repose. 

Washington  resolved  to  proceed  in  every  point  with  extreme  cir- 
cumspection, holding  himself  ready  to  seize  the  occasions  which 
Heaven  might  offer  him  for  the  glory  of  its  own  cause,  and  for  the 
good  of  the  republic.  Philadelphia  was  therefore  abandoned  as  a 
prey  which  could  not  escape  the  enemy. 

When  it  was  known  in  that  city  that  the  violent  rain  which  fell  on 
the  sixteenth,  had  prevented  the  two  armies  from  coming  to  action, 
and  that  Washington  had  been  constrained  to  retire  behind  the 
Schuylkill,  Congress  adjourned  itself  to  the  twenty-seventh,  at  Lan- 
caster. At  the  same  time,  the  public  magazines  and  archives  were 
evacuated  with  all  diligence  ;  the  vessels  lying  at  the  wharves  were 
removed  up  the  Delaware.  About  twenty  individuals  were  taken 
into  custody,  the  greater  part  of  them  Quakers,  avowed  enemies  to 
the  state  ;  having  positively  refused  to  give  any  security  in  writing, 
or  even  verbal  attestation,  of  submission  or  allegiance  to  the  present 
government.  They  were  sent  off  to  Staunton,  in  Virginia,  as  a  place 
of  security. 

With  unshaken  confidence  in  the  virtue  of  Washington,  as  a  suffi- 
cient pledge  for  the  hope  of  the  republic,  the  Congress  invested  him 
with  the  same  dictatorial  powers  that  were  conceded  him  after  the 
reverses  of  New  Jersey.  At  length,  the  rumor  of  the  approach  of 
the  English  increasing  from  hour  to  hour,  they  left  the  city.  Lord 
Corn walli s  entered  Philadelphia  the  twenty-sixth  of  September,  at 
the  head  of  a  detachment  of  British  and  Hessian  grenadiers.  The 
rest  of  the  army  remained  in  the  camp  of  Germantown.  Thus  the 
rich  and  populous  capital  of  the  whole  confederation  fell  into  the 


64  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.        .  BOOK  VIII, 

power  of  the  royalists,  after  a  sanguinary  battle,  and  a  series  of 
manoeuvres,  no  less  masterly  than  painful,  of  the  two  armies.  The 
Quakers,  and  all  the  other  loyalists  who  had  remained  there,  wel- 
comed the  English  with  transports  of  gratulation.  Washington, 
descending  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Schuylkill,  approached  within 
sixteen  miles  of  Germantown.  He  encamped  at  Skippach  Creek, 
purposing  to  accommodate  his  measures  to  the  state  of  things. 

The  loss  of  Philadelphia  did  not  produce  among  the  Americans  a 
particle  of  that  discouragement  which  the  English  had  flattered 
themselves  would  be  the  consequence  of  this  event.  The  latter,  on 
finding  themselves  masters  of  that  city,  erected  batteries  upon  the 
Delaware,  in  order  to  command  the  whole  breadth  of  the  river,  pre- 
vent any  sudden  attack  by  water,  and  interdict  to  the  republicans  all 
navigation  between  its  upper  and  lower  parts.  While  they  were 
engaged  in  these  works,  the  Americans,  with  the  frigate  Delaware 
anchored  within  five  hundred  yards  of  the  unfinished  batteries,  and 
with  some  smaller  vessels,  commenced  a  very  heavy  cannonade  both 
upon  the  batteries  and  the  town.  They  did  not,  however,  display 
the  judgment  which  their  knowledge  of  the  river  might  be  supposed 
to  afford  ;  for  upon  the  falling  of  the  tide  the  Delaware  grounded  so 
effectually  that  she  could  not  be  got  off,  which  being  perceived  by 
the  English,  they  brought  their  cannon  to  play  upon  her  with  so 
much  effect  that  she  was  soon  obliged  to  strike  her  colors.  The 
same  fire  compelled  the  other  vessels  to  retire  up  the  river,  with  the 
loss  of  a  schooner  which  was  driven  ashore. 

The  Americans,  under  the  apprehension  of  what  afterwards  hap- 
pened, that  is,  of  not  being  able  to  preserve- Philadelphia,  had,  with 
great  labor  and  expense,  constructed  all  manner  of  works  to  interrupt 
the  navigation  of  the  river,  in  order  to  prevent  the  British  fleet  from 
communicating  with  the  troops  that  might  occupy  the  city.  They 
knew  that  the  army  of  Washington,  when  it  should  have  received  its 
reenforcements,  would  soon  be  in  a  condition  to  take  the  field  anew, 
and  to  cut  off  the  enemy's  supplies  on  the  side  of  Pennsylvania  ;  if, 
therefore,  unable  to  procure  them  by  water,  the  English  must  in  a 
short  time  be  compelled  to  evacuate  the  city.  Pursuant  to  this  rea- 
soning, the  Americans  had  erected  works  and  batteries  upon  a  flat, 
low,  marshy  island,  or  rather  a  bank  of  mud  and  sand  which  had 
been  accumulated  in  the  Delaware  near  the  junction  of  the  Schuylkill, 
and  which  from  it  nature  was  called  Mud,  but  from  these  defences, 
Fort  Island.  On  the  opposite  shore  of  New  Jersey,  at  a  place 
called  Red  Bank,  they  had  also  constructed  a  fort  or  redoubt,  well 
covered  with  heavy  artillery.  In  the  deep  navigable  channel,  be- 
tween or  under  the  cover  of  these  batteries,  they  had  sunk  several 
ranges  of  frames  or  machines,  the  construction  of  which  we  have 
already  described  in  a  foregoing  book.  About  three  miles  lower 
down,  they  had  sunk  other  ranges  of  these  machines,  and  were  con- 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  65 

structing  for  their  protection  some  considerable  and  extensive  works, 
which,  though  not  yet  finished,  were  in  such  forwardness,  as  to  be 
provided  with  artillery,  and  to  command  their  object,  at  a  place  on 
the  Jersey  side,  called  Billings  Point.  These  works  and  machines 
were  further  supported  by  several  gallies,  mounting  heavy  cannon, 
together  with  two  floating  batteries,  a  number  of  armed  vessels  and 
small  craft  of  various  kinds,  and  some  fire-ships. 

The  English  well  knew  the  importance  of  opening  for  themselves 
a  free  communication  with  the  sea,  by  means  of  the  Delaware  ;  since 
their  operations  could  never  be  considered  secure,  so  long  as  the 
enemy  should  maintain  positions  upon  the  banks  of  that  river  ;  and 
accordingly  they  deliberated  upon  the  means  of  reducing  them.  Im- 
mediately after  the  success  of  the  Brandy  wine,  lord  Howe,  who 
commanded  the  whole  fleet,  had  made  sail  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Delaware,  and  several  light  vessels  had  already  arrived  in  that  river, 
among  others  the  Roebuck,  commanded  by  captain  Hammond. 
That  officer  represented  to  general  Howe,  that  if  sufficient  forces 
were  sent  to  attack  the  fort  at  Billings  Point,  on  the  Jersey  shore,  it 
might  be  taken  without  difficulty  ;  and  that  he  would  then  take  upon 
himself  to  open  a  passage  for  the  vessels  through  the  chevaux-de- 
frize.  The  general  approved  this  project,  and  detached  two  regi- 
ments under  colonel  Stirling,  to  carry  it  into  effect.  The  detach- 
ment, having  crossed  the  river  from  Chester,  the  moment  they  had 
set  foot  upon  the  Jersey  shore,  marched  with  all  speed  to  attack  the 
fort  in  rear. 

The  Americans,  not  thinking  themselves  able  to  sustain  the 
enemy's  assault,  immediately  spiked  their  artillery,  set  fire  to  the  ' 
barracks,  and  abandoned  the  place  with  precipitation.  The  English 
waited  to  destroyer  to  render  unserviceable  those  parts  of  the  works 
which  fronted  the  river,  and  this  success,  with  the  spirit  and  perse- 
verance exhibited  by  the  officers  and  crews  of  the  ships  under  his 
command,  enabled  Hammond,  through  great  difficulties,  to  carry  the 
principal  object  of  the  expedition  inta  effect,  by  cutting  away  and 
weighing  up  so  much  of  the  chevaux-de-frize  as  opened  a  narrow 
passage  for  the  shipping  through  this  lower  barrier. 

The  two  regiments  of  Stirling  returned,  after  their  expedition  to 
Chester,  whether  another  had  been  sent  to  meet  them,  in  order  that 
they  might  all  together  form  a  sufficient  escort  for  a  large  convoy  of 
provisions  to  the  camp. 

Washington,  who  had  not  left  his  position  at  Skippach  Creek, 
being  informed  that  three  regiments  had  been  thus  detached,  and 
knowing  that  lord  Cornwallis  lay  at  Philadelphia  with  four  battalions 
of  grenadiers,  perceived  that  the  army  of  Howe  must  be  sensibly 
weakened.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  avail  himself  of  this  favor- 
able circumstance,  and  to  fall  unexpectedly  upon  the  British  army 
encamped  at  Germantown. 


66  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

He  took  ibis  resolution  with  the  more  confidence,  as  he  was  now 
reenforced  by  the  junction  of  the  troops  from  Peek's  Kill  and  the 
Maryland  militia. 

Germantown  is  a  considerable  village,  about  half  a  dozen  miles 
from  Philadelphia,  and  which,  stretching  on  both  sides  of  the  great 
road  to  the  northward,  forms  a  continued  street  of  two  miles  in  length. 
The  British  line  of  encampment  crossed  Germantown  at  right  angles 
about  the  centre,  the  left  wing  extending  on  the  west,  from  the  town 
to  the  Schuylkill.  That  wing  was  covered  in  front,  by  the  mounted 
and  dismounted  German  chasseurs,  who  were  stationed  a  little  above 
towards  the  American  camp  ;  a  battalion  of  light  infantry,  and  the 
Queen's  American  rangers  were  in  the  front  of  the  right.  The 
centre  being  posted  within  the  town,  was  guarded  by  the  fortieth 
regiment,  and  another  battalion  of  light  infantry  stationed  about  three 
quarters  of  a  mile  above  the  head  of  the  village.  Washington 
resolved  to  attack  the  British  by  surprise,  not  doubting  that,  if  he 
succeeded  in  breaking  them,  as  they  were  riot  only  distant,  but  totally 
separated  from  the  fleet,  his  victory  must  be  decisive. 

He  so  disposed  his  troops,  that  the  divisions  of  Sullivan  and  Wayne, 
flanked  by  Conway's  brigade,  were  to  march  down  the  main  road, 
and  entering  the  town  by  the  way  of  Chestnut  Hill,  to  attack  the 
English  centre,  and  the  right  flank  of  their  left  wing  ;  the  divisions 
of  Greene  and  Stephens,  flanked  by  Macdougall's  brigade,  were  to 
take  a  circuit  towards  the  east,  by  the  Limekiln  road,  and  entering 
the  town  at  the  markethouse.  to  attack   the  left  flank  of  the  right 
wing.     The  intention  of  the  American  general  in  seizing  the  village 
'  of  Germantown  by  a  double  attack,  was  effectually  to  separate  the 
right  and  left  wings  of  the  royal  army,  which  must  have  given  him 
a  certain  victory.     In  order  that  the  left  flank  of  the  left  wing  might 
not  contract  itself,  and  support  the  right  flank  of  the  same  wing, 
general  Armstrong,  with  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  was  ordered  to 
march  down  the  bridge  road  upon  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill,  and 
endeavor  to  turn  the  English,  if  they  should  retire  from  that  river. 
I  In  like  manner,  to  prevent  the   right  flank  of  the  right  wing  from 
Agoing  to  the  succour  of  the   left  flank,  which  rested  upon  German- 
town,  the  militia  of  Maryland  and  Jersey,  under  generals  Smallwood 
and  Forman,  were  to  march  down  the  Old  York  road,  and  to  fall 
upon  the  English  on  that  extremity  of  their  wing.     The  division  of 
lord   Sterling,  and   the   brigades    of  generals   Nash    and   Maxwell, 
.    formed  the  reserve.     These  dispositions  being  made,  Washington 
quitted  his  camp  at  Skippach  Creek,  and  moved  towards  the  enemy, 
*  on   the  third  of  October,  about  seven  in  the  evening;.     Parties  of 
"cavalry  silently  scoured  all  the  roads  to  seize  any  individuals  who 
might  have  given  notice   to  the  British  general  of  the  danger  that 
threatened  him.     Washington  in  person  accompanied  the  column  of 
Sullivan  and  Wayne.     The  march  was  rapid  and  silent. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  G7 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  British  patroles  discovered 
the  approach  of  the  Americans  ;  the  troops  were  soon  called  to 
arms  ;  each  took  his  post  with  the  precipitation  of  surprise.  About 
sunrise  the  Americans  came  up.  General  Conway  having  driven  in 
the  pickets,  fell  upon  the  fortieth  regiment  and  the  battalion  of  light 
infantry.  These  corps,  after  a  short  resistance,  being  overpowered 
by  numbers,  were  pressed  and  pursued  into  the  village.  Fortune 
appeared  already  to  have  declared  herself  in  favor  of  the  Americans  ; 
and  certainly  if  they  had  gained  complete  possession  of  Germantown, 
nothing  could  have  frustrated  them  of  the  most  signal  victory.  But 
in  this  conjuncture,  lieutenant-colonel  Musgrave  threw  himself,  with 
six  companies  of  the  fortieth  regiment,  into  a  large  and  strong  stone 
house,  situated  near  the  head  of  the  village,  from  which  he  poured 
upon  the  assailants  so  terrible  a  fire  of  musketry  that  they  could 
advance  no  further.  The  Americans  attempted  to  storm  this  unex- 
pected covert  of  the  enemy,  but  those  within  continued  to  defend 
themselves  with  resolution.  They  finally  brought  cannon  up  to  the 
assault,  but  such  was  the  intrepidity  of  the  English,  and  the  violence 
of  their  fire,  that  it  was  found  impossible  to  dislodge  them.  During 
this  time,  general  Greene  had  approached  the  right  wing,  and  routed, 
after  a  slight  engagement,  the  light  infantry  and  Queen's  rangers. 
Afterwards,  turning  a  little  to  his  right,  and  towards  Germantown,  he 
fell  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy's  right  wing,  and  endeavored  to 
enter  the  village.  Meanwhile,  he  expected  that  the  Pennsylvania 
militia,  under  Armstrong,  upon  the  right,  and  the  militia  of  Maryland 
and  Jersey,  commanded  by  Smallwood  and  Forman  on  the  left,  would 
have  executed  the  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief,  by  attacking 
and  turning,  the  first  the  left,  and  the  second  the  right,  flank  of  the 
British  army.  But  either  because  the  obstacles  they  encountered 
had  retarded  them,  or  that  they  wanted  ardor,  the  former  arrived  in 
sight  of  the  German  chasseurs,  and  did  not  attack  them  j  the  latter 
appeared  too  late  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

The  consequence  was,  that  general  Gray,  finding  his  left  flank 
secure,  marched,  with  nearly  the  whole  of  the  left  wing,  to  the 
assistance  of  the  centre,  which,  notwithstanding  the  unexpected 
resistance  of  colonel  Musgrave,  was  excessively  hard  pressed  in 
Germantown,  where  the  Americans  gained  ground  incessantly.  The 
battle  was  now  very  warm  at  that  village,  the  attack  and  the  defence 
being  equally  vigorous.  The  issue  appeared  for  some  time  dubious. 
General  Agnew  was  mortally  wounded,  while  charging  with  great 
bravery,  at  the  head  of  the  fourth  brigade.  The  American  colonel 
Matthews,  of  the  column  of  Greene,  assailed  the  English  with  so 
much  fury  that  he  drove  them  before  him  into  the  town.  He  had 
taken  a  large  number  of  prisoners,  and  was  about  entering  the  village, 
when  Le  perceived  that  a  thick  fog  and  the  unevenness  of  the  ground 
had  caused  him  to  lose  sight  of  the  rest  of  his  division.  Being  soon 


6S  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

enveloped  by  the  extremity  of  the  right  wing,  which  fell  back  upon 
him  when  it  had  discovered  that  nothing  was  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  tardy  approach  of  the  militia  of  Maryland  and  Jersey,  he  was 
compelled  to  surrender  with  all  his  party  ;  the  English  had  already 
rescued  their  prisoners.  This  check  was  the  cause  that  two  regi- 
ments of  the  English  right  wing  were  enabled  to  throw  themselves 
into  Germantown,  and  to  attack  the  Americans  who  had  entered  it 
in  flank.  Unable  to  sustain  the  shock,  they  retired  precipitately, 
leaving  a  great  number  of  killed  and  wounded.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Musgrave,  to  whom  belongs  the  principal  honor  of  this  affair,  was 
then  relieved  from  all  peril.  General  Grey,  being  absolute  master 
of  Germantown,  flew  to  the  succour  of  the  right  wing,  which  was 
engaged  with  the  left  of  the  column  of  Greene.  The  Americans 
then  took  to  flight,  abandoning  to  the  English  throughout  the  line,  a 
victory  of  which,  in  the  commencement  of  the  action,  they  had  felt 
assured. 

The  principal  causes  of  the  failure  of  this  well  concerted  enter- 
prise, were  the  extreme  haziness  of  the  weather  ;  which  was  so  thick, 
that  the  Americans  could  neither  discover  the  situation  nor  movements 
of  the  British  army,  nor  yet  those  of  their  own  ;  the  inequality  of 
the  ground,  which  incessantly  broke  the  ranks  of  their  battalions ;  an 
inconvenience  more  serious  and  difficult  to  be  repaired  for  new  and 
inexperienced  troops,  as  were  most  of  the  Americans,  than  for  the 
English  veterans ;  and,  finally,  the  unexpected  resistance  of  Mus- 
grave, who  found  means,  in  a  critical  moment,  to  transform  a  mere 
house  into  an  impregnable  fortress. 

Thus  fortune,  who  at  first  had  appeared  disposed  to  favor  one 
party,  suddenly  declared  herself  on  the  side  of  their  adversaries. 
Lord  Cornwallis,  being  at  Philadelphia,  upon  intelligence  of  the 
attack  upon  the  camp,  flew  to  its  succour  with  a  corps  of  cavalry  and 
the  grenadiers ;  but  when  he  reached  the  field  of  battle,  the  Ameri- 
cans had  already  left  it.  They  had  two  hundred  men  killed  in  this 
action  ;  the  number  of  wounded  amounted  to  six  hundred  ;  and 
about  four  hundred  were  made  prisoners.  One  of  their  most 
lamented  losses  was  that  of  general  Nash,  of  North  Carolina.  The 
loss  of  the  British  was  little' over  five  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded; 
among  the  former  were  brigadier-general  Agnew,  an  officer  of  rare 
merit,  and  colonel  Bird.  The  American  army  saved  all  its  artillery, 
and  retreated  the  same  day  about  twenty  miles,  to  Perkyomy  Creek. 

The  Congress  expressed  in  decided  terms  their  approbation,  both 
of  the  plan  of  this  enterprise  and  the  courage  with  which  it  was 
executed  ;  for  which  their  thanks  were  given  to  the  general  and  the 
army.  General  Stephens,  however,  was  cashiered  for  misconduct 
on  the  retreat. 

A  few  days  after  the  battle,  the  royal  army  removed  from  German- 
town  to  Philadelphia.  The  want  of  provisions  would  not  have 


1300K  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  69 

permitted  Howe  lo  follow  the  enemy  into  his  fastnesses,  and  he  was 
desirous  of  cooperating  with  the  naval  force  in  opening  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Delaware.  Washington,  having  received  a  small 
reenforcement  of  fifteen  hundred  militia,  and  a  state  regiment  from 
Virginia,  again  advanced  a  few  miles  towards  the  English,  and 
encamped  once  more  at  Skippach  Creek.  Thus,  the  British  general 
might  have  seen  that  he  had  to  grapple  with  an  adversary,  who,  far 
from  allowing  himself  to  be  discouraged  by  adverse  fortune,  seemed, 
on  the  contrary,  to  gain  by  it  more  formidable  energies  ;  who,  the 
moment  after  defeat,  was  prepared  to  resume  the  offensive  ;  and 
whose  firmness  and  activity  were  such,  that  even  the  victories 
obtained  by  his  adversaries  only  yielded  them  the  effects  of  defeat. 
Nor  was  the  taking  of  Philadelphia  attended  with  those  advantages 
which  were  expected  from  it. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  country  were  not  in  the  least  intimidated 
by  that  event;  and  the  victorious  army,  surrounded  on  all  sides  by 
enemies,  found  itself,  as  it  were,  immured  within  the  precincts  of  the 
city.  Washington,  posted  on  the  heights  of  the  Schuylkill,  main- 
tained a  menacing  attitude  ;  he  employed  his  cavalry  and  light  troops 
in  scouring  the  country  between  the  banks  of  that  river  and  those  of 
the  Delaware.  He  thus  repressed  the  excursions  of  the  English, 
prevented  them  from  foraging  with  safety,  and  deterred  the  disaffected 
or  the  avaricious  among  the  people  of  the  country  from  conveying 
provisions  to  their  camp.  Moreover,  the  Congress  passed  a  resolu- 
tion, subjecting  to  martial  law  and  to  death  all  those  who  should 
furnish  the  royal  troops  with  provisions,  or  any  other  aids  whatsoever. 

Compelled  to  relinquish  the  hope  of  supporting  his  army  from  the 
adjacent  country,  the  British  general  now  applied  himself  with  dili- 
gence to  the  task  of  removing  the  obstructions  of  the  Delaware, 
and  opening  a  free  communication  with  the  fleet.  The  enterprise 
presented  difficulties  and  dangers  of  no  ordinary  magnitude.  To 
succeed  in  this  operation,  it  was  necessary  to  seize  Mud  Island,  which 
was  defended  by  Fort  Mifflin,  and  the  point  of  Red  Bank,  where 
the  Americans  had  erected  Fort  Mercer.  After  the  reduction  of 
these  two  fortresses,  the  upper  chevaux-de-frize  might  be  destroyed. 

General  Howe,  therefore,  resolved  to  attack  them  both  at  the  same 
time,  in  concert  with  those  ships  which  had  been  able  to  pass  the 
lower  barrier.  Batteries  of  heavy  artillery  had  been  erected  on  the 
Pennsylvania  side,  in  front  of  Mud  Island,  to  assist  in  dislodging  the 
enemy  from  that  position.  Th$  garrison  of  Fort  Mifflin  was  com- 
manded by  colonel  Smith,  and  that  of  Fort  Mercer  by  colonel 
Greene,  both  officers  in  great  esteem  among  the  Americans. 

General  Howe  had  arranged  for  the  attack  of  Fort  Mifflin,  that 
while  the  batteries  on  the  western  shore  should  open  their  fire  upon 
its  right  flank,  the  Vigilant  ship  of  war,  passing  up  the  narrow  chan- 
nel which  separates  Hog  Island  from  the  Pennsylvania  shore,  should 

VOL.    II.  10 


70  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Vlir. 

cannonade  it  in  the  rear,  arid  the  frigates,  with  the  ships  Isis  and 
Augusta  in  front,  approaching  it  by  the  middle  channel,  which  is 
considerably  wider  and  deeper.  As  to  Fort  Mercer,  it  was  also  to 
be  attacked*  in  the  rear,  on  the  side  of  New  Jersey,  by  landing  troops 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Delaware. 

According  to  these  dispositions,  the  English  put  themselves  in 
motion  on  the  evening  of  the  twenty-first  of  October.  Colonel 
Donop,  a  German  officer,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the 
course  of  this  campaign,  passed  the  Delaware  from  Philadelphia, 
with  a  strong  detachment  of  Hessians,  at  Cooper's  Ferry.  Then 
marching  down  upon  the  Jersey  shore,  along  the  bank  of  the  river, 
he  arrived  at  a  late  hour  the  following  day,  in  the  rear  of  Red  Bank. 
The  fortifications  consisted  of  extensive  outer  works,  within  which 
was  a  strong  palisaded  intrenchment,  well  furnished  with  artillery. 
Donop  attacked  the  fort  with  the  utmost  gallantry.  The  Americans, 
after  a  slight  resistance  in  the  outer  intrenchment,  finding  their  num- 
ber too  small  to  man  it  sufficiently,  withdrew  into  the  body  of  the 
redoubt,  where  they  made  a  vigorous  defence. 

Their  intrepidity  and  the  want  of  scaling  ladders  baffled  all  the 
efforts  of  the  Hessians.  Colonel  Donop  was  mortally  wounded  and 
taken  prisoner.  Several  of  his  best  officers  were  killed  or  disabled  ; 
colonel  Mingerod-e  himself,  the  second  in  command,  received  a  dan- 
gerous wound.  The  Hessians  were  then  severely  repulsed  ;  and 
lieutenant-colonel  Linsing  drew  them  off  with  precipitation  ;  but  even 
in  their  retreat  they  suffered  extremely  by  the  fire  of  the  enemy's 
gallies  and  floating  batteries.  The  loss  of  the  Hessians  was  estimated 
at  not  less  than  four  or  five  hundred  men.  Donop  expired  of  his 
wounds  the  next  day.  The  Americans  owed  much  of  their  success 
to  the  Chevalier  du  Plessis,  a  French  officer,  who  directed  the 
artillery  with  great  ability  and  valor.  The  vanquished  returned  to 
Philadelphia. 

Meanwhile,  the  ships  had  advanced,  in  order  to  be  in  readiness  to 
attack  Mud  Island.  After  having  made  their  way  with  difficulty 
through  the  lower  barrier,  the  Augusta  man  of  war,  several  frigates 
and  other  smaller  vessels,  waited  above  it  for  the  tide  ;  the  moment 
the  flood  set  in,  they  proceeded  towards  their  destined  stations.  But 
a  strong  northerly  wind  prevented  the  Vigilant  from  taking  the  post 
assigned  her  between  Hog  Island  and  the  Pennsylvania  shore. 
Moreover,  the  obstructions  which  the  Americans  had  sunk  in  the 
bed  of  the  river,  had,  in  some  degree,  altered  its  natural  channel. 
By  this  means  the  Augusta  and  Merlin  were  grounded  so  fast,  at 
some  distance  from  the  chevaux-de-frize,  that  there  was  no  possibi- 
lity of  getting  them  off.  The  frigates,  however,  reached  their  sta- 
tions and  commenced  a  cannonade  upon  Fort  Mifflin,  while  the 
batteries  on  shore  were  also  opened  upon  the  garrison.-  The  Ame- 
ricans defended  themselves  with  spirit,  and  night  soon  put  an  end  to 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  71 

the  engagement.  Early  next  morning  the  English  renewed  the 
attack,  not  that  in  the  present  state  of  things  they  expected  to  reduce 
the  fort,  but  in  the  hope  that,  under  cover  of  their  fire,  the  two  ships 
which  were  grounded  might  be  got  off.  Notwithstanding  their 
efforts,  the  Augusta  took  fire  and  blew  up ;  the  Merlin,  which  could 
not  be  removed,  was  hastily  evacuated  and  laid  in  a  train  of  destruc- 
tion. The  frigates,  despairing  of  success,  and  fearing  the  effect  of 
the  explosion,  retired  with  the  utmost  expedition.  The  Congress 
voted  their  thanks  and  a  sword  to  colonels  Greene  and  Smith,  for 
having  so  gallantly  defended  the  two  forts. 

The  ill  success  of  these  two  attacks  did  not,  however,  discourage 
the  British  commanders ;  and  such  was  the  importance  of  opening 
the  navigation  of  the  Delaware,  as  well  to  secure  the  arrival  of  stores 
and  supplies  as  to  obtain  a  free  communication  with  the  fleet,  that 
they  resolved  to  leave  no  means  unessayed  for  the  attainment  of  this 
object. 

Fort  Mifflin  was  placed  at  the  lower  end  of  Mud  Island,  having 
its  principal  fortifications  in  front,  for  the  purpose  of  repelling  ships 
coming  up  the  river.  At  the  opposite  extremity,  no  attack  being 
expected,  as  the  naval  means  of  the  British  in  Philadelphia  were  too 
feeble  to  excite  alarm,  the  fort  was  surrounded  only  by  a  wet  ditch. 
This  part,  however,  was  flanked  by  a  blockhouse  at  each  of  its 
angles,  one  of  which  had  be-en  much  damaged  in  the  late  attack.  A 
little  above  Mud  Island  is  another  small  morassy  island  called  Pro- 
vince Island ;  this  the  English  had  occupied  in  opder  to  be  able  to 
batter  Fort  Mifflin  in  its  rear,  and  weakest  part.  They  were  inces- 
santly employed  in  conveying  thither  heavy  artillery,  provisions,  and 
stores,  by  a  difficult  channel,  near  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  behind 
Hog  Island.  They  also  erected  fortifications,  in  the  most  suitable 
plarcs.  The  Americans  perceived  distinctly  that  when  the  enemy 
should  have  completed  his  works  in  this  island,  their  position  in  Mud 
Island  would  no  longer  be  tenable. 

Washington  would  have  desired,  by  a  sudden  expedition,  to  dis- 
lodge the  English  from  Province  Island,  but  as  Howe  had  thrown  a 
bridge  over  the  Schuylkill,  he  might,  while  the  Americans  were 
attempting  this  stroke,  have  fallen  upon  their  rear  and  cut  off  their 
retreat.  If  the  American  general  marched  with  all  his  army  to  cover 
it,  he  exposed  himself  to  a  general  battle,  which  he  wished  to  avoid. 
It  appeared  to  him  imprudent,  to  put  so  much  at  hazard,  after  the 
late  unfortunate  actions.  He^felt  the  greater  repugnance  to  embrace 
adventurous  counsels,  as  he  was  already  apprised  of  the  successes 
obtained  by  the  northern  army  ;  in  consequence  of  which,  a  great 
part  of  the  troops  employed  against  Burgoyne,  might  be  drawn  to 
reenforce  his  own.  He  abstained,  therefore,  from  undertaking  the 
enterprise  against  Province  Island,  hoping  however  that  the  courage 
of  the  defenders  ojf  Fort  Mifflin,  and  the  succours  that  might  be 
sent  them  secretly,  would  suffice  to  prolong  their  resistance. 


72  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  V1I1. 

But  every  thing  being  prepared  on  the  side  of  the  English,  they 
executed  their  attack  the  fifteenth  of  November.  All  the  ships 
being  arrived  at  their  posts,  opened  a  furious  cannonade.  The 
Americans  answered  it,  at  first,  with  no  less  vigor  from  the  fort,  from 
the  batteries  of  New  Jersey,  and  from  the  gallies  which  were  stationed 
near  that  shore.  But  at  length,  the  works  being  battered  down  and 
the  ditches  filled  up  with  their  ruins,  their  situation  became  critical. 

They  perceived  the  English  were  taking  measures  for  storming 
the  body  of  the  fortress  the  following  morning,  and  being  sensible 
that,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  it  was  not  defensible,  having  sent 
off  their  stores,  they  set  fire  to  every  thing  that  was  capable  of 
receiving  it,  and  evacuated  the  place  in  the  night.  They  withdrew 
to  Red  Bank.  The  next  day  the  English  took  possession  of  the 
fort. 

It  still  remained  to  dislodge  the  soldiers  of  Congress  from  Red 
Bank,  before  the  obstructions  of  the  Delaware  could  be  entirely 
removed.  This  operation  was  of  absolute  necessity  ;  for,  although 
some  vessels  of  easy  burthen,  being  loaded  with  provisions  from  the 
country  about  Chester,  where  the  inhabitants  were  well  affected  to 
the  royal  cause,  brought  scanty  supplies  to  Philadelphia,  yet  the 
scarcity  in  that  city  became  daily  more  distressing ;  and  firewood 
was  almost  totally  wanting. 

In  consequence  of  these  considerations,  general  Howe  having 
covered  Philadelphia  by  intrenchments,  extending  from  the  De- 
laware to  the  jchuylkill,  and  having  received  some  reenforce- 
ments  from  New  York,  sent  Cornvvallis  with  a  strong  detachment  to 
the  Jersey  shore,  with  instructions  to  collect  provisions,  and  attack 
Fort  Mercer  in  the  rear.  That  general,  having  crossed  from  Ches- 
ter to  Billings  point,  prepared  to  execute  the  orders  he  had  received. 
He  was  there  joined  by  a  body  of  forces  just  arrived  from  New 
York.  Washington,  upon  intelligence  of  this  movement,  being  ear- 
nestly desirous  to  preserve,  if  practicable,  a  position  so  capable  of 
arresting  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  had  ordered  major-general 
Greene,  an  officer  he  much  esteemed  for  his  talents  and  intrepidity, 
to  pass,  also,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment  into  New  Jersey. 
A  hope  was  entertained  that  he  would  be  able,  not  only  to  protect 
Fort  Mercer,  but  to  obtain  some  decisive  advantage  over  lord 
Cornwallis  ;  as  the  situation  of  the  fort,  which  the  British  general 
could  only  invest  by  placing  himself  between  Timber  and  Manto 
Creeks,  neither  of  them  fordable  for^H^reat  distance  from  the  Dela- 
ware, would  expose  the  assailants  to  great  peril  from  a  respectable 
force  in  their  rear.  General  Greene  passed  the  Delaware,  and 
landed  at  Burlington.  He  was  accompanied  by  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette,  who  was  eager  to  enter  the  field  again,  though  not  yet  well 
cured  of  his  wound. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  73 

This  division  was  to  be  reenforced  by  the  troops  expected  from 
the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  The  march  was  commenced  ;  but  gene- 
ral Greene  being  informed  that  Cornwallis  was  become  greatly 
superior  to  him  in  number,  by  the  junction  of  the  reenforcement 
from  New  York,  abandoned  the  plan  of  giving  him  battle.  Hence 
colonel  Greene,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  losing  all  hope  of 
succour,  and  apprised  of  the  approach  of  Cornwallis,  evacuated 
Fort  Mercer  and  Red  Bank,  leaving  his  artillery,  with  a  considerable 
quantity  of  cannon  ball  and  stores  in  the  power  of  the  royalists.  The 
English  dismantled  the  fort,  and  demolished  all  the  works. 

The  American  shipping  having  now  lost  all  protection  on  either 
side  of  the  river,  several  gallies  and  other  armed  vessels  took  the 
advantage  of  a  favorable  night  to  pass  the  batteries  of  Philadelphia, 
and  escape  to  places  of  security  further  up.  The  English,  on  per- 
ceiving this  transaction,  sent  an  officer  with  a  party  of  seamen  to 
man  the  Delaware  frigate,  and  took  such  other  measures  as  rendered 
the  escaping  of  the  remainder  impracticable.  Thus  environed,  the 
crews  abandoned  and  set  fire  to  their  vessels,  which  were  all  con- 
sumed, to  the  amount  of  seventeen^  of  different  sorts,  including  two 
floating  batteries,  and  four  fire  ships.  The  English  having  secured, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  command  of  the  river,  labored  to  clear  it  of  ail 
the  impediments  with  which  the  Americans  had  obstructed  its  chan- 
nel. But  the  difficulties  they  had  to  surmount  were  extreme,  and 
the  season  was  far  advanced,  it  being  already  the  last  of  November. 
With  all  these  efforts  they  could  only  obtain  such  an  opening  through 
thn  upper  barrier  as  admitted  vessels  of  easy  burthen.  These  were 
accordingly  employed  for  the  transport  of  provisions  and  stores  to 
Philadelphia.  Although  the  royalists  had  thus  partly  succeeded  in 
reestablishing  the  navigation  of  the  Delaware,  the  resistance  of  the 
republicans  had  been  so  strenuous  and  so  long,  that  general  Howe 
could  find  no  opportunity  for  attacking  the  army  of  Washington 
before  it  was  reenforced  by  the  victorious  troops  of  the  Hudson. 
Acting  always  with  prudence,  the  British  general  would  never  expose 
himself  to  the  hazard  of  a  battle  until  he  was  sure  of  being  able  to 
communicate  freely  with  the  fleet  of  the  admiral,  his  brother,  as  well 
on  account  of  supplies,  as  for  the  security  of  retreat  in  case  of  mis- 
fortune. General  Greene  had  remained  in  New  Jersey.  He  had 
already  been  joined  by  several  corps  sent  by  general  Gates  to  the  as- 
sistance of  the  army  of  Pennsylvania;  among  them  was  that  of  Mor- 
gan's riflemen,  become  celebrateWby  a  multitude  of  brilliant  exploits. 
Washington  was  not  without  hopes  that  Greene  would  find  occasion 
to  gain  some  advantage  that  might  counterbalance  the  losses,  which 
it  had  been  impossible  to  avoid.  But  Cornwallis  had  so  fortified 
himself  on  Gloucester  Point,  that  he  was  perfectly  secure  from  any 
enterprise  on  the  part  of  general  Greene.  Washington  then  became 
apprehensive  that  the  British  general,  having  accomplished  all  the 


74  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

objects  of  his  expedition  into  New  Jersey,  by  the  reduction  of  Fort 
Mercer,  the  junction  with  his  reenforcements.  and  the  expediting  of 
a  great  quantity  of  provisions  to  Philadelphia,  might  suddenly  recross 
the  Delaware,  and  thus  enable  Howe,  with  all  his  forces,  to  attack 
the  American  army  while  divided.  Greene  was  therefore  ordered 
to  repass  the  river  immediately,  and  join  the  principal  arrny  at 
Skippach  Creek.  Similar  considerations  determined  general  Howe 
to  direct  the  detachment  of  Cornwallis  to  rejoin  him  without  delay. 
Before,  however,  the  two  parties  evacuated  New  Jersey,  Morgan's 
rifle  corps  and  some  detachments  of  militia,  commanded  by  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette,  gallantly  attacked  and  routed  a  body  of 
Hessians  and  English  grenadiers.  After  this  affair,  the  marquis,  who 
had  till  then  served  as  a  volunteer,  was  invested  by  Congress  with 
the  command  of  a  division  of  the  'army. 

Washington  had  at  length  been  reenforced  by  the  troops  which 
Gates  had  sent  him  ;  their  march  had  experienced  difficulties  and 
frequent  delays.  Gates  himself  had  shown  much  repugnance  to  put 
them  in  motion  ;  and,  besides,  they  had  manifested  a  mutinous  spirit 
towards  their  chiefs,  declaring  that  they  would  not  march  without 
money  and  without  clothing.  Their  officers,  however,  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  persuading  them  to  proceed.  This  aid  was  composed  of 
four  thousand  men  of  approved  courage,  and  flushed  with  recent  vic- 
tory ;  but  squalid  in  their  appearance,  from  fatigues  and  want  of 
necessaries.  After  the  junction  of  these  troops,  Washington  advanc- 
ed within  fourteen  miles  of  Philadelphia,  to  a  place  called  White 
Marsh,  where  he  encamped  in  a  very  strong  position,  with  his  right 
to  the  Wissahickon  creek,  and  the  front  partly  covered  by  Sandy 
Run.  At  this  time  the  American  army  consisted  of  twelve  thousand 
regulars  and  something  over,  with  about  three  thousand  militia. 
Howe  had  with  him  but  little  more  than  -twelve  thousand  fighting 
men. 

He  was  ardently  desirous,  however,  of  giving  battle.  Hoping  that 
the  late  reenforcement  would  animate  his  adversary  with  the  same 
desire,  he  marched  on  the  fourth  of  December  towards  the  enemy, 
fully  determined  to  make  another  trial  of  the  fortune  of  arms.  He 
took  post  on  Chestnut  Hill,  in  front  of  the  enemy's  right,  at  only  three 
miles'  distance.  Some  skirmishes  happened,  in  which  the  royalists 
generally  had  the  advantage.  But  Howe,  finding  that  the  right  of 
the  enemy  afforded  no  opening  for  an  attack,  changed  his  ground 
before  day  on  the  seventh,  and  tow  a  new  position  opposite  to  their 
centre  and  left,  not  more  than  a  mile  from  their  lines.  He  continued 
to  extend  upon  The  enemy's  left,  as  if  his  intention  was  to  turn  it,  and 
attack  in  the  rear.  Washington  did  not  shun  the  battle,  but  chose  to 
receive  it  in  his  lines.  According  to  his  invariable  plan,  he  thought, 
first  of  all,  of  the  preservation  of  the  army,  on  which  depended  the 
fate  of  all  America.  At  length,  the  British  general,  finding  that 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAI!.  75 

nothing  could  provoke  or  entice  him  into  the  field,  and  that  his  camp 
was  in  every  part  inaccessible,  after  a  variety  of  fruitless  manoeuvres, 
returned  to  Philadelphia.  The  British  awiiy  suffered  greatly  in  these 
inarches  and  counter  marches,  from  the  severity  of  the  weather,  both 
officers  and  soldiers  being  totally  destitute  of  tents  and  field  equipage; 
this,  added  to  the  fatigues  of  war,  had  reduced  them  to  a  deplorable 
condition.  Upon  this  account,  and  considering  the  steadiness  of  the 
enemy  in  declining  to  fight  without  every  probability  of  success,  gene- 
ral Howe  determined  to  place  his  troops  in  winter  quarters  sit  Phila- 
delphia ;  having  first,  however,  sent  out  a  strong  detachment  of 
cavalry,  under  lord  Cornwallis,  to  make  a  general  forage  on  the  west- 
ern side  of  the  Schuylkill.  Washington,  in  like  manner,  resolved  to 
give  his  troops  winter  lodgings ;  but  he  was  undecided  where  to 
choose  them.  He  was  not  willing  to  leave  the  country  exposed  to 
the  depredations  of  the  enemy,  and  yet  he  wished  to  avoid  extending 
his  quarters  too  much,  lest  they  should  be  forced  at  different  points 
by  sudden  attacks. 

On  the  west  side  of  the  Schuylkill,  about  twenty  miles  from  Phila- 
delphia, is  a  deep  and  rugged  hollow,  called  Valley  Forge.  Upon 
the  mountainous  flanks  of  this  valley,  and  upon  a  vast  plain  which 
overlooks  it,  as  well  as  all  the  adjacent  country,  Washington  finally 
concluded  to  establish  his  army  for  the  winter. 

His  soldiers  were  too  ill  clothed  to  admit  of  their  being  exposed 
to  the  inclemency  of  that  season  under  mere  tents ;  it  was  therefore 
decided  that  a  sufficient  number  of  huts  should  be  erected,  to  be 
made  of  logs  and  filled  in  with  mortar,  in  which  they  would  find  a 
more  effectual  shelter.  The  whole  army  began  its  march  towards 
Valley  Forge  ;  some  soldiers  were  seen  to  drop  dead  with  cold  ; 
others,  without  shoes,  had  their  feet  cut  by  the  ice,  and  left  their 
tracks  in  blood.  After  the  most  painful  efforts,  the  troops  at  length 
reached  their  destined  quarters.  They  immediately  set  about  con- 
structing their  habitations,  which  they  erected  upon  the  plan  of  a 
regular  city.  All  was  movement ;  some  cut  down  trees,  others 
fashioned  them ;  in  a  short  time  all  the  barracks  were  completed, 
and  the  soldiers  comfortably  lodged.  After  a  severe  and  sanguinary 
campaign  of  four  months,  the  two  armies  appeared  thus  to  enjoy  some 
repose,  sufficiently  protected  from  the  rigors  of  the  season.  The 
British  general  had  derived  no  other  fruit  from  all  his  victories,  and 
from  all  his  manoeuvres,  than  simply  that  of  having  procured  excellent 
winter  quarters  for  his  army. 

1778.  In  this  alternation  of  good  and  ill  success,  passed  the  year 
1777  for  the  two  belligerent  parties  in  America.  If' the  Americans, 
in  the  war  of  Canada  and  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  gave  bril- 
liant proofs  of  no  common  valor  ;  if,  in  their  campaign  of  Pennsylvania, 
they  bore  their  reverses  with  an  heroic  firmness,  they  exhibited  in 
their  quarters  of  Valley  Forge  such  examples  of  constancy  and  resig- 


76  THE    AMERICAN    WAIl.  BOOK    VIII. 

nation,  as  we  should  not  dare  to  pronounce  ever  to  have  been  equal- 
led by  other  nations,  in  any  age  or  any  country.  They  had  not  only 
to  endure  the  extreme  inclemency  of  the  season,  but  the  most  dis- 
tressing destitution  of  things  the  most  necessary  to  life.  These  suf- 
ferings of  the  army  originated  from  several  causes,  such  as  the  pres- 
sure of  circumstances,  the  avarice  of  the  contractors  or  purchasing 
commissaries,  the  adverse  dispositions  of  the  inhabitants,  and,  finally, 
the  little  experience  of  Congress  itself  in  affairs  relating  to  public 
administration,  especially  in  the  military  department. 

Scarcely  were  the  troops  established  in  their  encampment  of  Val- 
ley Forge,  when  Howe,  having  sent  a  strong  detachment  to  forage  in 
the  islands  of  the  Delaware,  and  the  country  about  Derby,  Washing- 
ton, in  order  to  oppose  it,  was  inclined  to  march  a  considerable  part 
of  his  army  towards  that  point.  But  on  viewing  the  state  of  the 
magazines,  it  was  discovered,  with  surprise  and  alarm,  that  they  con- 
tained no  more  than  one  day's  provision. 

In  such  pressing  danger  of  a  total  famine,  and  the  entire  dissolution 
of  the  army,  it  became  necessary  not  only  to  relinquish  the  design  of 
marching  against  the  English,  but  instantly  to  detach  parties  different 
ways  to  seize,  as  in  an  enemy's  country,  the  provision  requisite  to 
satisfy  the  present  wants  of  the  army.  Washington  was  authorised  to 
take  this  measure  by  the  urgency  of  the  conjuncture,  and  by  the  decree 
of  Congress,  which  conferred  upon  him  dictatorial  powers.  The 
foragers  executed  their  commissions,  and  by  incredible  exertions,  and 
not  without  exciting  the  greatest  discontent  among  the  country  people, 
victualled  the  camp  for  a  few  days  ;  but  soon  the  same  distress  was 
felt  anew,  and  the  same  resource  could  not  the  second  time  afford 
relief.  Whatever  efforts  were  made,  little  could  be  gleaned,  as  well 
because  the  adjacent  country  was  already  nearly  exhausted,  as  be- 
cause the  inhabitants  were  careful  to  conceal  in  the  woods  and 
swamps,  their  cattle,  and  other  articles,  liable  to  be  taken  for  the  use 
of  the  army  ;  they  acted  thus,  either  from  contrariety  of  opinion,  or 
from  love  of  gain.  They  preferred  to  encounter  all  the  perils  of  car- 
rying their  supplies  to  Philadelphia,  where  they  were  paid  for  diem 
in  ready  money,  to  reserving  them  for  the  use  of  their  own  soldiers, 
because,  in  the  latter  case,  they  only  received  certificates  to  be  dis- 
charged at  some  future  time.  They  much  doubted  whether  they 
would  ever  be  liquidated,  so  great  was  their  want  of  confidence  in  the 
stability  of  the  government,  and  they  were  not  ignorant  that  some  of 
these  bills  had  been  refused  payment  \vhen  fully  due. 

The  commander-in-chief  had  not  neglected  to  write,  in  the  most 
pressing  terms,  to  the  governors  of  New  England,  requesting  them 
to  send  forward  subsistence  for  the  army  with  all  possible  expedition, 
and  especially  supplies  of  cattle,  which  abound  in  those  provinces. 
The  purchasing  commissaries  had  repaired  thither,  and  contracted, 
particularly  in  Connecticut,  for  immense  quantities  of  provisions,  well 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  77 

knowing  the  impossibility  of  subsisting  an  army,  for  any  length  of 
time,  by  compulsory  requisitions.  But  these  means  were  slow  in 
operating  the  desired  relief;  and  a  false  measure  of  Congress  had 
nearly  frustrated  the  effect  which  was  expected  from  the  contracts. 
The  victories  of  Howe,  and  the  gloomy  aspect  of  affairs  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  perhaps  more  than  all,  the  enormous  issues  of  bills  of 
credit,  which  the  Congress,  controlled  by  a  fatal  necessity,  were 
continually  making,  had  occasioned  these  bills  to  fall  at  that  epoch  to 
one  fourth  of  their  nominal  value,  so  that  one  hundred  dollars  in 
paper  would  command  no  more  than  twenty-five  dollars  in  specie. 
The  price  of  articles  of  the  first  necessity  had  advanced  nearly  in 
proportion,  and  the  commissaries,  in  order  to  conclude  their  bargains, 
had  been  obliged  to  conform  to  the  current  rates.  The  Congress 
disapproved  of  their  doings,  attributing  to  the  avarice  of  the  citizens 
what  was  really  the  effect  of  the  public  distress.  Accordingly,  they 
either  annulled  the  contracts  or  postponed  the  execution  of  them. 
Not  satisfied  with  this,  they  passed  a  resolution  which  could  not  appear 
to  have  been  dictated  by  an  indispensable  necessity,  since,  from  its 
very  nature,  it  could  never  bo  carried  into  effect.  They  invited  the 
different  states  of  the  Union  to  determine,  and  establish  by  express 
laws,  not  only  the  price  of  labor,  but  also  that  of  all  articles  of  com- 
mon use  in  human  life.  The  several  states  complied  with  the  recom- 
mendation of  Congress,  and  appraised  things  by  law.  The  result 
was,  that  the  citizens  secreted  their  effects,  and  buyers  could  find 
nothing  they  wanted,  either  in  the  public  markets  or  elsewhere. 

Famine  began  to  prevail  in  the  camp  of  Valley  Forge  ;  already 
the  most  alarming  consequences  were  apprehended.  Notwithstand-  . 
ins;  their  admirable  patience,  the  soldiers  murmured,  and  a  mutiny 
appeared  inevitable.  The  Congress,  at  length  constrained  by  the 
force  of  things,  retraced  their  steps,  and  recommended  to  the  several 
state  legislatures  the  repeal  of  all  laws  on  the  subject  of  prices. 

The  contracts  of  the  purchasing  commissaries  were  allowed  to 
take  effect.  But  the  difficulty  of  procuring  a  sufficient  number  of 
wheel  carriages  still  delayed  the  arrival  of  the  convoys.  Washington, 
to  prevent  the  total  dissolution  of  his  army,  ordered  a  general  forage 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  camp,  under  the  direction  of  general 
Greene.  Captains  Lee  and  Mac  Lane,  officers  no  less  sagacious 
than  active,  were  charged  with  a  similar  commission  in  the  stntfs 
of  Maryland  and  Delaware ;  and  colonel  Tilghman  in  New  Jersey. 
Each  of  these  executed  the  orders  of  the  cornmander-in-chief  with 
equal  zeal  and  effect ;  they  penetrated  into  the  most  retired  places 
of  concealment,  where  they  found  grain  and  cattle  in  abundance. 
Captains  Mac  Lane  and  Lee,  in  particular,  discovered  large  dro*  s 
in  the  marshy  meadows  on  the  Delaware,  ready  to  be  expedited  ior 
Philadelphia,  which  they  soon  caused  to  take  the  direction  of  Valley 
Forge.  Thus  the  camp  found  itself  again  victualled  for  the  present. 

VOL.    II.  11 


78  THE    AMEP.ICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII, 

It  may  perhaps  appear  unaccountable,  that  the  American  government 
should  not  seasonably  have  employed  those  means  which  might  have 
prevented  so  urgent  a  peril.  It  is,  however,  certain,  that  soon  after 
the  commencement  of  hostilities,  the  Congress  had  appointed  colonel 
Truinbull,  a  man  of  excellent  abilities,  and  a  zealous  patriot,  to 
superintend  the  purchasing  of  necessaries  for  the  troops.  But  from 
his  want  of  experience,  and  perhaps  of  sufficient  support  on  the  part 
of  the  government,  as  yet  not  well  consolidated,  it  had  resulted, 
that  the  army  was  often  on  the  point  of  suffering  from  the  deficiency 
of  supplies;  hence  the  plans  of  the  coitfmander- in-chief  were  fre- 
quently frustrated,  and  the  movements  of  his  army  embarrassed,  to 
the  loss  of  many  fair  opportunities  for  the  most  important  strokes. 

When  afterwards,  about  the  middle  of  the  year  1777,  the  depart- 
ment of  colonel  Truinbull  began  to  be  administered  with  more  regu- 
larity, the  Congress,  believing  that  the  more  officers  of  supply  they 
had  under  their  control,  the  better  the  troops  would  be  served,  created 
two  commissaries-general,  the  one  of  purchases  and  the  other  of  issues. 
They  determined  that  each  of  these  commissaries-general  should 
have  four  deputies,  to  be  appointed  by  Congress,  not  removable  by 
the  head  of  the  department,  arid  accountable  to  themselves  only. 

They  afterwards  resolved  that  the  quarter-master-general's  depart- 
ment should  be  executed  on  the  following  plan  ; 

'First,  the  military  line,  to  be  styled  the  quarter-master-general's, 
is  to  include  the  regulating  of  marches,  encampments  and  order  of 
battle.  Second,  the  commissary  of  forage.  Third,  the  commissary 
of  horses  and  wagons.  Fourth,  the  agent  for  the  purchase  of  tents, 
intrenching  tools,  building  of  barracks,  and  for  all  the  smaller  supplies 
of  the  department.'  Colonel  Truinbull,  dissatisfied  with  this  multi- 
plicity of  departments,  and  still  more  with  this  independence  of  the 
deputies  with  respect  to  the  head  of  the  department,  requested  the 
Congress  to  appoint  him  a  successor.  The  Congress  persisted  in 
their  plan.  The  old  order  of  things  being  thus  annihilated,  and  the 
new  not  yet  organised,  there  followed  those  serious  inconveniences 
which  we  have  mentioned  above. 

Congress  at  length  perceived  the  inevitable  preponderancy  in  limes 
of  war,  and  especially,  in  new  states,  of  military  men  and  affairs 
over  civil;  they  saw  there  was  no  possibility  of  inducing  the  generals, 
who  all  disapproved  it,  to  execute  their  plan  for  the  administration  of 
the  army.  It  was  accordingly  abandoned,  and  general  Greene,  who 
enjoyed  the  entire  confidence  of  the  command er-in-chfef,  was 
appointed  quarter-master-general,  and  a  very  suitable  person  named 
Wadsworth,  commissary-general  of  purchases ;  both  having  power 
to  appoint  and  -remove  their  assistants.  But  these  measures  were 
not  adopted  till  very  late ;  and  before  the  salutary  effects  of  the  new 
system  could  be  felt,  the  army  was  a  prey  to  such  mischiefs  and 
miseries,  as  brought  the  republic  to  the  very  brink  of  destruction. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  79 

The  distresses  of  the  troops  were  far  from  being  confined  to  dearth 
of  sustenance  ;  the  greatest  scarcity,  or  rather  a  total  want  of  all 
other  necessaries,  was  also  experienced  in  the  camp.  It  was  utterly 
unprovided  even  of  clothing,  an  article  so  essential  to  the  health,  as 
well  as  to  the  spirits  of  the  soldiers;  tattered  and  half  naked,  they 
would  sooner  have  been  taken  for  so  many  mendicants,  than  defend- 
ers of  a  generous  country. 

Some  few  had  one  shirt,  but  many  only  the  moiety  of  one,  and 
the  greater  part  none  at  all.  Many,  for  want  of  shoes,  walked  hare- 
foot  on  the  frozen  ground.  Few,  if  any,  had  blankets  for  the  night. 
Great  numbers  sickened  ;  others,  unfitted  for  service  by  the  cold  and 
their  nakedness,  were  excused  by  their  officers  from  all  military  duty, 
and  either  remained  in  their  barracks,  or  were  lodged  in  the  houses 
of  the  neighboring  farmers.  Near  three  thousand  men  were  thus 
rendered  incapable  of  bearing  arms.  Congress  had  neglected  no 
care  to  provide  a  remedy  for  so  alarming  an  evil.  They  had  author- 
ised the  commander-in-chief,  as  we  have  already  said,Hb  seize, 
wherever  he  might  be,  and  from  any  person  whatever,  all  articles  of 
necessity  for  the  army  ;  and  nothing  could  be  more  essential  than  to 
clothe  it.  But  Washington  felt  great  repugnance  to  using  this  power  y 
as,  on  the  one  hand,  it  exasperated  the  citizens,  and,  on  the  other,  it 
accustomed  the  soldiers  to  lay  hands  on  the  property  of  others.  The 
Congress  considered  these  scruples  unseasonable  ;  they  recommended 
to  the  legislatures  of  each  state  to  enact  laws,  appointing  suitable 
persons  to  seize  and  take  for  the  use  of  the  army,  all  articles  proper 
for  the  clothing  of  soldiers,  on  condition,  however,  of  paying  the  pro- 
prietors for  the  articles  so  taken,  at  a  rate  to  be  fixed  by  the  conven- 
tion of  the  committees  appointed  for  this  purpose  by  the  several 
states. 

They  also  created  a  commissary-general  of  clothing  for  the  troops, 
to  be  assisted  by  a  deputy  commissary  in  each  state,  as  well  for  the 
purpose  of  superintending  the  compulsory  requisitions,  as  in  order,  if 
practicable,  to  procure  all  that,  was  necessary  by  way  of  contracts. 
But  these  measures  were  slow  in  producing  the  desired  effect.  Many 
detested  the  thought  of  wresting  from  their  fellow-citizens  what  they 
would  not  sell  voluntarily.  There  prevailed,  besides,  at  this  time,  in- 
all  the  states,  a  scarcity  of  cloths,  linens,  leather,  and  generally  of 
all  the  articles  that  were  most  wanted.  Nevertheless,  the  deputy 
commissary  of  the  clothing  department  in  Massachusetts,  had  succeed- 
ed in  concluding  contracts  with  several  merchants  for  large  quantities 
of  merchandise,  at  the  rate  of  ten  to  eighteen  per  cent,  above  the 
current  price.  Their  terms  appeared  exorbitant  to  some,  and  even 
to  the  Congress,  and  much  was  said  about  the  avarice  of  the  mer- 
chants. It  was  however  just  to  consider,  that  the  bills  they  received 
in  payment  were  already  fallen  to  one  fourth  of  their  nominal  vnlue; 
that  the  merchandise  in  question  was  extremely  scarce  in  the  country  ; 


80  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   VIII. 

that  the  price  of  labor  was  greatly  advanced,  and  that  it  was  become 
extremely  difficult  to  make  remittance  to  foreign  countries.  Whether 
it  was  that  these  murmurs  had  piqued  the  merchants,  or  that  cupidity 
bad  really  more  power  over  them  than  the  promises  of  the  govern- 
ment, several  of  those  who  had  entered  into  contracts  refused  to 
furnish,  unless  they  were  paid  in  advance.  The  Congress,  being 
informed  of  this  determination,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  state  govern- 
mentj^reqtiestina;  that  the  goods  should  be  seized  from  such  as  refus- 
ed to  fulfil  their  contracts,  at  prices  to  be  fixed  by  commissioners 
appointed  for  that  purpose  under  the  state  authority.  These  resolu- 
tions of  Congress,  and  the  letters  written  to  the  states  by  Washington, 
urging  them  in  the  most  earnest  language  to  come  to  the  succour  of 
his  suffering  army,  at  length  produced  all  the  effect  that  was  desired  ; 
yet  not  so  promptly,  however,  but  that  the  greater  part  of  the  winter 
was  already  elapsed  when  the  first  convoys  of  clothing  arrived  at 
the  camp. 

To  all  the  miseries  of  the  army  already  enumerated,  must  still  be 
added  the  want  of  straw.  The  soldiers,  overwhelmed  with  lassitude, 
enfeebled  by  hunger,  and  benumbed  with  cold  in  their  service  by 
day  and  by  night,  had  no  other  bed  in  their  huts  except  the  bare 
and  humid  ground.  This  cause,  joined  to  the  others  that  have  been 
related,  propagated  diseases  ;  the  hospitals  were  as  rapidly  reple- 
nished as  death  evacuated  them  ;  their  administration  was  no  less 
defective  in  its  organisation  than  that  of  the  camp.  The  unsuitable- 
ness  of  the  buildings  in  which  they  had  been  established,  the  exces- 
sive penury  of  every  kind  of  furniture,  and  the  multitude  of  sick  that 
crowded  them,  had  generated  an  insupportable  fetor.  The  hospital 
fever  broke  out  in  them,  and  daily  swept  off  the  most  robust  as  well 
as  the  feeble.  It  was  not  possible  to  remedy  it  by  often  changing 
the  linen,  for  of  this  they  were  utterly  unprovided  ;  nor  by  a  more 
salubrious  diet,  when  the  coarsest  was  scarcely  attainable  ;  nor  even 
by  medicines,  which  were  either  absolutely  wanting,  or  of  the  worst 
quality,  and  adulterated  through  the  cupidity  of  the  contractors  ;  for 
such,  in  general,  has  been  the  nature  of  these  furnishers  of  armies, 
that  they  should  rather  be  denominated  the  artisans  of  scarcity ;  they 
have  always  preferred  money  to  the  life  of  the  soldier.  Hence  it 
was,  that  the  American  hospital  resembled  more  a  receptacle  for  the 
dying  than  a  refuge  for  the  sick  ;  far  from  restoring  health  to  the 
diseased,  it  more  often  proved  mortal  to  the  well.  This  pestilential 
den  was  the  terror  of  the  army.  The  soldiers  preferred  perishing 
with  cold  in  the  open  air,  to  being  buried  alive  in  the  midst  of  the 
dead.  Whether  it  was  the  effect  of  inevitable  necessity,  or  of  the 
avarice  of  men,  it  is  but  too  certain,  that  an  untimely  death  carried 
off  a  multitude  of  brave  soldiers,  who,  with  better  attentions,  might 
have  been  preserved, for  the  defence  of  their  country  in  its  distress. 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  bl 

All  these  disorders,  so  pernicious  to  the  republic,  took  their  origin 
in  the  causes  we  have  related,  and  partly  also  in  the  military  organ- 
isation itself.  The  chiefs  appeared  to  acknowledge  no  system,  and 
the  subalterns  no  restraint  of  obedience.  Horses  were  allowed  to 
perish  in  the  highways,  or  to  escape  into  the  fields,  without  search. 
The  roads  were  incurnbered  with  carts  belonging  to  the  army,  and 
unfit  for  service.  Hence  it  happened,  that  when  the  incredible 
exertions  of  the  government  and  of  good  citizens  had  succeeded  in 
collecting  provisions  for  the  army,  they  could  not  be  conveyed  to  the 
camp,  and,  by  long  delays,  they  were  again  dispersed,  or  wasted. 
This  defect  of  carriages  was  equally  prejudicial  to  the  transportation 
of  arms  and  military  stores,  which  were,  in  consequence,  abandoned 
to  the  discretion  of  those  who  either  plundered  them,  or  suffered 
them  to  be  plundered.  An  incalculable  quantity  of  public  effects 
was  thus  dissipated  or  destroyed.  In  the  camp  of  Valley  Forgo, 
men  were  constrained  to  perform,  as  they  really  did,  with  incon- 
ceivable patience,  the  service  of  beasts  of  draught,  as  well  in  procur- 
ing firewood  as  in  drawing  the  artillery.  And  certainly,  nothing 
could  be  imagined  to^qual  the  sufferings  which  the  American  army 
had  to  undergo  in  the  course  of  this  winter,  except  the  almost  super- 
human firmness  with  which  they  bore  them.  Not  but  that  a  certain 
number,  seduced  by  the  royalists,  deserted  their  colors,  and  slunk 
off  to  the  British  army  in  Philadelphia  ;  but  these  were  mostly 
Europeans,  who  had  entered  the  continental  service.  The  trueborn 
Americans,  supported  by  their  patriotism,  as  by  their  love  and  vene- 
ration for  the  commander-in-chief,  manifested  an  unshaken  perseve- 
rance ;  they  chose  rather  to  suffer  all  the  extremes  of  famine  and  of 
frost,  than  to  violate,  in  this  perilous  hour,  the  faith  they  had  pledged 
to  their  country.  They  were  encouraged,  it  it  true,  by  the  example 
of  their  generals,  who,  with  an  air  of  serenity,  took  part  in  all  their 
fatigues,  and  shared  in  all  their  privations.  But  can  it  be  dissembled, 
that  if  general  Howe  had  seen  fit  to  seize  the  opportunity,  and  had 
suddenly  attacked  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  he  would  inevitably 
have  gained  a  complete  victory  ?  Without  military  stores  and  with- 
out provisions,  how  could  the  Americans  have  defended  dietfr  in- 
trenchments  ?  Besides,  to  enter  the  field  anew,  in  the  midst  of  so 
rigorous  a  season,  was  become  for  them  an  absolute  impossibility. 
On  the  first  of  February,  four  thousand  of  their  men  were  incapable 
of  any  kind  of  service,  for  want  of  clothing.  The  condition  of  the 
rest  was  very  little  better.  In  a  word,  out  of  the  seventeen  thousand 
men  that  were  in  camp,  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  muster  five 
thousand  fit  for  service. 

We  pretend  not  to  decide  what  were  the  motives  cf  the  British 
general  for  not  taking  advantage  of  a  conjuncture  so  favorable.  It 
appears  to  us,  at  least,  that  the  extreme  regard  he  had  to  the  preser- 
vation of  his  troops,  did  but  lead  him  on  this  occasion  to  reserve 


THE    AMERICA^    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

them  for  greater  perils ;    and   his  circumspection  rather  deserves  the 
appellation  of  timidity  than  of  prudence. 

Washington  was  filled  with  anguish  at  the  calamities  of  his  army. 
But  nothing  gave  him  more  pain  than  to  see  his  soldiers  exposed  to 
the  most  pernicious  example  ;  the  officers  openly  declared  the 
design  of  resigning  their  commissions  ;  many  of  them  had  already 
left  the  army,  and  returned  to  their  families.  This  determination 
was  principally  owing  to  the  depreciation  of  paper  money  ;  it  was 
become  so  considerable,  and  the  price  of  all  articles  of  consumption, 
as  well  for  this  reason  as  from  the  difficulties  of  commerce,  was  so 
prodigiously  advanced  that  the  officers,  far 'from  being  able  to  live  as 
it  become  their  rank,  had  not  even  the  means  of  providing  for  their 
subsistence.  Some  had  already  exhausted  their  private  resources 
to  maintain  a  decent  appearance,  and  others,  destitute  of  patrimonial 
fortune,  had  been  forced  to  contract  debts,  or  restrict  themselves  to 
a  parsimony  little  worthy  of  the  rank  with  which  they  were  invented. 
Hence  a  disinclination  for  the  service  became  almost  universal.  Nor 
should  it  be  supposed  that  only  the  less  deserving  or  worthless 
desired  to  resign  ;  for  the  regiments  being  incomplete,  and  the  num- 
ber of  officers  too  great,  their  retreat  would  not  have  been  an  evil ; 
but  it  was  especially  the  bravest,  the  mpst  distinguished,  the  most 
spirited,  who,  disdaining  more  than  others  the  state  of  degradation 
to  which  they  were  reduced,  were  fully  resolved  to  quit  the  army,  in 
order  to  escape  from  it.  Alarmed  at  the  progress  of  the  evil,  Wash- 
ington endeavored  to  resist  it  by  the  use  of  those  remedies  which  he 
believed  the  most  suitable  ;  he  spared  neither  promises  nor  encour- 
agements ;  he  wrote  the  most  pressing  letters  to  the  Congress  that 
they  might  seriously  consider  the  subject,  arid  take  the  proper  mea- 
sures thereon.  He  exhorted  them  especially,  to  secure  half  pay  to 
the  officers  after  the  war,  either  for  life  or  for  a  definite  term.  He 
observed  that  it  was  easy  to  talk  of  patriotism,  and  to  cite  a  few 
examples  from  ancient  history  of  great  enterprises  carried  by  this 
alone  to  a  successful  conclusion  ;  but  that  those  who  relied  solely 
upon  individual  sacrifices  for  the  support  of  a  long  and  sanguinary 
war,  ffmst  not  expect  to  enjoy  their  illusion  long  ;  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  take  the  passions  of  men  as  they  are,  and  not  as  it  might 
be  wished  to  find  them  ;  that  the  love  of  country  had  indeed  operated 
great  things  in  the  commencement  of  the  present  revolution  ;  but 
that  to  continue  and  complete  it,  required  also  the  ince/itive  of  inter- 
est and  the  hope  of  reward.  The  Congress  manifested  at  first  very 
little  inclination  to  adopt  the  propositions  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
either  because  they  deemed  them  too  extraordinary  or  from  reluc- 
tance to  load  the  state  with  so  heavy  a  burden  ;  or,  finally,  because 
they  thought  the  grants  of  lands  to  the  officers  and  soldiers,  of  which 
we  have  made  mention  in  its  place,  ought  to  satisfy  the  wishes  of 
men  possessed  of  any  moderation.  But  at  length,  submitting  to 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  83 

necessity,  they  decreed  an  allowance  of  half  pay  for  life  to  the 
officers  of  the  army,  with  the  reservation,  however,  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  power  to  commute  it,  if  deemed  expedient,  for  the  sum 
of  six  years'  half  pay.  A  short  time  after  they  passed  another 
resolution,  which  restricted  the  allowance  of  half  pay  to  seven  years, 
dating  from  the  end  of  the  war.  These  measures,  though  salutary, 
were  not  taken  till  too  late,  and,  moreover,  were  not  sufficiently 
spontaneous  on  the  part  of  the  government.  Already  more  th'an  two 
hundred  officers  of  real  merit  had  given  up  their  commissions  ;  and 
it  was  again  exemplified  on  this  occasion,  that  a  benefit -long  delayed 
loses  much  of  its  value.  Nor  should  the  Congress  have  forgotten, 
that  the  founders  of  a  new  state  control  not,  but  are  controlled  by, 
soldiers  ;  and  that  since  their  support  is  so  indispensable,  and  it  is 
impossible  to  resist  them,  the  wis.er  course  is  to  content  them. 

In  the  midst  of  his  anxieties,  created  by  the  causes  we  have  men- 
tioned, Washington  had  the  additional  chagrin  of  finding  that  certain 
intrigues  were  in  agitation  against  himself.  The  impatient,  who 
would  have  events  to  succeed  each  other  with  the  same  rapidity  as 
their  own  desires,  an^fehe  ambitious,  who,  to  raise  themselves,  are 
always  ready  to  imp^B  to  others  the  strokes  of  fortune,  or  the  effects 
of  necessity,  gave  out  on  all  occasions,  and  even  published  in  the 
gazettes,  that  the  reverses  of  the  two  preceding  years,  in  New  Jersey 
and  in  Pennsylvania,  were  more  owing  to  the  incapacity  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  than  to  any  other  cause.  They  enlarged  upon  the 
victories  of  Gates,  whom  they  placed  far  above  Washington,  and 
were  continually  extolling  the  heroic  valor  of  the  Americans,  which 
rendered  them  capable  of  the  most  splendid  achievements,  when 
they  were  led  to  battle  by  an  able  commander.  Nor  was  it  merely 
among  private  persons  that  these  slanders  were  circulated  ;  discon- 
tent caused  them  to  be  repeated  by  men  in  office,  gave  them  admit- 
tance into  several  of  the  state  legislatures,  into  the  midst  of  the 
army,  and  finally,  even  into  the  Congress  itself.  It  appeared,  tMt 
the  object  of  these  machinations  was  to  give  Washington  so  many 
disgusts  that  he  should  of  himself  retire  from  the  head  of  the  army, 
and  thus  make  room  for  the  immediate  promotion  of  Gates  to  that 
exalted  station.  Whether  this  general  himself  had  any  hand  in  the 
intrigue,  is  a  matter  of  uncertainty.  If  the  rectitude  and  acknow- 
ledged generosity  of  his  character  Jje  considered,  it  will  appear  more 
probable  that  he  had  not.  But  ambition  is  a  passion  of  inconceiva- 
ble subtilty,  which  insinuates  itself  under  the  appearances  of  virtue, 
and  too  often  corrupts  and  sullies  the  most  ingenuous  minds.  It  is 
certain  that  Gates  was  not  ignorant  of  the  object  of  the  combination, 
and  that  he  threw  no  difficulties  in  the  way.  Perhaps  he  enter- 
tained the  opinion,  and  the  authors  of  these  machinations  with  him, 
that  Washington  was  not  able  to  sustain  so  great  a  weight,  and 
intended,  by  giving  him  a  successor,  to  save  the  country.  As  for  us. 


84  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

that  respect  for  truth  which  ought  to  be  our  only  guide,  compels  us 
to  declare  that  the  leaders  of  this  combination,  very  little  concerned 
for  the  public  good,  were  immoderately  so  for  their  own,  and  that 
the  aim  of  all  their  efforts  was,  to  advance  themselves  and  their 
friends  at  the  expense  of  others.  Among  them,  and  of  the  first 
rank,  was  general  Conway,  one  of  the  most  wily  and  restless  intri- 
guers, that  passed  in  those  times  from  Europe  into  America.  De- 
claiming and  vociferating,  incessantly  besieging  all  the  members  of 
Cqngress  with  his  complaints,  he  pretended  that  there  existed  no 
sort  of  discipline  in  the  American  army,  that  there  was  no  two  regi- 
ments which  manoeuvred  alike,  and  not  two  officers  in  any  regiment 
who  could  execute  or  command  the  military  exercises  ;  in  a  word, 
he  had  said  and  done  so  much,  that  the  Congress  appointed  him 
inspector  and  major-general.  This  appointment  excited  loud  mur- 
murs in  the  camp,  and  the  brigadier-generals  remonstrated.  But 
this  man,  bent  on  attaining  his  purposes,  and  whose  audacity  knew 
no  bounds,  openly  spake  of  the  commander-in-chief  in  the  most 
derogatory  terms  ;  and,  as  it  always  happens  in  times  of  adversity, 
he  readily  found  those  who  believed  him.  Jfe 

The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  was  the  nrstto  break  the  ice ;  on 
the  report  that  Washington  was  moving  into  winter  quarters,  they 
addressed  a  remonstrance  to  Congress,  severely  censuring  this  mea- 
sure of  the  commander-in-chief,  and  expressing  in  very  plain  words, 
their  dissatisfaction  at  the  mode  in  which  he  had  conducted  the  war. 
The  Pennsylvanians  were  excessively  chagrined  at  the  loss  of  their 
capital,  forgetful  of  their  own  backwardness  in  strengthening  the 
army  which  had  twice  fought  superior  numbers  in  their  defence.  It 
was,  moreover,  believed,  at  the  time,  that  the  members  of  Congress 
from  Massachusetts,  and  particularly  Samuel  Adams,  had  never  been 
able  to  brook  that  the  supreme  command  of  all  the  armies  should 
have  been  conferred  upon  a  Virginian,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  gene- 
rals of  their  province,  who  then  enjoyed  a  reputation  not  inferior,  and 
perhaps  superior  to  that  of  Washington.  It  appeared  also  that  these 
delegates,  being  the  most  zealous  partisans  of  the  revolution,  were 
far  from  approving  the  moderation  of  the  commander-in-chief.  They 
would  have  preferred  placing  at  the  head  of  affairs  a  more  ardent  and 
decided  republican  ;  and  it  is  asserted  that  they  were  on  the  point  of 
demanding  an  inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  unsuccessful  issue  of  the 
campaigns  of  the  years  1776  and  1777. 

This  had  not  effect.  But  a  board  of  war  was  created,  under  the 
direction  of  generals  Gates  and  Mifflin,  both  of  whom,  if  they  were 
not,  were  thought  to  be,  among  the  authors  of  these  machinations 
against  Washington.  Anonymous  letters  were  circulated,  in  which 
he  was  cruelly  lacerated  ;  they  made  him  responsible  as  well  for  the 
disastrous  campaigns  of  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  as  for  the  deplora- 
ble condition  to  which  the  troops  were  reduced  in  their  winter  quar- 


BOOK    VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  85 

ters.     One  of  these  letters  was  addressed  to  Laurens,  the  president 
of  Congress  ;  it  was   filled  with   heavy  accusations  against  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.     Another,  similar,  was  sent  to  Henry,  the  governor 
of  Virginia;    both  transmitted  them   to  Washington.     Supported  hy 
that  elevated  spirit,  and  by  that  firmness  which  no  reverses  of  fortune 
could  abate,  the  serenity  he  enjoyed  was  not  even  for  a  moment  inter- 
rupted.    He  received  with  the  same  temper  another  determination 
of  Congress,  matured  in  concert  with  the  new  board  of  war,  perhaps 
to  let  it  be  seen  that  they  knew  how  to  act  by  themselves,  or  because 
they  had  really  withdrawn  from  the  commander-in-chief  a  great  part 
of  the  confidence  they  had  placed  in   him  in   times  past.     They  had 
projected  a  new  expedition  against  Canada.     It  was  proposed  to  place 
at  the  head  of  this  enterprise  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  whose  qua- 
lifications, as  a  Frenchman   of  illustrious  rank,   promised   peculiar 
advantages  for   the   conquest  of  a  province  recently  French.     But, 
perhaps  also,  the  authors  of  this  scheme  had  it  principally  in  view,  in 
separating  La  Fayette  from  Washington,  to  deprive  the  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  defence  he  found   in   so  faithful  a  friend.     HH  was  to 
have  been  accompanied  by  the  same  Conway  mentioned  above,  and 
by  general  Starke.     Washington,  without  having  been  at  all  consulted 
upon  this  expedition,  and  even  without  its  being  communicated  to  him, 
received  orders  to  put  Hazen's  regiment  of  Canadians  on  the  march 
for  Albany.     He  obeyed  without  delay.     The  marquis,  on  his  arri- 
val at   Albany,  found    nothing   prepared   for  the  expedition  ;  neither 
men,  nor  arms,  nor  munitions.     He  complained  of  it  to  Congress ; 
the  enterprise  was  relinquished.     Washington  was  authorised  to  recall 
the  young  Frenchman  to  his  camp  ;  as  to  Conway,  he  was  not  invited 
thither.     Soon  after,  having  made  himself  the  object  of  general  ani- 
madversion by  the  arrogance  of  his  manners,  and  his  intrigues  against 
Washington,  he  requested    and  obtained   leave  to  resign.     He  was 
succeeded  in  the  office  of  inspector-general  by  the  baron  Steuben,  a 
Prussian  officer  of  distinguished  reputation,  who,  perfectly  versed  in 
the  tactics  of  Frederick  If.  undertook  to  teach  them  to  the  soldiers 
of  Congress.     By  his  exertions  the  Americans  learned  to  manoeuvre 
with  uniformity,  and  their  discipline  was  essentially  improved, 

It  would  be  impossible  to  express  with  what  indignation  the  whole 
army  and  the  best  citizens  were  filled,  on  hearing  of  the  machinations 
that  were  in  agitation  against  the  illustrious  chief,  who  possessed  their 
entire  affection.  An  universal  outcry  arose  against  the  intriguers.  Con- 
way  no  longer  durst  show  himself  among  the  soldiers,  who  threatened 
to  wreak  their  vengeance  upon  him.  He  repaired  to  York,  in  Penn- 
sylvania, where  at  that  time  the  Congress  resided.  As  to  Samuel 
Adams,  hurried  away  by  the  enthusiasm  of  his  patriotic  sentiments, 
he  had  probably  acted  from  no  other  motive  but  the  good  of  the 
state  ;  even  he  thought  it  prudent,  however,  to  keep  aloof  from  the 
officers  and  soldiers,  under  the  apprehension  of  injury  from  the  effects 

VOL.    II.  12 


86  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII 

of  their  fury.  If  the  Congress,  yielding  to  the  artifices  and  impor- 
tunities of  the  enemies  of  Washington,  had  been  induced  to  take  the 
resolutions  we  have  related,  they  were  nevertheless  not  ignorant  how 
dangerous,  in  affairs  of  state,  are  changes  made  without  due  reflection. 
They  were  perfectly  aware  that  France,  whose  intervention  they 
hoped  soon  to  obtain,  would  never  repose  in  a  man,  English  born,  as 
was  Gates,  the  unbounded  confidence  she  had  already  placed  in  the 
American  chief.  They  could  not  but  perceive  that,  though  there 
might  be  a  warrior  possessed  of  talents  equal  to  those  of  Washington, 
there  was  none  who  could  rival  him  in  fidelity,  in  rectitude,  in  good- 
ness, and  still  less  in  the  esteem  of  the  people,  and  the  affection  of 
the  soldiers.  Upon  these  considerations,  the  Congress  maintained  a 
firm  stand  against  all  intrigues,  and  manifested  no  appearance  of  a 
disposition  to  take  the  supreme  command  from  one  who  had  approv- 
ed himself  so  worthy  to  hold  it.  Washington  was  fully  apprised  of 
the  artifices  that  were  employed  to  diminish  his  well  earned  reputa- 
tion ;  far  from  allowing  them  to  intimidate  him,  he  did  not  even 
appear  to  notice  them.  He  indulged  none  of  that  secret  discontent 
which  men  of  weak  minds,  or  whose  hearts  are  devoured  by  ambi- 
tion, are  too  apt,  in  similar  circumstances  to  cherish  against  their 
country  ;  his  zeal  for  his  duty  never  experienced  the  smallest  remission, 
This  conjuncture  certainly  enabled  him  to  exhibit  his  moderation  and 
his  constancy  in  all  their  splendor ;  it  proved  that  he  could  vanquish 
himself.  He  was  in  the  midst  of  an  army  dejected  by  repeated 
defeats,  destitute  of  every  accommodation,  and  reduced  to  the  verge 
of  famine.  Gates,  at  the  same  time,  shone  with  all  the  lustre  of  recent 
victory,  and  all  the  renown  of  his  ancient  exploits.  As  to  Washing- 
ton, lacerated  by  the  public  prints,  denounced  in  anonymous  letters, 
publicly  accused  by  the  representation  of  different  provinces,  even 
the  Congress  semed  ready  to  abandon  him  to  the  fury  of  his  enemies. 
In  the  midst  of  a  storm  so  formidable,  he  maintained  entire,  not  only 
the  stability,  but  even  the  calmness  of  his  mind  ;  all  devotion  to  his 
country,  he  seemed  to  have  forgotten  himself.  The  twenty-third  of1 
January  he  wrote  from  Valley  Forge,  that  neither  interest  nor  ambi- 
tion had  engaged  him  in  the  public  service  ;  that  he  had  accepted, 
and  not  solicited,  the  command  ;  that  he  had  not  undertaken  it  with- 
out that  distrust  of  himself,  felt  by  every  man  not  destitute  of  all 
knowledge,  from  the  apprehension  of  not  being  able  to  perform 
worthily  the  part  assigned  him  ;  that,  as  far  as  his  abilities  had  per- 
mitted, he  had  fulfilled  his  duty,  aiming  as  invariably  at  the  object 
proposed,  as  the  magnetic  needle  points  at  the  pole  ;  that  as  soon  as 
the  nation  should  no  longer  desire  his  services,  or  another  should  be 
found  more  capable  than  himself,  of  satisfying  its  expectations,  he 
should  quit  the  helm,  and  return  to  a  private  station,  with  as  mnch 
pleasure  as  ever  the  wearied  traveller  retired  to  rest ;  that  he  wished 
from  the  bottom  of  his  heart,  his  successor  might  experience  more 


BOOK  VIII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  87 

propitious  gales,  and  less  numerous  obstacles  ;  that  if  his  exertions 
had  not  answered  the  expectations  of  his  fellow-citizens,  no  one  could 
lament  it  more  sincerely  than  himself;  but  that  he  thought  it  proper 
to  add,  a  day  would  come,  when  the  interests  of  America  would  no 
longer  exact  of  him  an  impenetrable  mystery  ;  and  that  until  then,  he 
would  not  be  the  first  to  reveal  truths  which  might  prejudice  his 
country,  whatever  wrongs  to  himself  might  result  from  his  silence. 
By  the  concluding  words,  he  alluded  to  the  insidious  proceedings  of 
the  ambitious,  the  shameful  malversations  of  the  army  contractors* 
and  the  peculations  or  delinquencies  of  all  those  by  whose  fault  the 
army  was  reduced  to  such  an  extremity  of  distress  and  calamity. 

May  this  admirable  moderation  of  Washington  teach  those  in 
elevated  stations,  that  popular  rewards  and  public  favor  should  never 
be  measured  by  the  standard  of  self  love,  and  that  though  the  rulers 
of  nations  are  often  ungrateful,  men  who  sincerely  love  their  country, 
may  still  find  consolations  and  glory  in  knowing  how  to  control  even 
a  just  resentment. 

Washington,  in  the  midst  of  so  trying  a  crisis,  not  only  always 
kept  the  mastery  of  himself,  but  he  often  also  consulted  the  Con- 
gress upon  the  military  operations  he  meditated,  upon  the  measures 
to  be  taken,  in  order  to  fill  up  the  regiments,  and,  finally,  upon  all 
the  means  of  placing  the  army  in  a  condition  to  comurence  the 
ensuing  campaign  with  the  necessary  resources. 

It  was  known  that  the  British  general  expected  large  reenforce- 
ments  from  Europe  ;  Washington  was  desirous  of  resuming  hostilities 
early,  in  order  to  attack  him  before  they  arrived.  This  plan  was  of 
extreme  importance  ;  he  was  accordingly  indefatigable  in  urging  the 
Congress  and  the  governments  of  the  several  states,  by  frequent 
letters,  that  the  preparations  for  the  campaign  might  experience  no 
delay.  All  would  equally  have  wished  to  comply  with  the  desires 
of  the  commander-in-chief ;  but  deliberations  are  taken  of  necessity 
but  tardily  in  popular  governments. 

What  ought  to  have  been  ready  in  the  beginning  of  spring,  was 
but  scantily  forth  coming  in  the  course  of  all  the  summer.  Even 
the  organisation  of  the  army  was  not  completed  until  about  the  last 
of  May.  Until  then  there  was  observed  an  extreme  disparity,  not  only 
between  the  regiments  of  different  states,  but  even  between  those  of 
the  same  state  ;  a  confusion  productive  of  singular  detriment  to  the 
service.  But  by  a  decree  of  the  27th  of  May,  the  infantry,  cavalry, 
artillery,  and  engineers,  were  organised  upon  an  uniform  system  in 
all  parts  of  the  army.  These  delays  might  have  proved  essentially 
prejudicial  to  the  American  arms,  if  unforeseen  events  had  not  pre- 
vented the  British  generals  from  opening  the  campaign  so  soon  as 
they  would  have  desired.  They  contented  themselves  with  detach- 
ing their  light  troops  to  scour  the  country  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Philadelphia  and  the  nearer  parts  of  New  Jersey,  in  order  to  forage 


88  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII. 

and  secure  the  roads.  These  excursions  produced  nothing  remark- 
able, except  it  be  that  an  English  detachment  having  surprised,  in 
the  month  of  March,  a  party  of  Americans  at  the  bridges  of  Quinton 
and  Hancock,  all  the  soldiers  who  composed  it  were  barbarously 
massacred,  while  crying  for  quarter.  The  English,  about  the  same 
time,  undertook  an  expedition  up  the  Delaware,  in  order  to  destroy 
the  magazines  of  Bordentown,  and  to  take  or  burn  the  vessels  which 
the  Americans  had  withdrawn  up  the  river  between  Philadelphia 
and  Trenton.  In  both  these  enterprises  they  succeeded  to  their 
wishes.  They  attempted  also  to  surprise  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
who  was  encamped  at  Baron  Hill,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Schuylkill, 
with  a  considerable  body  of  troops  ;  but  he  baffled  their  enterprise 
by  his  activity  and  judicious  dispositions,  although  in  the  commence- 
ment of  the  action,  general  Grant  had  obtained  some  advantage  over 
him. 

While  these  events  were  passing  on  land,  hostilities  were  also 
prosecuted  upon  sea,  where  the  Americans  daily  acquired  reputation. 
They  manifested  so  bold  and  enterprising  a  spirit  in  their  maritime 
expeditions,  that  the  British  commerce  suffered  on  their  part  incre- 
dible losses.  Since  the  commencement  of  the  war  in  1776,  they 
had  already  captured  upwards  of  five  hundred  English  vessels,  of 
different  sizes,  and  all  with  cargoes  of  great  value.  Emboldened  by 
their  success,  even  the  coasts  of  Great  Britain  were  not  secure  from 
their  insults,  where  they  daily  took  numerous  prizes.  The  royal 
navy,  however,  opposed  their  enterprises,  and  took  many  of  their 
ships  in  the  seas  of  America  and  of  Europe  ;  but  the  advantage, 
nevertheless,  remained  very  decidedly  with  the  Americans. 

In  the  meantime,  sir  Henry  Clinton  was  arrived  at  Philadelphia, 
having  been  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  royal  forces,  ia 
the  place  of  sir  William  Howe,  who  returned  to  England.  Dissatis- 
fied with  the  ministers,  who  had  not  sent  him  all  the  reenforcements  he 
considered  necessary  to  the  decision  of  the  war,  he  had  offered  his 
resignation,  and  the  ministers  had  accepted  it  with  promptitude. 
They  did  not  forgive  him  for  not  having  more  effectually  cooperated 
with  Burgoyne,  and  for  not  having  displayed  all  the  vigor,  in  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  which  they  would  have  desired.  And  certainly 
he  rather  merits  the  praise  of  a  prudent  than  of  an  adventurous 
commander.  If  commendation  is  due  him  for  the  vigor  and  rare 
ability  he  actually  displayed  in  certain  expeditions,  perhaps  he  will 
not  escape  reprehension  for  not  having  undertaken  any  of  greater 
magnitude  and  of  more  importance.  In  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  when  the  minds  in  America  were  most  inflamed,  and  the  English 
had  not  yet  collected  their  troops,  or  received  their  reenforcements, 
perhaps  this  circumspection  ancJ  this  dilatory  system  of  war,  was  well 
judged  ;  for  never  should  all  be  committed  to  fortune  with  only  a 
partial  exertion  of  force ;  and  the  enemy  is  attacked  at  the  greatest 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  89 

advantage  after  his  ardor  has  already  cooled.  But  when  a  great 
part  of  the  Americans,  exhausted  by  expenses,  wearied  by  a  long 
war  and  by  the  scarcity  of  every  thing,  were  become  more  disposed 
to  return  to  their  former  condition,  and  when  the  English  had  receiv- 
ed all  the  reenforcements  they  could  expect,  the  British  general 
should  have  placed  all  his  hopes  of  victory  in  the  rapidity  and  terror 
of  his  arms.  This  course  seems  to  have  been  recommended  to  him 
by  prudence  itself,  when  it  is  considered,  that  besides  the  probability 
of  victory  which  a  regular  battle  always  offered  16  the  English,  the 
total  defeat  of  the  army  of  Congress  involved,  if  not  infallibly,  at 
least  in  all  likelihood,  the  absolute  submission  of  America ;  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  rout  of  the  British  army  would  not  have  rendered 
the  Americans  more  inflexible  than  they  were,  and  moreover,  would 
not  in  the  least  have  changed  the  dispositions  of  the  French  govern- 
ment, which,  since  the  capitulation  of  Saratoga,  manifestly  tended  to 
war.  The  consequences  of  a  decisive  victory  were,  therefore,  more 
advantageous  than  those  of  the  most  complete  discomfiture  could 
have  been  detrimental.  Howe  valued  himself  upon  being  thought 
very  sparing  of  the  blood  of  his  soldiers,  as  he  could  only  draw 
reeaforcements  from  so  great  a  distance  ;  and,  perhaps,  he  feared 
that  if  he  lost  a  pitched  battle,  the  inhabitants  might  rise  in  fury  and 
utterly  exterminate  the  relics  of  his  routed  army.  But  so  sanguinary 
an  overthrow  was  not  to  be  apprehended  with  such  soldiers  and  with 
such  officers.  Besides,  in  the  worst  event,  he  was  sure  of  a  retreat 
on  board  the  fleet,  by  rallying  the  troops  in  a  place  accessible  to  it. 

On  any  hypothesis,  things  were  now  got  to  such  a  head,  that  it 
was  essential  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  ;  for,  upon  the  continuance  of 
a  war  in  which  France  was  about  to  take  part,  the  independence  of 
America  could  scarcely  appear  doubtful.  However  the  truth  was, 
Howe  certainly  possessed  an  elevated  and  generous  mind  ;  he  had 
also  the  desire,  though  rarely  the  power,  to  prevent  the  atrocities 
perpetrated  by  his  troops  ;  no  curb  could  restrain  the  brutal  fury  of 
the  Germans  who  followed  his  standard.  Humane  towards  his 
soldiers,  affable  with  his  officers,  a  foe  to  disorder  and  violence,  he 
was  the  object  of  general  esteem  and  affection. 

Before  his  departure,  the  officers  of  the  army  were  disposed  to 
give  him  a  brilliant  carousal  ;  it  consisted  in  jousts  and  tournaments, 
marches,  .  evolutions,  triumphal  arches  and  honorary  inscriptions. 
This  entertainment,  from  the  variety  of  ingredients,  was  called  a 
medley.  The  evening  terminated  with  a  magnificent  exhibition  of 
fireworks.  Sir  William  Howe  embarked,  a  few  days  after,  on  board 
the  frigate  Andromeda.  He  arrived  the  second  of  July  at  London, 
where  the  ministerial  party  assailed  him  with  torrents  of  invective, 
while  that  in  opposition  exalted  him  above  the  stars. 

END    OF    BOOK    EIGHTH. 


90  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 


BOOK    NINTH. 

1778.  ON  hearing  of  the  catastrophe  which  had  hefallen  Bur- 
goyne,  and  of  the  almost  fruitless  victories  of  Howe,  the  British 
nation  was  seized  with  sullen  affliction  and  discontent.  The  dejec- 
tion was  as  profound  as  the  hopes  conceived  had  been  sanguine,  and 
the  promises  of  ministers  magnificent. 

The  parliament  had  acquiesced  in  all  their  demands,  with  respect 
to  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  they  had  not  failed  to  transmit  to 
America,  with  promptitude,  whatever  was  essential  to  the  success  of 
the  preceding  campaign.  The  generals  invested  with  command,  and 
the  soldiers  who  had  fought  under  them,  were  not  inferior -in  reputa- 
tion to  any  that  England,  or  even  Europe  could  produce.  Hence  it 
was  inferred,  that  there  must  exist  in  the  very  nature  of  things,  some 
insurmountable  obstacle  to  victory,  and  the  issue  of  the  war  began  to 
be  despaired  of.  For  better  or  stronger  armies  could  not  be  de- 
spatched to  America,  than  those  which  had  already  been  sent ;  and  if 
the  Americans,  in  the  outset  of  their  revolution,  had  not  only  withstood 
the  English  troops,  but  if  they  had  even  vanquished  and  disarmed 
them,  of  what  might  they  not  be  thought  capable  in  future,  when, 
deriving  new  confidence  from  their  successes,  they  should  have  con- 
solidated their  state  by  practice  and  experience,  and  availed  them- 
selves of  the  time  which  had  been  allowed  them,  to  develope  still 
greater  forces  against  their  enemies  ?  Accordingly,  so  far  from  there 
being  any  prospect  of  gaining  what  was  not  possessed,  the  danger 
appeared  imminent  of  loosing  what  was.  Great  fears  were  entertained 
especially  for  Canada,  where  the  garrisons  were  extremely  feeble, 
and  the  victorious  army  was  upon  the  frontiers.  No  little  apprehen- 
sion was  also  felt,  lest,  in  the  heat  of  parties,  some  commotion  might 
break  out  within  that  province,  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  the  king  ; 
independence  being  an  enticing  lure  for  every  people,  and  especially 
for  distant  nations,  and  the  example  of  the  Americans  was  likely  to 
influence  their  neighbors.  Nor  could  it  be  dissembled,  besides,  that 
the  Canadians,  being  French,  for  the  most  part,  their  national  aver- 
sion would  tend  to  fortify  this  natural  proclivity,  and  finally,  perhaps, 
produce  some  formidable  convulsion.  The  British  government  beheld 
with  grief,  that  enlistments  became  every  day  more  difficult  in  Ame- 
rica, where  the  loyalists  appeared  intimidated  by  the  recent  victories 
of  the  republicans  ;  and  even  in  England,  where  the  spirit  of  oppo- 
sition showed  itself  more  powerfully  than  ever,  an  extreme  repugnance 
was  evidenced  to  bearing  arms  in  a  distant  and  dangerous  war,  which 
many  pronounced  unjust  and  cruel,  and  which,  even  at  that  epoch, 
every  thing  announced  must  terminate  ingloriously.  Nor  was  the 
prospect  more  flattering  of  obtaining  new  troops  from  Germany  ;  for 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  Ql 

the  enormous  armies  kept  on  foot  by  the  emperor,  and  the  king  of 
Prussia,  exacted  such  a  multitude  of  recruits,  that  the  agents  of  Eng- 
land could  not  hope  to  procure  them  in  any  considerable  number. 
Moreover,  the  intervention  of  France  and  the  commissioners  of  Con- 
gress with  those  sovereigns,  or  that  disposition  to  favor  the  American 
cause,  which  unequivocally  manifested  itself  in  all  parts  of  Europe, 
had  already  determined  several  German  princes  to  refuse  a  passage 
through  their  states  to  those  feeble  parties  of  recruits  which,  with  in- 
credible pains  and  expense,  were  gleaned  by  the  British  agents.  But 
there  was  one  consideration  which,  more  than  any  other,  impeded  the 
success  of  their  negotiations ;  the  moment  was  manifestly  approach- 
ing when  France  would  declare  herself  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  no 
longer  by  secret  intrigues,  or  the  tacit  protection  afforded  to  their 
privateers,  but  openly,  and  with  arms  in  hand.  Already  all  her  pre- 
parations for  war,  and  especially  her  maritime  armaments,  were  com- 
pleted. The  late  victories  of  the  Americans  upon  the  borders  of  the 
Hudson,  and  even  the  constancy  they  had  exhibited  after  their  re- 
verses upon  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  were  sufficient  pledges  that 
their  cause  might  be  espoused  without  any  hazard  of  finding  in  them 
a  fickle,  a  faithless,  or  a  feeble  ally.  The  occasion  so  long  and  so 
ardently  desired  by  the  French  for  humbling  the  British  power  and 
arrogance,  was  at  length  offered  them  by  propitious  fortune.  Their 
wishes  were  admirably  served  by  the  blind  obstinacy  of  the  British 
ministers  and  generals,  who  had  judged  as  erroneously  of  the  nature 
and  importance  of  things,  as  of  the  valor  and  constancy  of  the  Ame- 
ricans. It  was  not  at  all  doubted  in  England,  that  France  would 
avail  herself  of  the  means  which  presented  themselves  to  her  grasp, 
to  repair  her  ancient  losses.  This  inevitable  crisis  took  strong  hold 
of  the  public  attention,  and  all  perceived  the  necessity  either  of  a 
long,  and  in  no  common  degree  perilous  struggle,  or  of  an  accom- 
modation upon  little  honorable  terms,  with  that^ery  people  whose 
petitions  had  always  been  rejected,  and  who  had  been  exasperated  by 
so  many  outrages,  before  they  were  assailed  by  so  cruel  a  war. 
Though  the  ministers  and  their  adherents  failed  not  to  advance  plau- 
sible reasons  to  justify  themselves,  and  to  authorise  their  conduct,  yet 
the  general  opinion  inclined  to  consider  it  as  the  more  prudent  coun- 
sel to  listen  at  length  to  the  demands  of  the  Americans,  and  to  adopt 
the  course  of  procedure  repeatedly  proposed  by  the  orators  of  the 
opposition,  who  had  recommended  that  hostilities  should  be  suspend- 
ed, and  a  negotiation  set  on  foot,  which  might  lead  to  an  admissible 
adjustment.  Heavy  complaints  were  heard  on  all  parts,  that  so  many 
favorable  occasions  for  reconciliation,  had  been  allowed  to  escape,  as 
if  it  was  intended  to  wait  the  arrival  of  that  fatal  moment  when  it 
would  no  longer  be  possible  either  to  negotiate  with  honor,  or  to  fight 
with  glory  ;  and  when,  instead  of  any  hope  of  subduing  or  conciliat- 
ing America,  there  was  too  much  reason  to  fear  the  loss  of  other 
inestimable  portions  of  the  British  empire. 


92  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

All  the  attempts  made  previous  to  that  time,  for  reducing  the  Ame- 
ricans to  submission  by  force  of  arms,  having  proved  completely 
abortive,  it  was  bitterly  regretted  that,  before  undertaking  new  efforts, 
the  failure  of  which  must  secure  the  triumph  of  the  enemy,  there 
had  not  been  a  disposition  to  listen  to  the  conciliatory  propositions 
submitted  to  parliament  by  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  in  the  sitting  of  the 
thirtieth  of  May,  of  the  year  last  elapsed.  Foreseeing  the  calami- 
ties which  were  about  to  fall  upon  his  country,  since  the  ministers 
were  resolved  to  prosecute  extreme  measures,  and  perceiving  dis- 
tinctly that  to  "the  dangers  of  an  intestine  struggle,  would  soon  be 
added  the  perils  of  a  foreign  war,  this  illustrious  man,  though  bowed 
with  age,  and  laboring  under  a  painful  malady,  had  caused  himself  to 
be  carried  to  the  House  of  Lords,  where,  in  that  strain  of  admirable 
eloquence,  which  always  chained  attention,  he  exerted  the  most 
magnanimous  efforts  to  appease- animosities,  to  extinguish  the  flames 
of  war,  to  procure  the  repeal  of  those  disastrous  laws  which  had 
lighted  them,  and  opposed  an  insuperable  bar  to  the  return  of  con- 
cord. 

1  My  lords,'  he  said,  c  this  is  a  flying  moment,  perhaps  but  six  weeks' 
left  to  arrest  the  dangers  that  surround  us.  The  gathering  storm  may 
break  ;  it  has  already  opened,  and  in  part  burst.  It  is  difficult  for 
government,  after  all  that  has  passed,  to  shake  hands  with  the  defiers 
of  the  king,  defiers  of  the  parliament,  defiers  of  the  people.  I  am 
a  defier  of  nobody  ;  but  if  an  end  is  not  put  to  this  war,  there  is  an 
end  to  this  country.  I  do  not  trust  my  judgment  in  my  present  state 
of  health  ;  this  is  the  judgment  of  my  better  days  ;  the  result  of  forty 
years  attention  to  America. 

6  They  are  rebels ;  but  what  are  they  rebels  for  ?  Surely  not  for 
defending  their  unquestionable  rights?  What  have  these  rebels  done 
heretofore  ?  I  remember  when  they  raised  four  regiments  on  their 
own  bottom,  and  took  Louisburgh  from  the  veteran  troops  of  France. 
But  their  excesses  have  been  great.  I  do  not  mean  their  panegyric  ; 
but  must  observe  in  attenuation,  the  erroneous  and  infatuated  coun- 
sels which  have  prevailed  ;  the  door  to  mercy  and  justice  has  been 
shut  against  them.  But  they  may  still  be  taken  up  upon  the  grounds 
of  their  former  submission.  I  state  to  you  the  importance  of  Ameri- 
ca ;  it  is  a  double  market ;  the  market  of  consumption  and  the  market 
of  supply.  This  double  market  for  millions,  with  naval  stores,  you 
are  giving  to  your  hereditary  rival.  America  has  carried  you  through 
four  wars,  and  will  now  carry  you  to  your  death,  if  you  don't  take 
things  in  time.  In  the  sportsman's  phrase,  when  you  have  found 
yourselves  at  fault,  you  must  try  back.  You  have  ransacked  every 
corner  of  Lower  Saxony;  but  forty  thousand  German  boors  never 
can  subdue  ten  times  the  number  of  British  freemen  ;  they  may 
ravage,  they  cannot  conquer. 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  93 

But  you  would  conquer,  you  say !  Why,  what  would  you  conquer ; 
the  map  of  America  ?  I  am  ready  to  meet  any  general  officer  on  the 
subject.  What  will  you  do  out  of  the  protection  of  your  fleet  .?  In 
the  winter,  if  together,  your  troops  are  starved  ;  and  if  dispersed,  they 
are  taken  off  in  detail.  I  am  experienced  in  spring  hopes  and  vernal 
promises  ;  I  know  what  ministers  throw  out ;  but  at  last  will  come 
your  equinoctial  disappointment.  They  tell  you — what  f  That  your 
army  will  be  as  strong  as  last  year,  when  it  was  not  strong  enough. 
You  have  got  nothing  in  America  but  stations.  You  have  been  three 
years  teaching  them  the  art  of  war ;  they  are  apt  scholars  ;  and  I 
will  venture  to  tell  your  lordships,  that  the  American  gentry  will  make 
officers  enough,  fit  to  command  the  troops  of  all  the  European 
powers.  What  you  have  sent  there,  are  too  many  to  make  peace, 
too  few  to  make  war.  If  you  conquer  them,  what  then  ?  You  can- 
not make  them  respect  you  ;  you  cannot  make  them  wear  your  cloth. 
You  will  plant  an  invincible  hatred  in  their  breasts  against  you.  You 
are  giving  America  to  France  at  the  expense  of  twelve  millions  a 
year.  The  intercourse  has  produced  every  thing  to  her ;  and  Eng- 
land, old  England,  must  pay  for  all.  Your  trade  languishes,  your 
taxes  increase,  your  revenues  dwindle  ;  France,  at  this  moment,  is 
securing  and  drawing  to  herself  that  commerce  which  created  your 
seamen,  which  fed  your  islands,  which  was  the  principal  source  of 
your  wealth,  prosperity  and  power.  We  have  tried  for  unconditional 
submission  ;  try  what  can  be  gained  by  unconditional  redress.  We 
shall  thus  evince  a  conciliatory  spirit,  and  open  the  way  to  concord. 

1  The  ministers  affirm  there  is  no  sort  of  treaty  with  France. 
Then,  there  is  still  a  moment  left ;  the  point  of  honor  is  still  safe. 
The  instant  a  treaty  appears  you  must  declare  war,  though  you  had 
only  five  ships  of  the  line  in  England  ;  but  France  will  defer  a  treaty 
as  long  as  possible,  to  wait  the  effect  of  our  selfdestroying  counsels. 
You  are  now  at  the  mercy  of  every  little  German  chancery  ;  and 
the  pretensions  of  France  will  increase  daily,  so  as  to  become  an 
avowed  party  in  either  peace  or  war.  The  dignity  of  the  govern- 
ment is  objected  ;  but  less  dignity  will  be  lost  in  the  repeal  of 
oppressive  laws,  than  in  submitting  to  the  demands  of  German  chan- 
ceries. We  are  the  aggressors.  We  have  invaded  the  colonists 
as  much  as  the  Spanish  armada  invaded  England.  Mercy  cannot 
do  harm ;  it  will  seat  the  king  where  he  ought  to  be,  throned  in  the 
hearts  of  his  people  ;  and  millions  ?t  home  and  abroad,  now  employed 
in  obloquy  and  revolt,  would  pray  for  him.  The  revocation  I  propose 
and  amnesty,  may  produce  a  respectable  division  in  America,  and 
unanimity  at  home.  It  will  give  America  an  option  ;  she  has  yet 
h^d  no  option.  You  have  said,  "  Lay  down  your  arms,--  and  she  has 
given  you  the  Spartan  answer,  "  Come,  take"  ' 

Neither  the  authority  of  such  a  man,  nor  the  force  of  his  speech, 
nor  present  evils,  nor  yet  the  fear  of  future,  were  sufficient  to  procure 

VOL.    II.  13 


94  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX, 

the  adoption  of  his  proposition.  Those  who  opposed  it,  contended 
that  it  would  by  no  means  satisfy  the  Americans,  since  from  the  out- 
set they  had  aimed  at  independency.  They  talked  of  the  dignity  of 
the  realm,  of  the  weakness  of  France,  of  the  number  of  loyalists 
ready  to  declare  themselves,  the  moment  an  occasion  should  offer 
itself ;  they  harangued  upon  the  tyranny  of  Congress,  already  become 
insupportable  to  all  the  Americans,  upon  the  emptiness  of  its  treasury, 
and  the  rapid  depreciation  of  the  bills  of  credit ;  finally,  they  enlarged 
upon  that  impatience  which  was  universally  manifested  for  the  return 
of  order,  and  the  blessings  enjoyed  by  the  rest  of  the  subjects  of  the 
British  government. 

In  the  midst  of  these  contradictions  had  been  agitated  the  question 
of  peace  and  war,  while  the  veil  of  uncertainty  still  shaded  the  future, 
and  experience  had  not  yet  ascertained  the  effect  of  all  the  forces 
sent  into  America.  But  now  the  trial  had  been  made,  and  the  result 
being  on  the  one  hand  so  calamitous,  and  so  dubious  on  the  other, 
the  obstinacy  of  ministers  was  almost  universally  condemned,  while 
the  wisdom  and  foresight  of  the  earl  of  Chatham,  were  extolled  to 
the  skies.  That  such  opinions  should  have  been  entertained  by  those 
whose  interests  and  passions  were  so  immediately  concerned,  is  cer- 
tainly no  matter  of  astonishment ;  but  it  may  be  advanced  with 
confidence,  that  the  measure  proposed  by  this,  in  other  respects, 
most  sagacious  statesman,  would  have  resulted  in  very  doubtful  con- 
sequences, to  use  no  stronger  words. 

At  this  time,  the  Americans  had  already  declared  their  independ- 
ence ;  what  the  proposed  concessions,  seconded  by  formidable  armies, 
might  have  operated  before  this  declaration,  they  could  no  longer 
have  done  after  it,  especially  when  by  the  effect  of  this  very  declara- 
tion, and  of  the  resistance  made  to  the  arms  of  Howe  upon  the 
territory  of  New  Jersey,  the  Americans  confidently  expected  to  obtain 
the  succours  of  France.  Besides,  if,  at  this  epoch,  the  issue  of  a 
negotiation  was  uncertain,  it  would  indubitably  have  reflected  little 
honor  upon  the  'government,  to  have  condescended  to  an  arrange- 
ment, without  having  first  made  a  trial  of  the  efficacy  of  the  armies 
it  had  collected  and  sent  to  America,  with  so  much  effort,  and  at  so 
heavy  an  expense.  Victory  too,  as  it  was  reasonable  to  think,  would 
have  produced  submission,  or  at  least  conditions  more  favorable  to 
Great  Britain. 

The  ministers  therefore  being  resolved  to  continue  the  war,  exerted 
their  utmost  diligence  to  repair  those  evils  which  the  faults  of  men, 
or  an  inauspicious  destiny,  had  drawn  upon  the  state  in  the  course  of 
the  preceding  year.  Their  attention  was  first  directed  to  the  means 
of  raising  new  troops,  and  of  procuring  more  abundant  pecuniAy 
resources  than  had  been  granted  them  by  the  parliament.  They 
reflected,  that  although  there  was  a  powerful  party  in  the  kingdom 
who  condemned  the  American  war,  still  there  existed  another  who 


BOOK    IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  95 

approved  it  highly,  either  from  conviction  or  from  their  devotion  to 
the  ministry.  To  this  class  they  addressed  themselves,  not  doubting 
their  readiness  to  assist  them  with  zeal  in  procuring  the  men  and  the 
funds  they  wanted.  Dreading,  however,  the  clamors  of  the  opposi- 
tion, who  might  represent  this  levy  of  soldiers  and  money,  though 
voluntary,  as  a  violation  of  the  constitution,  they  carried  this  scheme 
into  effect  in  the  recess  of  parliament,  which  happened  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  current  year,  and  which,  with  the  same  object  in  view, 
they  prolonged  beyond  the  accustomed  term.  They  were  the  more 
sanguine  in  their  hopes  of  success,  inasmuch  as,  since  the  declaration 
of  independence,  and  the  secret  alliance  with  France,  of  which 
every  day  furnished  new  evidences,  the  greater  part  of  those  who 
had  shown  themselves  at  first  the  warmest  partisans  of  the  Americans, 
had  now  deserted  them,  and  gone  over  to  the  ministerial  party.  The 
ministers  accordingly  despatched  their  agents  into  the  different  pro- 
vinces of  the  kingdom,  and  especially  those  where  they  had  the 
greatest  influence,  with  instructions  to  spur  the  inhabitants  to  enlist, 
and  to  lend  their  support  to  the  state  by  vpluntary  gifts.  These 
emissaries  were  to  expatiate  on  the  ingratitude  of  the  Americans, 
the  enmity  of  France,  the  necessities  of  the  country,  the  glory  and 
splendor  of  the  English  name,  which  must  be  transmitted  unsullied 
to  posterity.  Their  exertions  were  attended  with,  success  in  some 
cities  of  the  first  order,  and  even  in  some  towns  of  inferior  rank  ; 
but  none  manifested  greater  zeal  than  Liverpool  and  Manchester, 
each  of  which  raised,  at  their  Own  expense,  a  regiment  of  a  thousand 
men.  The  Scotch,  naturally  a  warlike  people,  and  much  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  government  in  the  present  war,  exhibited  the  utmost 
ardor  to  engage  in  the  service.  Edinburgh  levied  a  thousand  men, 
Glasgow  an  equal  number.  The  hi^hlanders,  a  hardy  race,  descend- 
ed in  hordes  from  their  craggy  hills,  to  follow  the  royal  standard. 
Equal  promptitude  was  manifested  in  contributing  to  the  public 
expense,  and  free  gifts  multiplied  every  day.  The  government  would 
have  wished  that  the  city  of  London,  on  account  of  its  population 
and  wealth,  and  of  its  importance  as  the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  had 
placed  itself  at  the  head  of  this  contribution.  It  was  hoped  that 
city  would  raise  and  maintain  at  its  own  expense  five  thousand  men 
for  three  years,  or  until  the  end  of  the  war.  This  hope  proved  illu- 
sory. The  citizens  being  convened,  refused  peremptorily.  The 
common  council  returned  an  answer  equally  unfavorable.  The 
partisans  of  the  ministry  were  not  discouraged.  They  vociferated 
at  every  corner  that  it  was  a  shame  for  the  city  of  London,  that,  after 
having  voted,  but  a  few  days  before,  considerable  sums  for  ihe  relief 
,f  .'Vnerirans  taken  with  arms  in  hand  levelled  :ig:ii:isi  Eiijrlaiid,  it 
should  now  refuse  to  give  the  slightest  succour  to  the  country.  The 
friends  of  the  ministry  assembled,  and  subscribed  twenty  thousand 
pounds  sterling.  The  same  manoeuvres  took  place  at  Bristol,  and 


96  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

with  the  same  success.  This  city  would  not  furnish  troops  ;  it  con- 
sented only  to  give  the  same  sum  as  London.  The  ministers  expe- 
rienced still  more  difficulties  in  the  country  ;  the  landholders  being 
grown  sulky  at  the  weight  of  their  assessments,  and  at  having  been 
deceived  by  promises  that  the  American  taxes  were  to  be  in  diminu- 
tion of  their  own.  Upon  the  whole,  this  project  of  voluntary  levies, 
and  gratuitous  contributions,  though  not  absolutely  fruitless,  was  still 
very  far  from  affording  the  resources  which  had  been  counted  upon. 
It  however  became  the  subject  of  violent  declamations  in  parlia- 
ment ;  but  with  the  usual  event ;  the  ministry  triumphed. 

While  such  was  the  procedure  of  the  English  government,  in  order 
to  sustain  the  struggle  in  which  it  was  engaged,  the  Congress  urged 
with  new  fervor  the  negotiations  which  they  had  already,  a  long 
time  back,  set  on  foot  with  the  court  of  France.  The  American 
commissioners  had  left  nothing  unessayed  that  could  decide  it  to 
declare  openly  in  their  favor  ;  but  however  pressing  were  their  soli- 
citations with  the  French  ministers  to  induce  them  to  take  a  definitive 
resolution,  they  had  not  as  yet  obtained  any  thing  but  evasive  and 
dilatory  answers.  In  this  first  period  of  the  American  revolution, 
considering  the  uncertainty  of  its  issue,  France  hesitated  to  espouse 
the  quarrel  of  a  people  whose  force  appeared  insufficient  to  sustain 
the  pressure  of  so  perilous  an  enterprise.  She  feared  lest  the  colo- 
nists might  all  at  once  desist,  and  resume  all  their  ancient  relations 
with  England.  Those  who  directed  the  counsels  of  France  were 
not  ignorant,  that  at  the  very  moment  in  which  she  should  declare 
herself,  the  British  ministry,  by  acquiescing  in  the  concessions 
demanded  by  the  Americans,  might  instantly  disarm  them,  and  that 
France  would  then  find  herself  alone  saddled  with  a  war,  without 
motive,  and  without  object. 

To  this  consideration  was  added,  that  before  coming  to  an  open 
rupture  with  Great  Britain,  it  was  essential  to  restore  order  in  the 
finances,  and  to  reestablish  the  marine,  both  having  suffered  exces- 
sively from  the  disorder,  disasters  and  prodigality  of  the  preceding 
reign.  The  declaration  of  independence,  it  is  true,  had  removed 
the  danger  of  a  sudden  reconciliation  ;  but  it  was  still  possible  to 
doubt  the  success  of  resistance.  Nor  should  we  omit  to  say,  that, 
though  France  would  rather  see  America  independent,  than  recon- 
ciled with  England,  she  relished  the  prospect  of  a  long  war  between 
them,  still  better  than  independence.  Perhaps,  even,  she  would  have 
liked  best  of  all  a  conquest  by  dint  of  arms,  and  the  consequent  sub- 
jugation ;  f>>r,  upon  this  hypothesis,  the  English  colonies,  ravaged 
and  ruined,  would  have  ceased  to  enrich  the  mother  country,  by  the 
benefits  of  their  commerce  in  time  of  peace  ;  and  in  time  of  war,  the 
English  would  no  longer  have  found  in  their  colonists  those  power- 
ful auxiliaries,  who  so  often  had  succoured  them  with  so  much  effica- 
cy. Should  the  colonies,  though  vanquished,  preserve  their  ancient 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  97 

prosperity,  then  England  would  be  constrained  to  maintain  in  them 
a  part  of  her  iorce,  in  order  to  prevent  the  revolts  she  would  have 
continually  to  dread  on  the  part  of  a  people  impressed  with  the 
recollection  of  so  many  outrages  and  cruelties. 

But  upon  the  second  hypothesis,  or  that  of  independence,  it  was 
impossible  to  dissemble  that  the  example  would  be  pernicious  for 
the  colonies  of  the  other  European  powers,  and  that  the  smallest  of 
the  probable  inconveniences,  would  be  the  necessity  of  granting 
them,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  mother  country,  a  full  and  entire 
liberty  of  commerce.  These  considerations,  carefully  weighed  by 
the  French  ministers,  so  wrought,  that  repressing  their  ardor  for  war, 
they  covered  their  projects  with  an  impenetrable  veil,  and  drew  the 
negotiation  into  length.  They  restricted  themselves  to  expressions 
of  benevolence  toward  the  Americans,  and  to  granting  them  clan- 
destinely the  succours  we  have  spoken  of  in  another  place.  And 
even  those  succours  were  furnished  with  more  or  less  mystery,  more 
or  less  liberality,  as  fortune  showed  herself  propitious  or  adverse  to 
the  American  arms.  Such  was  the  rigor  with  which  France  adher- 
ed, or  appeared  to  adhere,  to  this  wary  policy,  either  with  a  view  of 
not  breaking  before  the  lime  with  England,  or  in  order  the  more 
effectually  to  place  the  Americans  at  her  discretion,  and  constrain 
them  to  subscribe  to  all  her  demands,  that  when  the  news  arrived  at 
Paris  of  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga,  and  of  the  victorious  march  of 
Burgoyne  towards  Albany,  events  which  seemed  to  decide  in  favor 
of  the  English,  instructions  were  immediately  despatched  to  Nantz, 
and  the  other  ports  of  the  kingdom,  that  no  American  privateers 
should  be  suffered  to  enter  them,  except  from  indispensable  neces- 
sity, as  to  repair  their  vessels,  to  obtain  provisions,  or  to  escape  the 
perils  of  the  sea.  Thus  France,  pursuing  invariably  the  route  pre- 
scribed by  reason  of  state,  which  admirably  suited  her  convenience, 
on  the  one  hand  amused  the  British  ministers  with  protestations  of 
friendship,  and  on  the  other  encouraged  the  Americans  with  secret 
succours,  by  the  uncertainty  and  scantiness  of  them,  inflaming  their 
ardor,  and  confirming  their  resolution  by  continual  promises  of  future 
cooperation.  Unshackled  in  her  movements,  she  thus  pledged  her- 
self to  no  party,  but  tranquilly  waited  to  see  what  course  things 
would  take.  The  agents  of  Congress  did  not  fail,  however,  to  urge 
and  besiege  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  to  come  at  length  to  a  final 
decision.  But  the  French  ministers,  with  many  tosses  and  shrugs, 
alleged  a  variety  of  excuses  in  support  of  their  system  of  procrasti- 
nation, at  one  time,  that  the  fleet  expected  from  Newfoundland, 
crowded  with  excellent  seamen,  was  not  yet  arrived  ;  at  another,  that 
the  galleons  of  Spain  were  still  at  sea,  and  now  some  other  subter- 
fuge was  invented.  Thus  alternately  advancing  and  receding,  never 
allowing  their  intentions  to  be  fathomed,  they  kept  the  Americans 
in  continual  uncertainty.  Finally,  the  commissioners,  out  of  all 


98  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IX. 

patience,  and  determined,  if  practicable,  without  waiting  longer,  to 
extricate  themselves  from  this  labyrinth,  imagined  an  expedient  for 
reducing  the  French  ministers  themselves  to  the  necessity  of  drop- 
ping the  vizor  ;  this  was  to  suggest,  that  if  France  did  not  assist 
them  immediately,  the  Americans  could  defer  no  longer  a  voluntary 
or  compulsory  arrangement  with  England. 

To  this  effect,  they  waited  upon  the  ministers  about  the  middle  of 
August,  1777,  with  a  memorial  in  which  they  represented,  that  if 
France  supposed  that  the  war  could  be  continued  for  any  considera- 
ble time  longer  without  her  interference  she  was  much  mistaken. 
'  Indeed,'  continued  the  memorial,  '  the  British  government  have 
every  thing  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain,  by  continuing  the  war.  After 
the  present  campaign,  they  will  therefore  doubtless  make  it  their 
great  and  last  effort  to  recover  the  dominion  of  America,  and  termi- 
nate the  war.  They  probably  hope  that  a  few  victories  may,  by  the 
chance  of  war,  be  obtained  ;  and  that  these  on  one  hand,  and  the 
wants  and  distresses  of  the  colonists  on  the  other,  may  induce  them 
to  return  again  to  a  dependence,  more  or  less  limited,  on  Great 
Britain.  They  must  be  sensible,  that  if  ever  America  is  to  be  con- 
quered by  them,  it  must  be  within  the  present  year  ;  that  if  it  be 
impossible  to  do  it  in  this  year  of  the  dispute,  it  will  be  madness  to 
expect  more  success  afterwards,  when  the  difficulties  of  the  Ameri- 
cans' former  situation  are  removed  ;  when  their  new  independent 
governments  have  acquired  stability  ;  and  when  the  people  are 
become,  as  they  soon  will  be,  well  armed,  disciplined  and  supplied 
with  all  the  means  of  resistance. 

1  The  British  ministry  must  therefore  be  sensible,  that  a  continua- 
tion of  hostilities  against  the  colonies,  after  this  year,  can  only  tend 
to  prolong  the  danger,  or  invite  an  additional  war  in  Europe  ;  and 
they  therefore  doubtless  intend,  after  having  tried  the  success  of  this 
campaign,  however  it  may  end,  to  make  peace  on  the  best  terms 
which  can  be  obtained.  And  if  they  cannot  recover  the  colonies  as 
subjects,  to  admit  their  claim  of  independency,  and  secure  them  by 
a  federal  alliance.  Therefore  no  means  are  left  for  France  to  pre- 
vent the  colonists  from  being  shortly  reconciled  to  Great  Britain, 
either  as  subjects  or  allies,  but  to  enter  immediately  into  such  engage- 
ments with  them  as  will  necessarily  preclude  all  others  ;  such  as  will 
permanently  bind  and  secure  their  commerce  and  friendship,  and 
enable  them  as  well  to  repel  the  attacks,  as  to  spurn  at  the  offers  of 
their  present  enemy. 

1  France  must  remember,'  it  was  added,  '  that  the  first  resistance 
of  the  colonists  was  not  to  obtain  independency,  but  a  redress  of  their 
grievances ;  and  that  there  are  many  among  them  who  might  even 
now  be  satisfied  with  a  limited  subjection  to  the  British  crown.  A 
majority  has  indeed  put  in  for  the  prize  of  independency  ;  they  have 
done  it  on  a  confidence  that  France,  attentive  to  her  most  important 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  90 

interests,  would  soon  give  them  open  and  effectual  support.  But 
when  they  find  themselves  disappointed  ;  when  they  see  some  of 
the  powers  of  Europe  furnish  troops  to  assist  in  their  subjugation  ; 
another  power,  alluding  to  Portugal,  proscribing  their  commerce  ; 
and  the  rest  looking  on,  as  indifferent  spectators  ;  it  is  very  probable 
that,  despairing  of  foreign  aid,  and  severely  pressed  by  their  enemies 
and  their  own  internal  wants  and  distresses,  they  may  be  inclined  to 
accept  of  such  terms  as  it  will  be  the  interest  of  the  British  govern-' 
ment  to  grant  them.  Lord  George  Germain,  but  a  few  weeks  since, 
declared  in  the  house  of  commons  that  his  hope  of  ending  the  Ame- 
rican war  this  year,  was  principally  founded  on  the  disappointment 
which  the  colonists  would  feel,  when  they  discover  that  no  assistance 
is  likely  to  be  given  them  from  France.  The  British  adherents  in 
America  will  spare  no  pains  to  spread  and  increase  that  disappoint- 
ment, by  discouraging  representations  ;  they  already  intimate  that 
France,  equally  hostile  to  both  parties,  foments  the  present  war, 
only  to  make  them  mutually  instrumental  in  each  others  destruc- 
tion. 

1  Should  Great  Britain,  by  these  and  other  means,  detach  the 
colonies,  and  reunite  them  to  herself,  France  will  irrecoverably  lose 
the  most  favorable  opportunity  ever  offered  to  any  nation,  of  hum- 
bling a  powerful,  arrogant,  and  hereditary  enemy. 

*  But  it  is  not  simply  the  opportunity  of  reducing  Great  Britain, 
which  France  will  lose  by  her  present  inactivity  ;  for  her  own  safety, 
and  that  of  all  her  American  possessions,  will  be  endangered  the 
moment  in  which  a  reconciliation  takes  place  between  Britain  and 
America.  The  king  and  ministry  of  Great  Britain  know  and  feel 
that  France  has  encouraged  and  assisted  the  colonists  in  their  pre- 
sent resistance  ;  and  they  are  as  much  incensed  against  her,  as  they 
would  be,  were  she  openly  to  declare  war.  In  truth,  France  has 
done  too  much,  unless  she  intends  to  do  more. 

'  Can  any  one  doubt  but  that  whenever  peace  with  America  is 
obtained  by  Great  Britain,  whatever  may  be  the  conditions  of  it,  the 
whole  British  force  now  on  the  continent  of  America,  will  be  sud- 
denly transported  to  the  West  Indies,  and  employed  in  subduing  the 
French  sugar  islands  there,  to  recompense  the  losses  and  expenses 
which  Great  Britain  has  suffered  and  incurred  in  this  war,  and  to 
revenge  the  insult  and  injury  France  has  done  her,  by  the  encour- 
agement and  assistance  which  she  is  supposed  to  have  secretly  given 
the  colonists  against  Great  Britain  ?' 

Such  was  the  purport  of  the  memorial  presented  to  the  French 
government,  in  order  to  terminate  its  hesitations  ;  but  this  also  was 
without  success.  The  ministers  were  no  less  ingenious  in  discover- 
ing new  evasions  ;  they  chose  to  wait  to  see  the. progress  of  this  war. 
The  news  of  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga,  and  the  fear  of  still  more 
decisive  operations  on  the  part  of  general  Howe,  maintained  their 


100  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   IX. 

doubts  and  indecision.  They  were  loath  to  have  no  other  part  to 
play  than  extending  the  hand  to  insurgents,  when  already  their 
wreck  appeared  inevitable.  We  venture  not  to  say,  that  in  this 
occurrence  was  again  verified  the  vulgar  maxim  ;  the  unfortunate 
have  no  friends  ;  but  it  appeared,  at  least,  that  the  cabinet  of  Ver- 
sailles was  determined  to  procrastinate  until  the  distress  of  the  Ame- 
ricans was  arrived  at  such  a  point  as  to  become  their  only  law  ;  that 
it  might  obtain  from  them  the  better  conditions  for  France.  Besides, 
as  at  this  time  there  was  much  appearance  that  the  British  arms 
would  carry  all  before  them,  an  accommodation  between  the  mother 
country  and  the  colonies,  seemed  less  probable  than  ever  ;  and  this 
was  what  the  French  government  had  feared  the  most.  The  minis- 
ters of  England  supposing  them  victorious  in  America,  would  have 
listened  to  no  conditions  short  of  an  absolute  submission  ;  and  the 
French  appeared  to  desire  this  extremity  even  more  than  independ- 
ence, provided  only,  that  it  was  introduced  by  a  Jong  and  desolat- 
ing war. 

Disgusted  by  so  many  delays,  the  American  commissioners  no 
longer  entertained  any  doubt  as  to  the  secret  policy  .which  guided 
the  French  in  this  conjuncture.  In  their  despair,  they  had  well  nigh 
broken  off  all  negotiation  with  a  government  that  reputed  their  mis- 
fortunes a  source  of  prosperity  to  itself.  Unable,  therefore,  to 
accomplish  their  views  with  France,  and  discerning  no  other  pros- 
pect of  safety,  the  Americans  again  addressed  themselves  to  Eng- 
land, proposing  to  her  the  recognition  of  their  independence.  This 
point  conceded,  they  would  have  yielded  in  all  others,  to  such  con- 
ditions as  should  most  tend  to  save  the  honor  of  the  mother  country. 
They  represented,  that  if  the  British  ministry  knew  how  to  profit  of 
the  occasion,  it  depended  on  themselves  to  stipulate  an  arrangement 
so  conducive  to  the  prosperity  of  Great  Britain,  that  she  would  seek 
in  vain  to  procure  herself  similar  advantages  by  any  other  means. 
But  the  British  government,  elated  with  the  first  successes  of  Bur- 
goyne,  and  persuaded  that  fortune  could  not  escape  him,  refused  to 
listen  to  any  overtures  for  accommodation,  and  rejected  the  proposi- 
tion with  disdain.  The  blindness  of  the  British  ministers  was  incur- 
able ;  the  Americans,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  disastrous  reverses, 
and  deprived  of  all  hope  of  foreign  succour,  strenuously  refusing  to 
renounce  their  independence,  insisting  even  to  make  it  an  indispen- 
sable condition  ofoheir  reconciliation,  it  was  manifest  that  the  reunion 
of  the  two  states  was  become  impossible  ;  and  that  since  the  neces- 
sity of  things  and  inexorable  destiny  pronounced  that  America 
should  no  longer  be  subject,  it  was  better  to  have  her  for  ally  than 
for  an  enemy.  But  the  defeat  and  capture  of  Burgoyne,  by  an- 
nouncing with  such  energy  the  rising  greatness  of  America,  had 
given  new  ardor  to  the  patriots  ;  new  hopes  and  new  fears  to  the 
French.  Their  reciprocal  situation  become  less  ambiguous ;  each 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  101 

began  to  manifest  more  positive  resolutions.  England  herself,  if  her 
king  and  his  ministers  had  yielded  less  to  their  individual  preposses- 
sions, would  have  prudently  paused  ;  and  abandoning  an  enterprise 
above  her  strength,  would  have  resorted  to  the  only  way  of  safely 
that  she  had  left.  But  pride,  obstinacy  and  intrigue  are  too  often 
the  ruin  of  states  ;  and  lord  Bute  was  incessantly  smoothing  that 
route  for  king  George.  After  the  victory  of  Saratoga,  the  Ameri- 
cans pursued  with  rare  sagacity  the  policy  prescribed  by  their  new 
circumstances.  Their  conduct  demonstrated  as  much  ability  as 
experience  in  affairs  of  state.  They  reflected,  that  as  their  suc- 
cesses had  increased  their  strength,  rendered  their  alliance  more 
desirable,  and  banished  all  doubts  from  enlightened  minds  respecting 
their  independence,  nothing  could  be  better  calculated  on  their  part, 
than  to  give  jealousy  to  France,  by  pretending  a  disposition  to  make 
alliance  with  England  ;  and  disquietude  to  England,  by  the  appear- 
ance of  courting  the  strictest  union  with  France.  They  hoped  by 
this  conduct  to  arrive  at  length  to  something  conclusive.  Accord- 
ingly, the  same  express  that  carried  to  England  the  news  of  the 
capitulation  of  Saratoga,  was  the  bearer  of  despatches,  the  drift  of 
which  was  to  insinuate,  that  the  Americans,  disgusted  by  the  exces- 
sive delays  of  the  French,  and  indignant  at  not  having  received  in 
the  rnidst  of  their  reverses,  avowed  and  more  efficacious  succours, 
were  eagerly  desirous  of  an  accommodation  with  England,  and  to 
conclude  with  her  a  treaty  of  commerce,  provided  she  acknowledged 
their  independence.  In  order  to  give  more  weight  to  this  sugges- 
tion, it  was  added,  that  the  colonists  would  feel  particular  gratifica- 
tion in  a  reconciliation  with  their  ancient  country  ;  whereas,  in  the 
contrary  case,  they  should  be  compelled  to  throw  themselves  into  the 
arms  of  the  inveterate  and  implacable  enemy  of  the  English  name. 

General  Gates,  on  whom  his  recent  victory  reflected  so  much 
lustre,  wrote  to  the  same  effect,  to  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
members  of  parliament.  These  steps  of  the  chiefs  of  the  American 
revolution  were  likewise  necessary  to  satisfy  the  people,  who  would 
not,  without  extreme  repugnance,  have  seen  themselves  thrust  preci- 
pitately into  the  party  of  France,  before  having  attempted  every 
probable  mode  of  effecting  an  adjustment  with  England.  The  pre- 
judices they  entertained  against  France  were  still  in  all  their  force  ; 
and  the  persuasion  that  this  power  had  speculated  upon  their  misfor- 
tunes, had  greatly  exasperated  their  aversion.  These  negotiations 
were  no  secret  to  the  court  of  Versailles,  as  they  had  been  commu- 
nicated to  Franklin,  who  knew  how  to  make  the  best  use  of  them  ; 
the  umbrage  they  gave  the  French  ministers  will  be  readily  con- 
ceived. Franklin,  about  the  same  time,  received  instructions  to 
reiterate  his  expostulations  with  the  government,  that  it  might  at 
length  discover  itself,  since  otherwise,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  Eng- 
land, convinced  by  the  catastrophe  of  Burgoyne,  and  even  by  the 
VOL.  ir.  14 


102  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

useless  victories  of  Howe,  that  the  reduction  of  America,  by  dint  of 
arms,  was  absolutely  impossible,  would  acknowledge  independence. 
The  Americans,  he  added,  finding  themselves  deserted  by  the 
French,  will  be  constrained  to  listen  to  the  overtures  of  the  English, 
and  to  accept  of  favor  wherever  they  find  it ;  and  such  an  arrange- 
ment could  not  have  effect  but  to  the  irreparable  prejudice  of  the 
interests  of  France.  The  ministers  perceived  clearly  that  the  time 
was  come,  in  which,  if  they  would  not  lose  the  fruit  of  all  their 
policy,  it  was  necessary  finally  to  lay  aside  the  personage  of  the  fox, 
and  to  assume  the  nature  of  the  lion.  Judging  the  British  ministers 
by  themselves,  they  supposed  them  entirely  exempt  from  all  passion, 
as  statesmen  ought  to  be  ;  consequently,  fearing  the  measures  which 
their  wisdom  might  prescribe,  they  determined  to  resume,  and  bring 
to  a  conclusion,  the  negotiations  they  had  opened  already  so  long 
since  with  the  Americans,  and  which  they  had  so  shrewdly  pro- 
longed. 

This  decision  appeared  to  them  the  more  urgent,  as  they  were  not 
ignorant  that  the  great  body  of  the  inhabitants  of  America,  their 
independence  once  established,  would  much  more  willingly  have 
coalesced  with  the  English,  a  people  of  the  same  blood,  of  the  same 
language,  of  the  same  manners,  and  still  not  entirely  forgetful  of 
former  friendship,  than  with  the  French,  a  nation  not  only  foreign 
and  rival,  but  reputed  faithless  ;  whose  long  hesitations  had  counte- 
nanced the  imputation,  and  against  whom,  from  their  tenderest  child- 
hood, they  had  fostered  the  most  unfavorable  prepossessions.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Americans  had  supported  three  entire  years  of 
the  most  trying  distress,  without  having  ever  discovered  the  least 
disposition  to  relinquish  their  enterprise,  or  the  least  mark  of  weari- 
ness in  their  conflict  with  adverse  fortune.  Their  moderation  had 
not  deserted  them  in  success  ;  and  the  perseverance  of  their  efforts 
had  given  to  the  first  victories  of  the  English  all  the  consequences 
of  defeats.  These  considerations  had  persuaded  the  ministers  of 
France  that  America  had  knowledge,  power  and  will,  to  keep  the 
faith  of  treaties. 

The  resolution  of  finally  taking  an  active  part  in  this  war,  by 
extending  an  auxiliary  hand  to  the  Americans,  could  not  fail,  besides, 
of  being  highly  agreeable  to  the  greater  part  of  the  French  nation. 
The  motive  of  it  was  not  merely  to  be  found  in  the  inveterate  hatred 
borne  the  English,  in  the  remembrance  of  recent  wounds,  in  the 
desire  of  revenge,  and  in  the  political  opinions  which,  at  that  period, 
had  spread  throughout  the  kingdom,  but  also  in  numerous  and  pow- 
erful considerations  of  commercial  advantage.  The  trade  which 
had  been  carried  on  between  France  and  America,  since  the  com- 
mencement of  disturbances,  and  especially  since  the  breaking  out  of 
hostilities,  had  yielded  the  French  merchants  immense  gains.  All 
of  these,  therefore,  eagerly  desired  that  the  new  order  of  things 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  103 

might  be  perpetuated  by  independence,  in  order  never  to  see  the 
times  revived,  in  which  the  prohibitory  laws  of  parliament,  and  espe- 
cially the  act  of  navigation,  would  have  deprived  them  of  these 
benefits.  It  is  true,  however,  that  they  had  not  found  this  com- 
merce so  lucrative  as  they  had  anticipated  ;  for  several  of  them, 
hurried  away  by  the  excessive  love  of  gain,  and  principally  those  of 
the  maritime  cities,  had  despatched  to  America  ships  loaded  with 
valuable  merchandise,  a  great  number  of  which  had  been  taken  on 
the  passage  by  the  British  cruisers.  But  even  these  losses  stimulated 
their  desire  to  be  able  to  continue  the  same  commerce,  and  to  wit- 
ness the  reduction  of  that  British  audacity  which  pretended  to  reign 
alone  upon  an  element  common  to  the  whole  universe.  They  hoped 
that  the  royal  navy  in  open  war  would  afford  protection  to  the  ships 
of  commerce  ;  and  that  force  would  thus  shield  the  enterprises  of 
cupidity.  The  French  had,  besides,  in  this  conjuncture,  the  hope,  or 
rather  the  certainty,  that  Spain  would  lake  part  in  the  quarrel.  This 
was  a  consideration  of  weight,  in  addition  to  the  motives  which 
always  influenced  them.  That  kingdom  had  a  formidable  marine, 
and  was  animated  with  so  strong;  a  desire  to  make  trial  of  it  against 
England,  that  the  French  court,  rigidly  adhering  to  its  plan  of  cir- 
cumspection, had  hitherto  thought  it  prudent  to  check  rather  than 
stimulate  the  cabinet  of  Madrid.  It  was  not  in  the  least  doubted, 
that  all  the  united  forces  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  already  so  long 
prepared,  and  directed  towards  the  same  object,  were  more  than 
sufficient  to  take  down  the  intolerable  arrogance  of  the  English,  to 
protect  rich  cargoes  from  their  insults,  and  even  to  cause  the  com- 
merce of  the  two  Indies  to  pass  almost  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the 
French  and  Spaniards. 

Thus  favored  by  circumstances,  and  by  the  voice  of  the  people, 
the  French  government  had  more  need  of  prudence  to  restrain  it 
from  precipitating  its  resolutions,  than  of  ardor,  to  incite  it  to  encoun- 
ter the  hazards  of  fortune.  Never,  assuredly,  had  any  government 
to  adopt  a  counsel  more  recommended  'jy  the  unanimous  and  ardent 
wishes  of  its  subjects,  or  which  promised  a  more  fortunate  issue,  or 
more  brilliant  advantages.  Unable,  therefore,  to  resist  longer  the 
pressing  solicitations  of  the  agents  of  Congress,  the  ministers  resolved 
at  length  to  seize  the  occasion,  and  to  conclude  with  America  the 
treaty  which  had  been  the  object  of  such  long  negotiations.  But  as, 
heretofore,  the  intention  of  France  had  been  to  elude  any  positive 
engagement,  the  articles  of  the  convention,  though  often  and  delibe- 
rately discussed,  were  not  yet  settled.  Under  the  apprehension, 
however,  that  the  British  government,  in  case  of  further  delays,  miff  lit 
tempt  the  Americans  with  conciliatory  overtures,  the  French  minis- 
ters concluded  to  signify  to  the  commissioners  of  Congress  the  pre- 
liminaries of  the  treaty  of  friendship  and  commerce,  to  be  stipulated 
between  the  two  states.  This  communication  was  made  the  six- 

t 


104  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IX. 

teenth  of  December,  1777,  by  M.  Gerard,  royal  syndic  of  the  city 
of  Strasbourg,  and  secretary  of  the  king's  council  of  state.  Its  pur- 
port was  as  follows  ;  'That  France  would  not  only  acknowledge,  but 
support  with  all  her  forces  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
and  would  conclude  with  them  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce; 
that  in  the  stipulations  of  this  treaty  she  would  take  no  advantage  of 
the  present  situation  of  the  United  States,  but  that  the  articles  of  it 
should  be  of  the  same  nature  as  if  the  said  states  had  been  long 
established,  and  were  constituted  in  all  the  plenitude  of  their  strength  ; 
that  his  most  Christian  majesty  plainly  foresaw  that  in  taking  this  step, 
he  should  probably  enter  upon  a  war  with  Great  Britain  ;  but  that 
he  desired  no  indemnification  upon  that  score  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States ;  not  pretending  to  act  solely  with  a  view  to  their  par- 
ticular interest,  since,  besides  the  benevolence  he  bore  them,  it  was 
manifest,  that  the  power  of  England  would  be  diminished  by  the  dis- 
memberment of  her  colonies.  The  king  expected  only,  with  lull 
confidence,  from  the  United  States,  that  whatever  was  the  peace 
which  might  he  concluded  eventually,  tfiey  would  never  renounce  their 
independence,  and  resume  the  yoke  of  British  domination.'  This 
declaration  on  the  part  of  France,  reassured  the  minds  of  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  it  was  followed  by  very  active  negotiations  during  all  the  month 
of  January.  They  were  immediately  communicated  to  Spain,  that 
she  might  also,  if  so  inclined,  become  a  party  to  the  convention  ;  nor 
was  it  long  before  a  favorable  answer  was  received  from  that  court. 

All  difficulties  being  surmounted,  and  the  conditions  acceded  to 
on  the  one  part  and  on  the  other,  upon  the  sixth  of  February 
was  concluded  the  treaty  of  amity  between  his  most  Christian 
majesty  and  the  United  States  of  America.  It  was  signed  on  he- 
half  of  the  king  by  M.  Gerard,  and  for  the  United  States  by  Ben- 
jamin Franklin,  Silas  Deane,  and  Arthur  Lee.  By  this  treaty,  in 
which  the  king  of  France  considered  the  United  States  of  America 
as  an  independent  nation,  were  regulated  between  the  contracting 
parties,  various  maritime  and  commercial  interests  concerning  the 
duties  which  merchant  vessels  were  to  pay  in  the  ports  of  the  friendly 
state  ;  it  guaranteed  the  reciprocal  protection  of  vessels  in  time  of 
war ;  the  right  of  fishery,  and  especially  that  which  the  French  car- 
ried on  upon  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  by  virtue  of  the  treaties  of 
Utrecht  and  of  Paris  ;  it  exempted  from  the  right  of  Aubaine^  as 
well  the  French  in  America,  as  the  Americans  in  France  ;  it  pro- 
vided for  the  exercise  of  commerce,  and  the  admission  of  privateers 
with  one  of  the  contracting  parties,  in  case  the  other  should  be  at  war 
with  a  third  power.  To  this  effect,  in  order  to  preclude  all  occasion 
of  dissention,  it  was  determined  by  an  express  clause,  what  articles, 
in  time  of  war,  should  be  deemed  contraband,  and  what  should 
be  considered  free,  and  consequently  might  be  freely  transposed, 
and  introduced  by  the  subjects  of  the  two  powers  into  enemy 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  105 

ports ;    those  excepted,    however,    which    should   be   found   at  the 
time,  besieged,   blockaded   or  invested.     It    was  also  agreed,  that 
the  ships  and  vessels  of  the  contracting  parties  should  not  be  subject 
to  any  visit ;  it  being  intended   that   all  visit  or  search   should  take 
place  prior   to   the  clearance  of  the  shipping,  and   that  contraband 
articles  should  be  seized  in  port,  and  not  upon   the  voyage,  except, 
however,  the  cases,  where  there  should  exist  indications  or  proofs  ot 
fraud.     It  was  stipulated,  besides,  that  in  order  to  facilitate  the  com- 
merce of  the  United  States  with  France,  his   most  Christian  majesty 
should  grant  them,  as  well  in   Europe  as  in  the  islands  of  America 
subject  to  his  dominion,  several  free  ports.     Finally,  the  king  pledged 
himself  to  employ  his  good  offices   and   mediation  with  the  emperor 
of  Morocco,  and  with  the  regencies  of  Algiers,  Tripoli,  Tunis,  and 
other  powers  of  the  coast  of  Barbary,  in  order  that  provision  should 
be  made  in  the  best  possible  mode  for  the  accommodation  and  secu- 
rity of  the  citizens,  ships,  and  merchandise,  '  of  the  United  States  of 
America.'     It  is  to  be  observed,  that  this  treaty,  besides   the  recog- 
nition made  in  it  of  American  independence,  was  completely  subver- 
sive of  the  principles  which  the   British  government   had    uniformly 
attempted  to  establish  as  well  with  respect  to  the  commerce  of  neu- 
trals, in  time  of  war,  as  with  regard  to  the  blockade  of  the  ports  of 
an  enemy  state  by  the  British  squadrons.     Consequently,  it  was  easy 
to  foresee   that,  although  France  had  not   contracted  to  furnish   suc- 
cours  of  any  sort  to  the  United   States.  Great  Britain,  nevertheless, 
on  being   so  wounded  to  the   quick   in  her  pride,  and   in  her  most 
essential  interests,  would  manifest  a  keen  resentment,  and  would  pro- 
bably declare  war  against  France.     Hence  it  was,  that  the  contract- 
ing  parties  concluded   the   same  day   another,    eventual,    treaty    of 
alliance,  offensive  and  defensive,  which  was  to  take  its  effect  so  soon 
as  war  should  break  out  between   France   and   England.     The  two 
parties  engaged  to   assist  each  other  with  good  offices,  with  counsel, 
and  with  arms.     It  was  stipulated,  a  thing  until  then  unheard  of,  on 
the  part  of  a  king,  that  the  essential  and  express  object  of  the  alliance, 
was  to  maintain  effectually  the  liberty,  sovereignty,  and  independence 
of  the  United  States.     It  was  also  covenanted,  that  if  the  remaining 
provinces  of  Great  Britain  upon  the  American  continent,  or  the  Ber- 
muda islands,  came  to   be  conquered,  they  should  become  confede- 
rates or  dependants  of  the  United   States  ;  but  if  any  of  the  islands 
were  taken  situated  within,  or  at  the  entrance  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico, 
these  should  belong  to  the  crown   of  France.     It   was  agreed,  that 
neither  of  the  two  parties  could  conclude  truce  or  peace  with  Great 
Britain  without  the  consent  of  the  other.     They  reciprocally  obli- 
gated themselves  not  to  lay  down  arms,  until  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  should  be   either  formally  or   tacitly  acknowledged  in 
the   treaties  which  should  terminate  the  war.     They  guaranteed  to 
each  other,  that  is  the  United  States  to  the  king  of  France,  his  pre- 


106  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IX. 

sent  possessions  in  America,  as  well  as  those  he  might  obtain  by  the 
treaty  of  peace  ;  and  the  king  of  France,  to  the  United  States,  liber- 
ty, sovereignty  and  independence,  absolute  and  unlimited,  as  well  in 
point  of  government  as  of  commerce,  and  likewise  those  possessions, 
additions  and  conquests  which  the  confederation  might  acquire  in  the 
domains  of  Great  Britain  in  North  America.  A  separate  and  secret 
article  reserved  to  the  king  of  Spain  the  faculty  of  becoming  a  party 
to  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  as  well  as  to  that  of  alliance, 
at  such  time  as  he  should  think  proper. 

Thus  France,  ever  bearing  in  mind  the  wounds  received  in  the 
war  of  Canada,  and  always  jealous  of  the  power  of  England,  at  first 
by  wily  intrigues  and  distant  suggestions,  then  by  clandestine  suc- 
cours, and  if  convenient  disavowed,  had  encouraged  the  English  colo- 
nies in  their  resistance  ;  at  length,  openly  taking  them  by  the  hand, 
she  saluted  them  independent.  The  French  government  displayed 
a  profound  policy,  and  singular  dexterity  in  the  execution  of  this 
plan  ;  it  may  even  be  affirmed,  that  in  no  other  affair,  however  im- 
portant, and  in  no  other  time,  has  it  ever  exhibited  so  much  sagacity 
and  stability.  Its  operations  were  covert,  while  it  was  perilous  to 
corne  out,  and  it  threw  off  the  mask  so  soon  as  the  successes  of  the 
colonists  permitted  them  to  be  looked  upon  as  safe  allies.  It  took 
the  field  when  its  armies  and  especially  its  fleets  were  in  perfect  pre- 
paration, when  all  its  subjects  were  favorably  disposed,  when  every 
thing,  in  a  word,  promised  victory.  It  would  be  difficult  to  paint  the 
transports  of  exultation  which  burst  forth  in  France  on  the  publica- 
tion of  the  new  treaties.  The  merchants  enjoyed  in  advance  those 
riches  which  until  then  had  been  confined  to  the  ports  of  England  ; 
the  landholders  imagined  that  their  taxes  would  be  diminished  in 
proportion  to  the  increased  prosperity  of  commerce  ;  the  soldiers, 
and  especially  the  seamen,  hoped  to  avenge  their  affronts,  and  re- 
cover their  ancient  glory  ;  the  generous  spirits  exulted  that  France 
declared  herself,  as  she  should  be,  the  protectress  of  the  oppressed  ; 
the  friends  of  liberal  principles  applauded  her  for  having  undertaken 
the  defence  of  liberty.  All  united  in  blessing  the  long  wished  for 
occasion  of  repressing  the  detestable  pride  of  a  rival  nation.  All 
were  persuaded  that  the  losses  sustained  in  the  preceding  reign  were 
about  to  be  repaired  ;  it  was  every  where  exclaimed,  that  the  de- 
stinies promised  to  the  crown  of  France  were  about  to  be  accom- 
plished. '  Such,'  it  was  said,  '  are  the  happy  auspices  which  usher 
in  the  reign  of  a  clement  and  beloved  prince ;  too  long  have  we  suf- 
fered ;  let  us  hail  the  dawn  of  a  more  fortunate  future.'  Nor  was 
it  only  in  France  that  this  enthusiasm  of  joy  was  witnessed  ;  the  same 
disposition  of  minds  prevailed  in  almost  all  the  states  of  Europe. 
The  Europeans  lauded,  and  exalted  to  the  skies,  the  generosity 
and  the  magnanimity  of  Lewis  XVI.  Such,  at  that  time  was  the 
general  abhorrence  excited  by  the  conduct  of  the  British  govern- 
ment; or  such  was  the  affection  borne  to  the  American  cause. 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  107 

Shortly  after  the  subscription  of  the  treaties,  and  long  before  they 
were  made  public,  the  British  ministry  had  knowledge  of  them. 
It  is  asserted  that  some  of  its  members,  wishing  to  embrace  this 
occasion  for  the  reestablishment  of  concord  between  the  two  parties, 
proposed  in  the  secret  councils  to  acknowledge  immediately  the 
independence  of  the  colonies,  and  to  negotiate  with  them  a  treaty  of 
commerce  and  alliance.  But  the  king,  either  guided  by  his  natural 
obstinacy,  or  docile  as  heretofore  to  the  instigations  of  lord  Bute,  re- 
fused his  consent  to  this  measure.  It  was  therefore  resolved  to  pro- 
ceed by  middle  ways,  which,  if  they  are  the  least  painful,  lead  also 
the  most  rarely  to  success.  They  consisted,  on  this  occasion,  not  in 
acknowledging  independence,  which,  at  this  time,  it  was  easier  to 
deny  than  to  prevent,  but  in  renouncing  the  right  of  taxation,  in  re- 
voking the  laws  complained  of,  in  granting  pardons,  in  acknowledging 
for  a  certain  time  the  American  authorities;  and,  finally,  in  negotiat- 
ing with  them.  This  plan  of  conduct,  which  was  not  less,  and  per- 
haps more,  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  the  crown  than  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  independence,  offered,  besides,  less  real  advantage  to 
England  ;  it  was  accordingly  blamed  by  all  prudent  and  intelligent 
politicians.  None  could  avoid  seeing,  that  if  it  was  questionable, 
whether  these  measures  would  have  operated  the  desired  effect  be- 
fore the  declaration  of  independence  and  the  alliance  with  France, 
it  was  indubitable  that  afterwards  they  must  prove  absolutely  fruitless. 
That  proclivity  which  men  have  by  nature  towards  independence, 
was  likely  to  prevail  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans  over  the  proposal 
of  resuming  their  former  yoke,  whatever  were  the  advantages  that 
could  have  resulted  from  it.  Another  consideration  must  have  acted 
upon  them,  and  particularly  upon  their  chiefs  ;  they  were  not  igno- 
rant, that  in  state  matters  it  is  little  prudent  to  confide  in  the  pardon 
of  princes  ;  neither  had  they  forgotten  that  these  very  ministers,  who 
made  them  such  bland  proposals,  were  the  same  men  who  had  at- 
tempted to  starve  America,  had  filled  it  with  ferocious  soldiers,  with 
devastation  and  with  blood.  Besides,  if  the  Americans  should  have 
broken  the  faith  which  they  had  just  pledged  to  France,  they  would 
have  declared  themselves  guilty  of  a  scandalous  perfidy ;  abandoned 
by  their  new  allies,  could  they  have  hoped  after  such  treachery,  to 
find  in  their  utmost  distress,  a  single  power  on  earth  that  would  deign 
to  succour  them  f  They  would  have  found  themselves  exposed 
without  shield  or  defence,  to  the  fury  and  vengeance  of  Great  Bri- 
tain. 

But,  perhaps,  the  British  ministers  believed,  that  if  the  measures 
proposed  were  not  to  bring  about  an  arrangement,  they  might,  at 
least,  divide  opinions,  give  birth  to  powerful  parties,  and  thus,  by  in- 
testine dissentions,  facilitate  the  triumph  of  England.  Perhaps,  also, 
and  probably  they  persuaded  themselves,  that  if  the  Americans  re- 
jected the  propositions  for  an  adjustment,  they  would  at  least  have  a 


108  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

colorable  pretence  for  continuing  the  war.  But  whether  the  proce- 
dure of  the  ministers  at  this  juncture  was  free  or  forced,  lord  North,  in 
the  sitting  of  the  House  of  Commons,  of  the  nineteenth  of  February, 
made  a  very  grave  speech  upon  the  present  state  of  affairs.  He 
remarked,  that  sir  William  Howe  had  not  only  been  in  the  late  ac- 
tions, and  in  the  whole  course  of  the  campaign,  in  goodness  of  troops, 
and  in  all  manner  of  supplies,  but  in  numbers,  too,  much  superior  to 
the  enemy  ;  that  Burgoyne  had  been  in  numbers,  until  the  affair  at 
Bennington,  near  twice  as  strong  as  the  army  opposed  to  him  ;  that 
sixty  thousand  men  and  upwards,  had  been  sent  to  America,  a  force 
which  even  exceeded  the  demands  of  the  generals  ;  but  fortune  had 
shown  herself  so  unpropitious,  that  it  had  been  impossible  to  reap 
those  advantages  which  were  reasonably  to  have  been  expected  from 
it.  He  concluded  with  saying,  that  although  Great  Britain  was  most 
able  to  continue  the  war,  not  only  from  the  abundance  of  men,  and 
the  strength  of  the  navy,  but  from  the  flourishing  condition  of  the 
finances,  which  might  be  still  increased  by  a  loan  at  low  interest,  yet 
out  of  that  desire  which  every  good  government  ought  to  have,  to 
put  an  end  to  war,  the  ministry  had  determined  to  submit  to  the  de- 
liberations of  the  House  certain  conciliatory  propositions,  from  which 
lie  expected  the  most  happy  results.  The  general  attention  was 
evinced  by  a  profound  silence;  no  mark  of  approbation  was  manifested 
by  any  party.  Astonishment,  dejection  and  fear  overclouded  the 
whole  assembly;  so  different  was  the  present  language  of  the  minis- 
ters from  what  they  had  ever  used  before  ;  it  was  concluded  they 
had  been  forced  to  it  by  some  serious  cause.  Fox  took  this  oppor- 
tunity to  exclaim,  that  the  treaty  of  alliance  between  France  and  the 
United  States  was  already  signed  ;  the  agitation  and  tumult  became 
extreme.  Lord  North  moved  the  resolution,  that  the  parliament  could 
not  in  future  impose  any  tax  or  duty  in  the  colonies  of  North  Ameri- 
ca, except  such  only  as  should  be  deemed  beneficial  to  commerce, 
and  the  product  even  of  those  to  be  collected  under  the  authority  of 
the  respective  colonies,  and  to  be  employed  for  their  use  and  advan- 
tage. He  proposed,  besides,  that  five  commissioners  should  be 
appointed,  empowered  to  adjust  with  any  assembly  or  individual 
whatsoever,  the  differences  existing  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
colonies,  it  being  understood,  however,  that  the  compacts  were  not 
to  take  effect  till  ratified  by  the  parliament. 

The  commissioners  were,  also,  to  be  authorised  to  proclaim  armis- 
tices wherever  they  should  think  proper,  to  suspend  prohibitory  laws, 
and  generally  all  laws  promulgated  since  the  tenth  of  February  ;  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-three  ;  and  to  pardon  whoever, 
and  as  many  as  they  pleased.  Finally,  they  were  to  have  authority 
to  appoint  governors  and  commanders-in-chief  in  the  reconciled  pro- 
vinces. 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  109 

Thus  the  British  ministers,  now  urged  by  necessity,  all  at  once 
conceded  what  they  had  refused  during  fifteen  years,  and  what  they 
had  been  contending  for  in  a  sanguinary  and  cruel  war,,  already  of 
three  years  standing.  Whether  it  was  the  fault  of  fortune,  or  their 
own,  they  appeared  in  this  conjuncture  as  in  all  others,  inflexible 
when  they  should  have  yielded,  and  pliant  when  too  late.  Incapable 
of  controlling  events,  they  were  dragged  along  by  them.  The  bills 
proposed  passed  almost  without  opposition  in  parliament ;  but  with- 
out, they  excited  universal  discontent.  '  Such  concessions/  it  was 
vociferated,  'are  too  unworthy  of  the  British  name  and  power  ;  they 
would  only  be  admissible  in  an  extremity,  such  as,  heaven  be  thank- 
ed, England  is  still  far  from  being  reduced  to  ;  they  are  calculated 
to  sow  discouragement  amongst  us,  to  enervate  our  armies,  to  em- 
bolden our  enemies,  and  to  detach  our  allies.  Since  the  right  of 
taxation  is  renounced,  which  was  the-  first  motive  and  cause  of  the 
war,  why  not  go  farther,  and  acknowledge  independency  ?'  In  a 
word,  the  ministers  were  charged  with  having  done  too  much,  or  too 
little  ;  the  common  fate  of  those,  who,  from  timidity  betake  them- 
selves to  half  measures ;  whose  prudence  and  vigor  prove  equally 
vain.  Nor  were  the  ministers  only  exposed  to  the  animadversions 
of  the  opposite  party  ;  the  most  moderate  citizens  expressed  a  no 
less  decided  disapprobation.  Nevertheless,  the  king  appointed  not 
long  after,  for  commissioners,  the  earl  of  Carlisle,  lord  Howe,  Wil- 
liam Eden,  George  Johnstone,  and  the  comrnander-in-chief  of  the 
English  army  in  America  ;  individuals  highly  distinguished,  either  by 
their  rank,  or  by  the  celebrity  of  their  achievements,  or  by  their  in- 
telligence and  experience  in  American  affairs  ;  the  earl  of  Carlisle, 
Eden  and  Johnstone,  sailed  from  St.  Helen's  the  twenty-first  of 
April,  on  board  the  ship  Trident. 

In  the  midst  of  this  complication  of  novel  events,  and  of  novel 
measures,  and  while  the  entire  British  nation  was  anxiously  looking 
towards  the  future,  the  marquis  de  Noailles,  ambassador  of  his  most 
Christian  majesty,  at  the  court  of  England,  in  pursuance  of  instruc- 
tions from  his  sovereign,  delivered  on  the  thirteenth  of  March  to 
lord  Weymouth,  secretary  of  state  for  foreign  affairs,  the  following 
declaration  ; 

4  The  United  States  of  America,  which  are  in  full  possession  of  the 
independence  declared  by  their  act  of  the  fourth  of  July,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  seventy-six,  having  made  a  proposal  to  the 
king,  to  consolidate,  by  a  formal  convention,  the  connections  that 
have  begun  to  be  established  between  the  two  nations,  the  respective 
plenipotentiaries  have  signed  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  intend- 
ed to  serve  as  a  basis  for  mutual  good  correspondence. 

1  His  majesty,  being  resolved  to  cultivate  the  good  understanding 
subsisting  between  France  and  Great  Britain,  by  all  the  means  com- 
patible with  his  dignity,  and  with  the  good  of  his  subjects,  thinks  that 

VOL.    II.  15 


110  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

he  ought  to  impart  this  step  to  the  court  of  London,  and  declare  to 
it,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  contracting  parties  have  had  attention 
not  to  stipulate  any  exclusive  advantage  in  favor  of  the  French  nation, 
and  that  the  United  States  have  preserved  the  liberty  of  treating 
with  all  nations  whatsoever  on  the  same  foot  of  equality  and  recipro- 
city. 

'  In  making  this  communication  to  the  court  of  London,  the  king 
is  firmly  persuaded,  that  it  will  find  in  it  fresh  proofs  of  his  majesty's 
constant  and  sincere  dispositions  for  peace  ;  and  that  his  Britannic 
majesty,  animated  by  the  same  sentiments,  will  equally  avoid  every 
thing  that  may  interrupt  good  harmony  ;  and  that  he  will  take,  in  par- 
ticular, effectual  measures  to  hinder  the  commerce  of  his  majesty's 
subjects  with  the  United  States  of  America  from  being  disturbed,  and 
cause  to  be  observed,  in  this  respect,  the  usages  received  between 
trading  nations  and  the  rules  that  may  be  considered  as  subsisting 
between  the  crowns  of  France  and  Great  Britain. 

'In  this  just  confidence,  the  underwritten  ambassador  might  think 
it  superfluous  to  apprise  the  British  ministry,  that  the  king  his  mas- 
ter, being  determined  effectually  to  protect  the  lawful  freedom  of  the 
commerce  of  his  subjects,  and  to  sustain  the  honor  of  his  flag,  his 
majesty  has  taken  in  consequence  eventual  measures,  in  concert  with 
the  United  States  of  North  America.' 

This  declaration,  so  full  of  matter  in  itself,  and  presented  with  very 
little  ceremony  by  the  French  ambassador,  stung  British  pride  to  the 
quick.  If  it  was  one  of  those  shrewd  turns  which  are  not  unusual 
among  princes  in  their  reciprocal  intercourse,  it  was  also  one  of  those 
which  they  are  not  accustomed  to  forgive.  France  had  foreseen  its 
consequences,  and  far  from  dreading  them,  they  were  the  very  ob- 
ject of  her  wishes  and  hopes.  Lord  North  communicated,  the  seven- 
teenth of  March,  the  note  of  the  French  minister  to  the  House  of 
Commons,  with  a  message  from  the  king,  purporting  that  his  majesty 
had  thought  proper  in  consequence  of  this  offensive  declaration  on 
the  part  of  the  government  of  France,  to  recall  his  ambassador  from 
that  court ;  that  he  had  been  sincerely  desirous  to  preserve  the  tran- 
quillity of  Europe ;  and  that  he  trusted  he  should  not  stand  respon- 
sible for  its  interruption,  if  he  resented  so  unprovoked,  and  so  unjust 
an  aggression  on  the  honor  of  his  crown,  and  the  essential  interests  of 
his  kingdoms,  contrary  to  the  most  solemn  assurances,  subversive  of 
the  law  of  nations,  and  injurious  to  the  rights  of  every  sovereign 
power  in  Europe.  He  concluded  with  saying,  that  relying  with  the 
firmest  confidence  on  the  zeal  of  his  people,  he  hoped  to  be  in  a 
condition  to  repel  every  insult  and  attack,  and  to  maintain  and  uphold 
the  power  and  reputation  of  his  crown. 

This  resolution  surprised  no  one;  it  was  already  the  subject  of 
conversation  in  all  companies.  Lord  North  moved  the  usual  address 
of  thanks  to  the  king,  with  assurance  of  the  support  of  parliament. 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  Ill 

A  member  named  Baker,  proposed  that  the  king  should  be  entreated 
to  remove  from  his  counsels  those  persons  in  whom  his  people  could 
no  longer  repose  any  sort  of  confidence.  This  amendment  was  sup- 
ported with  great  spirit.  It  was  then  that  governor  Pownall,  a  man 
of  weight,  and  particularly  conversant  in  American  affairs,  rose  and 
spoke  in  much  the  following  terms ; 

'  I  do  not  deem  it  consistent  with  the  business  of  this  solemn  day, 
which  is  about  to  decide  upon  the  immediate  reestablishment,  or 
irreparable  ruin  of  our  country,  to  go  into  the  inquiry  whether  the 
present  ministers  are  longer  to  be  trusted  with  the  conduct  of  the 
battered  ship  of  the  state,  in  the  midst  of  tempests,  or  whether  we 
are  to  commit  the  helm  to  other  hands.  Considerations  of  far  higher 
importance,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  demand  all  your  attention.  For 
whatever  these  ministers  may  be,  against  whom  I  hear  such  bitter 
murmurs,  if  we  have  the  wisdom  to  take  this  day  a  suitable  resolu- 
tion, I  have  not  the  least  doubt  that  even  they  will  be  capable  of 
executing  it  with  success.  If,  on  the  contrary,  persisting  in  the  mea- 
sures which  have  brought  us  into  this  critical  position,  we  add  a  new 
blunder  to  all  our  past  errors,  neither  these  nor  any  other  ministers 
can  save  us  from  perdition. 

'Besides,  those  who  are  desirous  of  investigating  the  causes  of  our 
disasters,  and  who  impute  them  to  the  present  servants  of  die  crown, 
will  have  an  early  opportunity  for  sifting  that  subject  to  their  wish,  in 
Mhe  regular  examination  of  their  conduct,  which  is  to  occupy  this 
House  in  a  few  days.  But  what  is  the  business  before  us,  and  what 
is  the  subject  of  our  immediate  deliberations?  Faithless  and  haughty 
France  rises  against  us ;  she  threatens  us  with  war,  if  we  presume  to 
resent,  nay,  if  we  do  not  accept  the  insulting  conditions  she  dictates. 
Where  is  the  citizen  who  loves  his  country,  where  is  the  Briton  who 
is  not  fired  with  indignation,  who  is  not  impatient  to  avenge  the  out- 
rages of  this  implacable  rival  ?  I  also  have  British  blood  in  my  veins; 
I  feel  it  in  the  transports  which  animate  me,  I  approve  high  and  mag- 
nanimous resolutions.  But  what  I  condemn,  and  so  long  as  I  have  life 
will  always  condemn,  is  the  impolicy  of  hurrying  to  encounter  two 
wars  instead  of  one,  and  of  choosing  rather  to  add  a  new  enemy  to 
the  old,  than  to  be  reconciled  with  the  latter,  in  order  to  operate  in 
concert  against  the  former.  To  vanquish  France  and  America  to- 
gether, is  an  enterprise  to  be  reckoned  among  impossible  events  ;  to 
triumph  over  the  first  after  having  disarmed  the  second,  is  not  only 
possible,  but  easy.  But  in  order  to  attain  this  object,  it  is  necessary 
to  acknowledge,  what  we  can  no  longer  prevent,  I  mean  American 
independence.  And  what  are  the  obstacles  which  oppose  so  salu- 
tary a  resolution  ?  or  by  what  reasons  can  it  be  combated  ?  Perhaps 
the  desire  of  glory,  or  the  honor  of  the  crown?  But  honor  resides 
in  victory  ;  shame  in  defeat ;  and  in  affairs  of  state,  the  useful  is 
always  honorable. 


112  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

'  We  should  consider  also,  that  in  acknowledging  the  independence 
of  the  United  States,  we  acknowledge  not  only  what  is,  but  also  what 
we  have  already  recognised,  if  not  in  form,  at  least  in  fact.  In  those 
very  acts  of  conciliation  which  we  have  so  lately  passed,  we  acknow- 
ledge, if  we  would  speak  ingenuously,  that  we  have  renounced  all 
sort  of  supremacy.  If  our  intention  is  to  maintain  it,  we  have  already 
gone  too  far  ;  but  if  our  desire  of  peace  be  sincere,  we  have  not  gone 
far  enough  ;  and  every  step  we  shall  take  to  put  the  Americans  back 
from  independency,  will  convince  them  the  more  of  the  necessity  of 
going  forward.  Inveterate  inclinations  are  not  so  easily  changed,  and 
resolutions  taken  after  long  and  mature  deliberations,  are  riot  so  lightly 
diverted. 

'  If  we  look  well  into  the  great  acts  of  their  proceedings,  we  shall 
soon  be  satisfied  that  they  were  not  suddenly  taken  up  as  an  ebulli- 
tion of  enthusiasm,  or  in  the  bitterness  of  passion  or  revenge,  but 
rather  as  coming  on  of  course,  by  a  train  of  events,  linked  together 
by  a  system  of  policy.  Their  march  was  slow,  but  in  measured 
steps  ;  feeling  their  ground  before  they  set  their  foot  on  it ;  yet  when 
once  set,  there  fixed  forever.  They  made  their  declaration  of  rights 
in  1774,  itself  but  little  compatible  with  British  supremacy.  They 
afterwards  confirmed  it  by  a  manifesto,  in  which  they  proclaimed 
their  reasons  for  taking  up  arms  ;  and  finally  they  declared  their 
independence,  which  is  but  the  pinnacle  and  accomplishment  of  that 
work  which  they  had  long  since  commenced,  which  they  were  assist- 
ed in  perfecting  by  the  very  nature  of  things,  and  which  they  have 
so  valiantly  defended  in  three  successive  campaigns. 

'  If  these  people,  when  they  viewed  their  cause  abandoned,  as  to 
all  assistance  which  they  looked  to  in  Europe  ;  when  sinking,  as  to 
all  appearance  of  what  the  utmost  exertions  of  their  own  resources 
had  done;  when  clouded  with  despair;  would  not  give  up  the  ground 
of  independence,  on  which  they  were  determined  to  stand  ;  what 
hopes  can  there  be,  and  from  what  quarter,  that  they  will  now,  when 
every  event  of  fate  and  fortune  is  reversed  to  us,  and  turned  in  their 
favor  ;  when  they  feel  their  own  power  able  to  resist,  to  counteract, 
and  in  one  deplorable  instance,  superior  to,  and  victorious  over  ours; 
when  they  see  their  cause  taken  up  in  Europe  ;  when  they  find  the 
nations  amongst  which  they  have  taken  their  equal  station,  acknow- 
ledging their  independency,  and  concluding  treaties  with  them  as  such; 
when  France  has  actually  and  avowedly  done  it ;  when  it  is  known 
that  Spain  must  follow,  and  that  Holland  will ;  what  hopes  can  there 
be,  and  from  what  quarter,  that  they  will,  all  at  once,  pull  down  their 
own  new  governments,  to  receive  our  provincial  ones  ?  That  they  will 
dissolve  their  confederation  ?  That  they  will  disavow  all  their  rea- 
sons for  taking  up  arms  ;  and  give  up  all  those  rights  which  they 
have  declared,  claimed  and  insisted  upon,  in  order  to  receive  such 
others  at  our  hands,  as  supremacy  on  one  hand  will,  and  dependency 


«OOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  113 

on  the  other  can  admit  them  to  ?  And  how  can  we  hope  to  conquer, 
when  surrounded  by  his  allies,  the  enemy,  who  single  has  repulsed 
your  attacks  ?  France  abounds  in  hardy  and  gallant  warriors,  she 
will  inundate  with  them  the  plains  of  America ;  and  then,  whether 
we  shall  be  able,  I  say  not  to  conquer,  but  to  resist,  let  each  be  his 
own  judge. 

1  We  are  in  sight  of  the  coasts  of  France,  we  see  them  lined  with 
formidable  maritime  preparations,  and  though  we  may  not  fear,  we 
ought  at  least  to  guard  against,  an  attack  upon  this  very  territory, 
where  we  are  meditating  the  destruction  of  America,  who  combats 
us,  and  of  France  who  seconds  her.  It  follows  that  those  soldiers 
who  might  have  been  sent  to  America,  must  remain  in  Great  Britain 
to  defend  our  hallowed  laws,  our  sacred  altars,  our  country  itself 
against  the  fury  of  the  French.  Already  the  numerous  fleet  of 
Brest  is  perfectly  prepared  to  put  to  sea ;  already  the  coasts  of 
Normandy,  swarm  with  troops  that  seem  to  menace  a  descent  upon 
our  natal  land.  And  what  are  we  doing  in  the  meantime?  We 
are  here  deliberating  whether  it  is  better  to  have  divers  enemies, 
than  one  only  ;  whether  it  is  more  expedient  to  encounter  at  once 
America  and  Europe  in  league  for  our  destruction,  than  to  make 
head  against  Europe  with  the  arms  of  America  to  back  us!  But 
am  I  alone  in  maintaining  that  the  safety  of  England  is  attached  to 
the  measure  I  propose  ?  All  prudent  men  profess  the  same  opinion  ; 
the  unanimous  voice  of  the  people  repeats  it;  the  pompous  but  vain 
declamations  of  the  ministers  they  have  learned  to  interpret  as  the 
denunciations  of  irreparable  calamities  to  the  country.  Of  this  the 
too  certain  proof  is  found,  in  the  fall  of  the  public  funds  ;  which 
took  place  the  moment  there  was  any  mention  of  this  new  ministerial 
frenzy,  of  this  obstinacy  more  Scotch  than  English.  Tell  us  then, 
ministers,  sometimes  so  weakly  credulous,  at  all  times  so  obstinate  in 
your  resolutions,  if  you  have  easily  effected  the  late  loan,  and  what 
is  the  rate  of  interest  you  have  paid  ?  But  you  are  silent.  Will 
not  this  then  suffice  to  convince  you  of  the  perversity  of  your 
measures  ? 

'  I  know  there  are  some  who  are  careful  to  give  out  that  the  ac- 
knowledgment of  independence,  besides  being  a  measure  little  to  our 
honor,  would  offer  no  certain  advantage,  since  we  have  no  assurance 
that  it  would  satisfy  the  Americans.  But  how  can  we  believe  that 
the  Americans  will  prefer  the  alliance  of  France  to  ours  ?  Are  not 
these  the  same  French  who  formerly  attempted  to  subjugate  them  ? 
Are  not  these  the  same  French  whose  wishes  would  have  led  them 
to  extinguish  the  name  and  language  of  the  English?  How  can  it  be 
supposed  that  the  Americans  have  not  yet  reflected  that  England, 
their  bulwark,  once  prostrated,  they  will  be  abandoned,  without 
defence,  to  the  power  of  France,  who  will  dispose  of  them  as  she 
sees  fit  ?  How  should  they  not  perceive  this  artifice  of  the  French. 


114  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX, 

not  new,  but  now  prepared  and  rendered  more  dangerous  by  our 
own  imprudence,  which  consists  in  laboring  to  dissolve  our  union  in 
order  to  crush  us  separately  ?  The  Americans  will  undoubtedly  prefer 
the  friendship  and  alliance  of  France  to  dependency  ;  but  believe 
me,  when  I  assure  you,  that  they  will  like  infinitely  better  the  alliance 
of  Great  Britain,  conjointly  with  independence.  Besides,  it  is  a 
secret  to  nobody  that  the  Americans  are  incensed  against  France  for 
having  in  this  very  negotiation  profited  of  their  distress,  to  try  to 
drive  a  hard  and  inequitable  bargain  with  them  ;  thus  setting  a  price 
upon  their  independence.  Let  us  avail  ourselves,  if  we  are  wise,  of 
the  effects  of  French  avarice,  and  we  may  thus  make  friends  of  those 
whom  we  can  no  longer  have  for  subjects.  Independent  of  the  rea- 
sons I  have  urged,  the  interest  of  reciprocal  commerce  alone,  if  every 
other  part  of  the  ground  be  taken  equal,  would  determine  the 
Americans  to  prefer  our  friendship  to  that  of  France.  But  why 
should  I  multiply  arguments  to  convince  you  of  that,  which  I  can  in 
an  instant  demonstrate  beyond  all  doubt  ?  I  have  seen,  and  read  with 
my  own  eyes,  a  letter  written  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  a  man,  as  you 
all  know,  of  irrefragable  authority  with  his  countrymen.  In  this 
letter,  transmitted  to  London  since  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  of 
alliance  between  France  and  America,  he  affirms  that  if  Great  Britain 
would  renounce  her  supremacy,  and  treat  with  the  Americans  as  an 
independent  nation,  peace  might  be  reestablished  immediately. 
These  are  not  the  news  and  silly  reports, with  which  our  good  minis- 
ters allow  themselves  to  be  amused  by  refugees.  But  if  we  may 
count  upon  the  friendship  and  alliance  of  independent  America,  it  is 
equally  clear,  that  instead  of  being  weakened  by  the  separation,  we 
should  become  but  the  more  capable  of  attack,  and  the  more  vigor- 
ous for  defence.  For  a  part  of  these  troops,  which  are  now  employed 
to  no  effect  in  our  colonies,  might  then  be  taken  with  advantage  to  form 
such  garrisons  in  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  as  would  put  those  pro- 
vinces out  of  all  insult  and  danger.  The  rest  of  the  forces  there  might 
be  employed  to  protect  our  islands,  and  to  attack  those  of  France, 
which,  thus  taken  by  surprise,  would  inevitably  fall  into  our  hands. 
As  to  the  fleet,  we  could  so  dispose  it  as  to  cover  and  defend  at  once 
all  our  possessions  and  our  commerce  in  the  two  hemispheres.  Thus 
delivered  from  all  disquietude  on  the  part  of  America,  we  should  be 
enabled  to  bend  all  our  thoughts  and  all  our  forces  against  France  ; 
and  make  her  pay  the  forfeit  of  her  insolence  and  audacity. 

'  On  these  considerations,  I  think  that  abandoning  half  measures, 
we  should  extend  the  powers  of  the  commissioners  to  the  enabling 
them  to  treat,  consult,  and  finally  to  agree  and  acknowledge  the 
Americans  as  independent ;  on  condition,  and  in  the  moment,  that 
they  will,  as  such,  form  a  federal  treaty,  offensive  and  defensive  and 
commercial  with  us.  If  I  am  not  greatly  mistaken  we  should  reap 
more  advantage  from  this  single  resolution,  than  from  several  victories, 
in  a  war  become  hopeless. 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  115 

'  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  we  persist  in  our  infatuation,  we  shall 
learn  to  our  irreparable  prejudice,  how  costly  it  is  to  trust  more  to 
appearances  than  reality,  and  how  dangerous  to  listen  to  the  perni- 
cious counsels  of  fury  and  pride.  Be  assured,  if  the  commis- 
sioners are  not  empowered  to  acknowledge  independence,  they  had 
better  never  go ;  their  going  will  be  a  mockery,  and  end  in  disgrace.' 

These  considerations,  weighty  in  themselves,  and  the  emphatic 
manner  of  the  orator,  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  minds  of  his 
auditors ;  it  was  perceived  that  several  members  of  the  ministerial 
party  began  to  waver.  But  the  minister  of  war,  Jenkinson,  a  person- 
age of  no  little  authority,  immediately  answered  by  the  following 
•speech  ; 

*  Nations,  no  less  than  individuals,  ought  to  pursue  that  which  is 
just  and  honest;  and  if  this~be  their  duty,  it  is  equally  also  their 
interest,  since  it  generally  conducts  them  to  glory  and  to  greatness. 
On  the  other  hand,  what  can  be  more  fatal  to  the  felicity  of  states, 
than  the  uncertainty  and  instability  of  counsels  ? 

I  Resolutions  always  fluctuating,  betray  in  those  who  goverri,  either 
weakness  of  mind,  or  timidity  of  spirit;  and  prevent  them  from  ever 
attaining  the   end   proposed.     This  axiom   admitted,  I  hope  to  have 
little  difficulty  in  persuading  the  House  that  in  the  present   question, 
where  we  see  prejudiced   men  hurried  away  by  vain   chimeras,  it  is 
as  rigorously  required   by  justice   and  our  dignity  as   by  the   most 
essential   interests  of  the  state,  that  we  should  not  depart  from   the 
counsels  we  pursue.      However  fortune  may  turn  her  wheel,  the  war 
we  wage  is  just.     Such   the   wisdom  of  parliament  has  decreed   it ; 
such  the  voice  of  the  people  has  proclaimed  it ;  such  the  very  nature 
of  things  confirms  it.     Why  it  has  not  been  more   successful,  I  will 
not  now  take  upon  rne  to  say.     Whatever  may  have  been  the  causes, 
the  want  of   success,  has  at  last  brought  upon  us   the  insults  and 
meditated   attacks  of  the   French.     Is  there  any  one  here,  who,   in 
such  a  situation,  would  have  Great  Britain  despond,  would  have  her 
stoop  to  unworthy  resolutions,   and   through  fear  of  the  French,   ac- 
knowledge herself  vanquished  by  her  ancient  subjects?  But  what  do 
I  say  ?  There  are   men  who  would   have  us  tremble  for  ourselves ; 
and  who  imagine  they  already  see  the  French  banners  floating  at  the 
gates  of  London.     But  disregarding  the  vain  terrors  of  these,  I  know 
not   whether  to  say  ambitious  or  timorous  men,  I  pledge   myself  to 
demonstrate,   that  the  course  we  have   hitherto  pursued  is  not  only 
that  of  justice  and  honor,  but  that  it  is  capable  of  conducting  us  to 
the  object  of  our  desires. 

I 1  shall  begin   with  asking  these  bosom   friends  of  rebels,  if  they 
are  certain  that  it  is  all  America,  or  only  a  seditious  handful,  whose 
craft  and  audacity  have  raised  them  to  the  head  of  affairs,  who  claim- 
independency  ?  For  my  own  part,  I  confess  that  this  independence 
appears  to  me  rather  a  vision  that  floats  in  certain,  brains,  inflamed 


116  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IX. 

by  the  rage  of  innovation,  on  that  side  of  the  Atlantic  as  well  as  on 
this,  than  any  general  wish  of  the  people.  This  is  what  all  men  of 
sense  declare,  who  have  resided  in  the  midst  of  that  misguided  mul- 
titude ;  this  is  attested  by  the  thousands  of  royalists  who  have 
flocked  to  the  royal  standard  in  New  York,  and  who  have  fought  for 
the  king  in  the  plains  of  Saratoga,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Brandy- 
wine.  This,  finally,  is  proclaimed  by  the  very  prisons,  crowded 
with  inhabitants,  who  have  chosen  rather  to  part  with  their  liberty, 
than  to  renounce  their  allegiance  ;  and  have  preferred  an  imminent 
peril  of  death,  to  a  participation  in  rebellion.  If  their  cooperation 
has  not  proved  of  that  utility,  which  from  their  number  and  force 
was  to  have  been  expected,  this  must  be  imputed  not  to  their 
indifference,  but  rather  to  the  inconsiderate  zeal  which  caused  them 
to  break  out  prematurely.  There  is  every  reason  to  think  that  to 
such  subjects  as  remained  faithful  until  England  set  up  the  pretension 
of  taxation,  many  others  will  join  themselves  now  that  she  has 
renounced  it ;  for  already  all  are  convinced  how  much  better  it  is  to 
live  under  the  mild  sway  of  an  equitable  prince,  than  under  the 
tyranny  of  new  and  ambitious  men.  And  why  should  I  here  omit 
the  ties  of  consanguinity,  the  common  language,  the  mutual  interests, 
the  conformity  of  manners  and  the  recollection  of  ancient  union  ? 
I  appeal  even  to  the  testimony  of  my  adversary,  with  regard  to  the 
avarice,  and  revolting  behavior  of  France,  during  the  negotiation  of 
alliance,  and  ran  it  be  doubtful  that  to  this  new,  insatiable,  arrogant 
and  faithless  friend,  the  Americans  will  prefer  their  old,  tried,  benefi- 
cent and  affectionate  fellow-citizens  ?  Nor  should  I  omit  to  mention 
a  "well  known  fact;  the  finances  of  Congress  are  exhausted  ;  their 
soldiers  are  naked  and  famishing ;  they  can  satisfy  none  of  the  wants 
of  the  state ;  creditors  are  without  remedy  against  their  debtors ; 
hence  arise  scandals  without  end,  private  hatreds,  and  unanimous 
maledictions  against  the  government. 

'  There  is  not  an  individual  among  the  Americans,  but  sees  that  in 
accepting  the  terms  offered  by  Great  Britain,  the  public  credit  will 
be  reestablished,  private  property  secured,  and  abundance  in  all  parts 
of  the  social  body  restored.  They  will  concur  with  the  more  ardor, 
in  establishing  this-  prosperity,  when  they  shall  see  powerful  England 
resolved  on  continuing  the  war  with  redoubled  energy.  Certainly 
they  will  not  believe  that  any  succours  they  can  receive  from  haughty 
France  will  compel  us  very  speedily  to  accept  of  ignominious  con- 
ditions. Yes,  methinks  I  already  see,  or  I  am  strangely  mistaken, 
the  people  of  America  flocking  to  the  royal  standard  ;  every  thing 
invites  them  to  it;  fidelity  towards  the  sovereign,  the  love  of  the 
English  name,  the  hope  of  a  happier  future,  their  aversion  to  their 
new  and  unaccustomed  allies,  and  finally,  the  hatred  they  bear  to 
the  tyranny  of  Congress. 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  117 

'  It  is  then  that  we  shall  have  cause  to  applaud  our  constancy, 
then  shall  we  acknowledge  that  the  most  honorable  counsels,  as  the 
most  worthy  of  so  great  a  realm,  are  also  the  most  useful  and  safe. 
So  far  from  thinking  the  new  war  against  France  ought  to  dismay 
us,  I  see  in  it  only  grounds  of  better  hopes.  If  up  to  the  present 
time  we  have  had  but  little  success  against  the  Americans,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  cause  of  it,  where  is  the  Englishman  who  does 
not  hope,  nay,  who  does  not  firmly  believe,  that  the  French  are 
about  to  furnish  us  with  occasions  for  the  most  brilliant  triumphs. 
As  for  myself,  I  find  the  pledge  of  it  in  the  recollection  of  our  past 
achievements,  in  the  love  of  our  ancient  glory,  in  the  present  ardor 
of  our  troops,  and  especially  in  the  strength  of  our  navy.  The 
advantages  we  shall  gain  over  the  French  by  land  and  sea,  will 
recompense  the  losses  we  have  sustained  in  America.  The  Ameri- 
cans, finding  their  hopes  frustrated,  which  they  had  so  confidently 
placed  on  the  efficacy  of  the  succours  of  their  new  allies,  will  be 
struck  with  terror  ;  they  will  prefer  the  certain  peace  of  an  accom- 
modation to  future  independence,  rendered  daily  more  uncertain  by 
new  defeats  of  their  allies.  Besides,  who  will  presume  to  affirm 
that  fortune  will  not  become  more  propitious  to  us  even  upon  the 
territory  of  America  ?  Is  it  going  too  far  to  believe,  that  when  our 
armies  shall  direct  their  march  towards  the  open  and  fertile  pro- 
vinces inhabited  by  the  loyalists,  they  will  be  more  successful  than 
they  could  be  in  mountainous,  steril,  savage  regions,  swarming  with 
rebels  .?  For  myself,  I  have  not  a  particle  of  doubt  that  we  shall  find 
in  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas  the  most  ample  indemnification  for  the 
unlucky  campaigns  of  New  Jersey  and  of  Pennsylvania.  But  I 
admit,  which  God  forbid,  fresh  disasters;  I  will  nevertheless  maintain 
that  we  ought  to  prosecute  what  we  have  commenced.  If  we  lose 
our  colonies,  we* shall  not  lose  honor.  I  would  rather  American 
independence,  if  ever  it  must  exist,  should  be  the  offspring  of  inexor- 
able destiny,  than  of  a  base  condescension  on  our  part. 

1  Shall  France  then  find  us  so  tame,  as  at  the  bare  shadow  of  her 
enmity,  to  abandon  our  possessions  and  tamely  yield  up  to  her  all 
our  glory  ;  we  who  have  the  time  still  green  in  memory,  when,  after 
having  by  victories  on  victories  trampled  upon  her  pride  and  pros- 
trated her  power,  we  triumphantly  scoured  all  seas,  and  the  conti- 
nent of  America. 

'  Of  what  country  then  are  the  authors  of  such  timid  counsels  ? 
English  perhaps.  As  for  myself  I  cannot  believe  it.  Who  are  these 
pusillanimous  spirits,  who  paint  our  affairs  as  if  they  were  desperate  ? 
Are  they  women  or  affrighted  children  ?  I  should  incline  to  believe 
the  latter,  if  I  did  not  see  them  often  holding  forth  within  these  walls 
their  sinister  predictions,  indulging  their  favorite  whim  of  reviling 
their  country,  expatiating  with  apparent  delight  upon  its  weakness, 
and  magnifying  the  power  of  its  ambitious  enemy.  And  what  is  then 

VOL.    II.  16 


118  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IX. 

this  France,  at  the  gathering  of  whose  frowns  we  are  to  shudder  ? 
Where  are  her  seamen  trained  to  naval  manoeuvres  ?  Where  are  her 
soldiers  formed  in  battles  ?  I  will  tell  those  who  don't  known  it,  or 
who  affect  not  to  know  it,  that  she  is  at  this  very  moment  attacked 
with  an  internal  malady  that  will  paralyze  her  strength  at  the  very 
moment  she  may  wish  to  move.  Who  of  you  is  ignorant  that  she 
labors  under  an  annual  deficiency  of  thirty  millions  ?  Who  knows 
not  that  she  is  destitute  of  the  resources  of  loans  ?  Her  rich  capitalists 
being  as  distrustful  as  they  are  rare. 

'But  it  is  not  in  the  sinking  of  credit  only  that  France  is  distress- 
ed ;  the  spirit  of  free  inquiry,  and  the  effects  of  an  extended  com- 
merce, have  introduced  opinions  among  the  French  people  that  are 
wholly  incompatible  with  their  government.  Contrary  to  all  prece- 
dent, contrary  to  all  ideas  of  that  government  ;  a  reasoning  has 
propagated  and  even  entered  into  some  of  the  lines  of  business,  that 
the  twentieth  is  a  free  gift,  and  that  every  individual  has  a  right  to 
judge  of  its  necessity,  and  oversee  its  employment. 

*  Besides  this,  one  bad  effect  of  the  zeal  with  which  they  pre- 
tended to  take  up  the  American  cause,  and  which  they  now  learn  in 
earnest  to  have  an  affection  for,  has  tainted  their  principles  with  the 
spirit  of  republicanism.  These  principles  of  liberty  always  diminish 
the  force  of  government  ;  and  if  they  take  root  and  grow  up  in 
France,  we  shall  see  that  government  as  distracted  and  unsettled  as 
any  other. 

6 1  hear  talk  of  the  difficulty  of  borrowing  among  ourselves,  and  of 
the  depression  of  the  public  funds  ;  but  the  lenders  have  already 
come  forward  ;  and  I  understand  the  first  payment  is  already  made. 
The  interest  they  have  demanded  is  not  only  not  usurious,  but  it  is 
even  mucji  more  moderate  than  our  enemies  would  have  wished,  or 
than  our  croaking  orators  predicted.  As  to  the  fajl  of  the  funds,  it 
has  been  very  inconsiderable,  and  they  have  even  risen  today.  But 
how  shall  I  treat  the  grand  bugbear  of  French  invasion  f  We  have  a 
formidable  fleet,  thirty  thousand  regular  troops  ;  and  at  a  moment's 
warning,  could  muster  such  a  body  of  militia  as  would  make  France 
desist  from,  or  bitterly  rue  her  projects.  It  is  no  such  easy  task  to 
vanquish  Britons  ;  their  country  falls  not  a  prey  so  lightly  to  whom- 
soever. We  are  told  also  that  the  Americans  are  ready  to  contract 
alliance  with  us,  and  that  they  have  manifested  such  a  wish  ;  and 
we  have  already  seen  men  credulous  enough  to  catch  at  the  lure. 
Do  we  not  know  that  those  who  agitate  these  intrigues,  if  indeed 
any  credit  is  due  to  such  rumors,  are  the  very  same  persons  who 
violated  the  capitulation  of  Saratoga,  the  same  who  imprison,  who 
torture,  who  massacre  the  loyal  subjects  of  the  king  ?  For  my  part, 
I  fear  the  gift  and  its  bearer  ;  t  fear  American  wiles  ;  I  fear  the 
French  school  ;  I  fear  they  wish  to  degrade  us  by  the  refusal,  after 
having  mocked  us  by  their  offers.  Hitherto  I  have  been  consider- 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  119 

ing  exclusively  what  policy  demands  of  you  ;  I  will  now  briefly 
remind  you  of  the  claims  of  justice,  gratitude  and  humanity.  Think 
of  those  who  in  the  midst  of  the  rage  of  rebellion  have  preserved 
their  fidelity  to  the  king,  to  yourselves,  to  the  country.  Have  com- 
passion for  those  who  have  placed  all  their  hopes  in  your  constancy. 
'Take  pity  on  the  wives,  on  the  widows,  on  the  children  of  those, 
who,  now  exposed  without  defence  to  the  fury  of  the  insurgents, 
offer  up  their  prayers  to  heaven  for  the  prosperity  of  your  arms,  and 
see  no  glimpse  of  any  period  to  their  torments  but  in  your  victory. 
Will  you  abandon  all  these  ;  will  you  allow  them  to  become  the 
victims  of  the  confidence  they  placed  in  you  ?  Will  the  English 
show  less  perseverance  in  their  own  cause,  than  the  loyalists  have 
manifested  on  their  behalf?  Ah  !  such  abominable  counsels  were 
never  yet  embraced  by  this  generous  kingdom.  Already,  methinks, 
I  see  your  noble  bosoms  pant  with  indignation  ;  already  I  hear  your 
voices  cry  vengeance  on  outrages  so  unexampled,  while  your  hands 
grasp  the  arms  which  are  about  to  inflict  it.  On,  then,  ye  fathers  of 
the  state  !  accomplish  the  high  desliny  that  awaits  you.  Save  the 
honor  of  the  kingdom,  succour  the  unfortunate,  protect  the  faithful, 
defend  the  country.  Let  Europe  acknowledge,  and  France  prove 
to  her  cost,  that  it  is  pure  British  blood  which  still  flows  in  your 
veins.  To  condense  therefore  in  a  few  words  what  1  feel  and  what 
I  think,  I  move,  that  the  proposition  of  my  adversary  btdng  rejected, 
the  king  be  assured  that  his  faithful  commons  are  ready  to  furnish 
him  with  the  means  that  shall  be  necessary  to  maintain  the  honor  of 
his  people  and  the  dignity  of  his  crown.' 

As  soon  as  Jenkinson  had  finished  speaking,  there  followed  an 
incredible  agitation  in  the  House.  At  length  the  votes  were  taken, 
and  it  was  carried  almost  unanimously,  that  an  address  of  thanks 
should  be  presented  to  the  king,  that  war  should  be  continued  against 
the  colonies,  and  declared  against  France. 

But,  in  the  sitting  of  the  House  of  Lords  of  the  seventh  of  April, 
after  the  duke  of  Richmond  had  concluded  a  very  solid  and  very  elo- 
quent speech,  proving  that  it  was  time  to  give  another  direction  to  the 
affairs  of  the  kingdom,  that  House  became  the  scene  of  a  melancholy 
event.  The  earl  of  Chatham,  though  sinking  under  a  mortal  infirm- 
ity, had  dragged  himself  to  his  place  in  parliament.  Shocked  at 
the  new  measures  that  were  thrown  out  there,  and  determined  not 
to  consent  to  the  separation  of  America,  he  pronounced  these  words, 
which  were  the  last  of  his  life  ;  '  I  have  made  an  effort  almost 
beyond  the  powers  of  my  constitution  to  come  down  to  the  House  on 
this  day  to  express  the  indignation  I  feel  at  an  idea  which  I  under- 
stand has  been  proposed  to  you,  of  yielding  up  the  sovereignty  of 
America  ! 

'  My  lords,  I  rejoice  that  the  grave  has  not  closed  upon  me  ;  that 
I  am  still  alive  to  lift  up  my  voice  against  the  dismemberment  of  this 


120  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX, 

ancient  and  most  noble  monarchy  !  Pressed  down,  as  I  am,  by  the 
hand  of  infirmity,  I  am  little  able  to  assist  my  country  in  this  most 
perilous  conjuncture  ;  but,  my  lords,  while  I  have  sense  and  memory, 
I  will  never  consent  to  deprive  the  royal  offspring  of  the  House 
of  Brunswick,  the  heirs  of  the  princess  Sophia,  of  their  fairest  inhe- 
ritance. 

'  Where  is  the  man  that  will  dare  to  advise  such  a  measure  ?  His 
majesty  succeeded  to  an  empire  as  great  in  extent  as  its  reputation 
was  unsullied.  Shall  we  tarnish  the  lustre  of  this  nation  by  an  igno- 
minious surrender  of  its  rights  and  fairest  possessions  ?  Shall  this 
great  kingdom,  that  has  survived  whole  and  entire  the  Danish  depre- 
dations, the  Scottish  inroads,  and  the  Norman  conquest ;  that  has 
stood  the  threatened  invasion  of  the  Spanish  armada,  now  fall  pros- 
trate before  the  House  of  Bourbon  ?  Surely,  my  lords,  this  nation  is 
no  longer  what  it  was  !  Shall  a  people  that  seventeen  years  ago  was 
the  terror  of  the  world,  now  stoop  so  low  as  to  tell  its  ancient  invete- 
rate enemy,  take  all  we  have,  only  give  us  peace  ?  It  is  impossi- 
ble !  In  God's  name,  if  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  declare  either 
for  peace  or  war,  and  the  former  cannot  be  preserved  with  honor, 
why  is  not  the  latter  commenced  without  hesitation  f  I  am  not,  I 
confess,  well  informed  of  the  resources  of  this  kingdom  ;  but  I  trust 
it  has  still  sufficient  to  maintain  its  just  rights.  But,  my  lords,  any 
state  is  better  than  despair.  Let  us  at  least  make  one  effort ;  and 
if  we  must  fall,  let  us  fall  like  men  !' 

Here  the  earl  of  Chatham  ended  his  speech.  The  duke  of  Rich- 
mond rose,  and  endeavored  to  prove  that  the  conquest  of  America 
by  force  of  arms,  was  become  impracticable  ;  that  consequently  it 
was  wiser  to  secure  her  friendship  by  a  treaty  of  alliance,  than  to 
throw  her  into  the  arms  of  France.  The  earl  of  Chatham  wished  to 
reply,  but  after  two  or  three  unsuccessful  attempts  to  stand,  he  fell 
down  in  a  swoon  on  his  seat.  He  was  immediately  assisted  by  the 
duke  of  Cumberland,  and  several  other  principal  members  of  the 
House.  They  removed  him  into  an  adjacent  apartment,  called  the 
Prince's  Chamber.  The  confusion  and  disorder  became  extreme. 
The  duke  of  Richmond  proposed,  that  in  consideration  of  this  public 
calamity,  the  House  should  adjourn  to  the  following  day  ;  and  it  was 
accordingly  done.  The  next  day  the  debate  was  resumed  upon  the 
motion  of  the  duke  of  Richmond  ;  but  it  was  finally  rejected  by  a 
large  majority. 

The  eleventh  of  May,  was  the  last  day  of  William  Pitt,  earl  of 
Chatham  ;  he  was  in  his  seventieth  year.  His  obsequies  were  cele- 
brated the  eighth  of  June,  with  extraordinary  pomp,  in  Westminster 
Abbey  ;  where  a  monument  was  erected  to  him  a  short  lime  after. 
This  man,  whether  for  his  genius,  his  virtues,  or  the  great  things  he 
did  for  his  country,  is  rather  to  be  paralleled  with  the  ancients  than 
preferred  to  the  moderns.  He  governed  for  a  considerable  time  the 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

opulent  kingdom  of  Great  Britain  ;  he  raised  it  to  such  a  pitch  of 
splendor,  as  the  English  at  no  other  period  had  ever  known,  or  even 
presumed  to  hope  for;  and  he  died,  if  not  in  poverty,  at  least  with 
so  narrow  a  fortune,  that  it  would  not  have  been  sufficient  to  main- 
tain his  family  honorably  ;  a  thing  at  that  time  sufficiently  remarkable, 
and  which  in  the  present  age  might  pass  for  a  prodigy  !  But  his 
grateful  country  recompensed  in  the  children  the  virtue  of  the  lather. 
The  parliaments-anted  a  perpetual  annuity  of  four  thousancrpounds 
sterling  to  the  family  of  Chatham,  besides  paying  twenty  thousand 
pounds  of  debts  which  the  late  earl  had  been  compelled  to  contract, 
in  order  to  support  his  rank  and  his  numerous  household.  No  indi- 
vidual until  that  time,  except  the  duke  of  Marlborough,  had  received 
in  England  such  high  and  liberal  rewards.  The  earl  of  Chatham 
was  no  less  distinguished  as  a  great  orator,  than  as  a  profound  states- 
man, and  immaculate  citizen.  He  defended  with* admirable  elo- 
quence before  parliament,  those  resolutions  which  he  had  maturely 
discussed  and  firmly  adopted  in  the  consultations  of  the  cabinet. 
Some,  it  is  true,  blamed  in  his  speeches  the  too  frequent  use  of 
figures,  and  a  certain  pornp  of  style  much  savoring  of  the  taste  of 
those  limes.  But  this  great  minister  surpassed  all  the  rulers  of  na- 
tions of  his  age,  in  the  art  of  exciting,  even  to  enthusiasm,  the  zeal 
of  the  servants  of  the  state,  civil  as  well  as  military  ;  a  talent  which 
heaven  confers  but  rarely,  and  only  upon  privileged  individuals.  In 
a  word,  he  was  a  man  whose  name  will  never  be  pronounced  without 
encomium,  and  the  resplendent  glory  of  whose  virtues  will  eternally 
recommend  them  to  imitation. 

We  now  resume  the  thread  of  events.  The  British  ministers, 
seeing  that  war  with  France  was  become  inevitable,  took  all  the 
measures  they  judged  necessary  to  sustain  it.  They  exerted  them- 
selves therein  with  the  more  ardor,  as  they  could  not  but  perceive 
that  if  England  showed  herself  with  disadvantage  in  this  contest 
against  France  and  America,  Spain,  and  perhaps  even  Holland, 
would  not  long  remain  neuter  ;  whereas,  on  the  other  hand,  a  prompt 
and  brilliant  victory  might  intimidate  the  two  latter  powers  from  de- 
claring themselves.  Their  attention  was  occupied  especially  in 
pressing  their  maritime  preparations,  as  therein  consisted  the  princi- 
pal defence  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  pledge  of  success.  But  on  a 
strict  examination  into  the  state  of  the  navy,  it  was  found  to  be  nei- 
ther so  numerous,  nor  so  well  provided,  as  had  been  supposed,  and 
as  the  urgency  of  circumstances  required.  This  afflicting  discovery 
excited  a  general  clamor.  In  the  two  Houses  of  parliament,  the  duke 
of  Bolton  and  Fox  inveighed  with  great  asperity  against  the  earl  of 
Sandwich,  who  was  first  lord  of  the  admiralty.  No  diligence, 
however,  was  omitted  to  remedy  all  deficiencies.  To  cheer  the 
public  mind  in  so  trying  a  conjuncture,  and  especially  to  inspirit  the 
seamen,  by  giving  them  a  chief  possessed  of  their  full  confidence,  the 


122  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

ministers  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  fleet  lying  at  Portsmouth, 
admiral  Keppel,  an  officer  of  distinguished  ability,  and  highly  cele- 
brated for  his  brilliant  achievements  in  the  preceding  wars.  Lords 
Hawks  and  Anson,  those  two  bright  luminaries  of  the  British  marine, 
had  honored  him  with  their  esteem  and  closest  friendship  ;  in  a  word, 
no  choice  could  have  been  so  agreeable  to  the  British  nation  at  large 
as  lhaifcf  admiral  Keppel.  He  refused  not  the  appointment,  not- 
withstanding that  he  was  already  arrived  at  an  age  in  which  man 
prefers  repose  to  action,  and  that  he  could  aspire  to  no  greater  glory 
than  what  he  had  acquired  ;  he  must  even  have  felt  a  sort  of  repug- 
nance to  commit  it  anew  to  the  hazard  of  battles.  To  these  con- 
siderations was  added  another  untoward  particular,  which  was,  that, 
as  a  whig,  the  ministers  eyed  him  with  jealousy  ;  a  circumstance 
which,  in  the  course  of  events,  might  occasion  him  many  disgusts. 
But  more  thoughtful  for  the  good  of  his  country,  which  claimed  his 
services,  than  of  his  private  convenience,  he  hesitated  not  to  accept 
the  charge,  to  which  he  was  invited  by  the  public  voice.  The  vice- 
adrnirals,  Harland  and  Palliser,  both  officers  of  high  reputation,  were 
appointed  to  second  him  in  command.  On  his  arrival  at  Portsmouth, 
Keppel,  instead  of  a  great  fleet  ready  to  proceed  to  sea,  found,  to 
his  extreme  surprise,  only  six  sail  of  the  line  prepared  for  immediate 
service,  crews  incomplete,  provisions  insufficient,  and  naval  munitions 
wanting.  The  ministers,  alleged  that  the  other  ships  had  been 
detached  on  different  services,  but  that  they  were  to  return  shortly. 
However  it  was,  the  admiral  exerted  an  activity  so  astonishing,  that 
by  the  middle  of  June  he  found  himself  in  condition  to  put  to  sea 
with  twenty  ships  of  the  line,  and  not  without  expectation  of  prompt 
reenforcements.  He  sailed  from  St.  Helens  on  the  thirteenth,  ac- 
companied by  the  fervent  prayers  of  all  England.  The  posture  of 
affairs  was  inexpressibly  critical  and  alarming.  It  was  known  that 
France  had  a  numerous  fleet  at  Brest,  completely  manned  and 
equipped  for  sea  ;  the  ships  which  conveyed  the  riches  of  India  were 
expected  from  day  to  day,  and  might  become  the  prey  of  the  French. 
This  disaster,  so  great  in  itself,  by  the  loss  of  such  treasures,  must 
have  involved  another  of  still  greater  consequence,  that  of  an  im- 
mense number  of  sailors,  who  were  counted  upon  to  man  the  ships 
of  war.  To  this  momentous  consideration,  were  joined  the  defence 
of  the  vast  extent  of  the  British  coasts,  the  safety  of  the  capital  itself, 
the  preservation  of  the  arsenals,  the  repositories  of  all  the  elements 
of  the  greatness  of  England,  and  the  basis  of  all  her  hopes;  and  all. 
these  objects,  rather  of  vital  than  of  great  importance,  were  confided 
to  the  protection  of  twenty  ships  ! 

Meanwhile,  the  land  preparations  were  pushed  with  no  less  ardor 
than  the  maritime.  The  recruiting  "service  was  prosecuted  with 
success ;  the  militia  were  assembled,  and  formed  into  regiments 
upon  the  model  of  regular  troops.  Encampments  were  established 


BOOK    IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  123 

in  such  places  as  were  thought  most  exposed  to  the  attempts  of  the 
enemy.  Thus  the  English  made  their  dispositions  to  meet  the  im- 
pending war.  The  government  had  already  ordered,  by  way  of 
reprisal,  the  detention  of  all  the  French  vessels  that  were  found  in 
the  ports.  ^ 

But  France,  who  for  a  long  time  had  purposed  to  turn  her  arms 
against  England,  was  better  provided  with  all  the  implements  of  war. 
Her  fleet  was  numerous,  and  all  her  arsenals  were  in  full  activity. 
The  court  of  Versailles,  on  intelligence  of  the  hostile  manner  with 
which  king  George  had  answered  the  declaration  of  the  marquis  de 
Noailles,  immediately  despatched  orders  to  the  different  ports,  pro- 
hibiting the  departure  of  all  English  vessels.  This  measure,  taken 
reciprocally  by  the  two  powers,  produced  but  little  effect  ;  the  mas- 
ters $f  merchant  vessels,  foreseeing  a  rupture,  had  hastened  to 
recover  their  own  shores.  France  henceforth,  laying  aside  all  hesi- 
tations, felt  it  due  to  herself  to  assume  the  attitude  which  becomes  a 
great  and  powerful  nation.  She  was  disposed  to  perfect  the  work 
commenced  by  her  declaration,  and  to  reassure  the  minds  of  her  new 
allies  by  a  step  from  which  it  was  impossible  to  fall  back  without 
shame.  She  therefore  resolved  to  receive,  and  formally  acknow- 
ledge, the  American  commissioners,  as  ambassadors  of  a  free  and 
independent  nation.  How  Englafcl  must  have  been  slung  by  this 
affront,  it  is  not  difficult  to  imagine. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  March,  the  three  commissioners  were 
introduced  by  the  count  de  Vergennes  before  the  throne,  whereon 
was  seated  the  king,  Lewis  XVI.  in  the  midst  of  the  grandees  of  his 
court.  In  this  ceremony,  none  of  those  formalities  were  omitted 
which  it  was  usual  to  observe,  whenever  the  kings  of  France  gave 
audience  to  the  ambassadors  of  sovereign  and  independent  nations ; 


a  truly  remarkable  event,  and  such  as  history,  perhaps,  affords  no 
example  of!  Tlf  ^^Hricans  herein  experienced  better  fortune 
than  other  nations  that  have  acquired  independence  ;  as,  for  example, 
the  Switzers  and  Dutch,  who  were  not  without  difficulty,  nor  till  after 
a  long  time,  acknowledged  independent  by  those  very  powers  that 
had  assisted  them  to  break  the  yoke  of  their  masters. 

France,  having  thus  dropped  the  mask,  could  not  but  perceive  that 
in  the  present  war  she  must  depend  more  upon  her  fleets  than  upon 
her  armies.  She  was  not  unmindful,  that  an  essential  part  of  mari- 
time war  consists  in  capturing,  as  well  the  armed  ships  of  the  enemy, 
to  diminish  his  power,  as  those  of  commerce,  to  exhaust  his  resources; 
an  object  always  of  primary  importance,  but  most  especially  such 
in  a  war  with  England.  The  court  of  Versailles  accordingly  deter- 
mined to  employ  an  incentive  that  should  stimulate  the  ardor  of  both 
officers  and  crews.  It  had  been  usual  in  France,  in  order  to  encou- 
rage the  armaments  on  cruise,  to  grant  certain  recompenses  to  the 
captors  of  ships  of  war ;  and  to  those  of  merchant  vessels,  one  third 


124  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  IX. 


of  the  product  of  their  sale.  The  king,  by  a  decree  of  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  March,  ordained  that  the  enemy  ships  of  war  and  cruisers, 
which  should  be  taken  by  his  own,  should  belong  in  lull  and  entire 
property  to  the  commanders,  officers  and  crews,  who  should  have 
captured  them  ;  and  that,  in  like  manner,  two  thirds  of  the  value  of 
merchant  ships  arid  of  their  cargoes,  should  become  the  property  of 
the  captors;  the  other  third,  being  reserved,  to  be  deposited  in  the 
fund  destined  for  the  relief  of  invalid  seamen.  This  decree,  signed 
by  the  king,  and  countersigned  by  the  duke  de  Penthievre,  grand- 
admiral  of  France,  was  to  have  been  put  in  execution  the  fourth  of 
the  following  May  ;  nevertheless,  whether  Lewis  XVI.  as  some 
think,  swayed  by  the  natural  benignity  of  his  character,  was  reluctant 
to  give  the  signal  for  the  effusion  of  blood,  or  that  policy  disposed 
him  to  wait  till  the  English  should  have  committed  the  first  hos|j/ities, 
the  edict  was  not  published  and  executed  until  the  beginning  of  July. 

With  a  view  to  prevent  the  English  government,  fearing  for  itself, 
from  being  able  to  send  reenforcements  to  America,  regiments  were 
ordered  to  march  from  all  parts  of  France  upon  the  coasts  that  look 
towards  England.  Already  a  formidable  army  was  found  assembled, 
and  ready,  in  all  appearance,  to  be  embarked  on  board  the  grand  arma- 
ment at  Brest,  for  a  descent  upon  the  opposite  shore.  All  the  labors 
of  that  port  were  pushed  with  unfeampled  activiiy  ;  more  than  thirty 
ships  of  the  line  were  already  completely  equipped  there,  besides  a 
great  number  of  frigates  ;  the  latter  were  particularly  intended  for 
cruising  against  the  British  commerce.  Another  considerable  fleet 
was  about  to  put  to  sea  from  the  port  of  Toulon. 

This  sudden  resurrection  of  the  French  marine  was  the  subject  of 
extreme  surprise  to  all  nations,  and  particularly  to  England,  who, 
accustomed  to  domineer  upon  the  ocean^^carcely  knew  how  to 
believe  that  there  should  thus  all  at  onco  have  risen  up  a  power  in 
condition  to  contend  with  her  for  the  sceptre  of  the  seas.  In  truth, 
the  state  of  debility  into  which  France  had  fallen  at  the  epoch  of  the 
death  of  Lewis  XIV".  not  only  rendered  it  impossible  to  remedy  the 
weakness  in  which  the  French  navy  was  left  at  the  conclusion  ol  the 
war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  but  it  even  occasioned  those  ships 
which  remained  to  perish  in  the  docks  for  want  of  repairs.  The  wars 
of  Italy,  of  Flanders  and  of  Germany,  which  took  place  under  the 
reign  of  Lewis  XV.  by  drawing  all  the  efforts  and  all  the  resources 
of  the  state  to  the  land  service,  produced  a  fatal  coldness  towards  the 
marine  department.  France  contented  herself  with  arming  a  few- 
ships,  rather  to  protect  her  own  commerce,  than  to  disturb  that  of  the 
enemy  ;  hence  disastrous  defeats,  and  losses  without  number.  To  all 
these  causes  was  joined  the  opinion  natural  to  the  inhabitants  of 
France,  satisfied  with  the  fertility  of  their  lands,  and  the  multitude  of 
their  manufactures,  that  they  have  little  need  of  a  strong  navy  and 
of  maritime  traffic.  But  finally  the  increase  of  the  products  of  their 


BOOK  IX.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  125 

colonies,  and  the  immense  gain  they  derived  from  the  sale  of  them 
in  foreign  markets,  drew  tire  attention  of  the  French  to  the  im- 
portance of  external  commerce. 

They  perceived,  at  the  same  time,  that  without  a  military  marine 
to  protect  the  mercantile,  maritime  commerce  must  always  be  uncer- 
tain, and  consequently  sickly  and  unprofitable  ;  and  that  war  may 
destroy,  in  a  few  days,  the  fruits  of  a  long  peace.  On  these  consi- 
derations, the  court  of  France  devoted  its  cares  to  the  creation  and 
maintenance  of  a  fleet  sufficiently  formidable  to  command  respect 
during  peace,  or  to  make  war  with  success,  and  protect  commerce 
from  the  insults  of  enemy  vessels. 

The  present  American  war,  which  opened  so  brilliant  a  perspec- 
tive to  the  French,  furnished  also  a  powerful  incentive  to  these  new 
designs.  In  order  not  to  want  skilful  officers  to  manage  the  ships, 
the  seamen  of  the  merchant  shipping,  in  imitation  of  the  example  of 
the  English  and  Dutch,  were  called  into  the  service  of  the  royal  navy. 
Besides  this,  in  pursuance  of  a  well  conceived  plan,  there  were  sent 
out  in  the  years  1772,  1775,  and  1776,  three  fleets,  commanded  by 
ihree  excellent  seamen,  the  counts  d'  Orvilliers,  De  Guichen,  and 
DuchafTault.  These  excursions  served  as  schools  of  practice,  in 
which  the  officers  and  crews  formed  themselves  to  evolutions  and 
manceuvres.  In  brief,  the  efforts  of  the  French  government  were  so 
unremitting,  and  it  was  so  seconded  by  the  general  ardor,  that  at  the 
commencement  of  the  present  war,  its  navy  equalled,  if  it  did  not 
surpass,  that  of  England  ;  speaking,  however,  of  the  fleets  which  the 
latter  had  then  fitted  for  immediate  service,  or  in  such  forwardness 
that  they  could  put  to  sea  within  a  short  space  of  time.  Nor  was 
France  disposed  to  keep  this  navy  idle  in  her  ports.  The  cabinet  of 
Versailles  meditated  two  expeditions  equally  important ;  the  one  was 
to  be  executed  by  the  armament  at  Brest,  the  other  by  the  fleet  of 
Toulon.  The  latter,  putting  to  sea  as  soon  as  possible,  was  to  repair 
with  all  celerity  to  America,  and  suddenly  to  make  its  appearance  in 
the  waters  of  the  Delaware. 

Hence  two  events  were  likely  to  result,  equally  pernicious  to  Great 
Britain  ;  namely,  that  the  squadron  of  lord  Howe,  which  had  gone 
up  that  river,  and  which  was  greatly  inferior  in  force  to  that  of  France, 
would,  without  any  doubt,  have  been  destroyed,  or  must  have  fallen 
into  the  power  of  the  French.  That  squadron  annihilated  or  taken, 
the  army  under  general  Clinton,  pressed  in  front  by  Washington,  and 
in  rear  by  the  F/ench  fleet  thus  possessed  of  the  Delaware,  would 
also  have  been  constrained  to  surrender,  or,  certainly,  would  have 
had  an  extremely  perilous  retreat.  So  decisive  a  blow  must  have 
put  an  end  to  the  whole  American  war.  This  plan  of  campaign  had 
been  debated  and  agreed  upon  at  Paris,  between  the  commissioners 
of  Congress  and  the  ministry.  Nor  was  the  execution  of  it  delayed; 
on  the  thirteenth  of  April  the  French  fleet  sailed  from  Toulon.  It 

VOL.    II.  17 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX, 

was  composed  of  twelve  sail  of  the  line,  and  four  large  frigates,  and 
commanded  by  the  count  d'  Estaing,  a  man  of  great  valor,  and  of 
an  active  genius.  It  took  out  a  considerable  corps  of  troops  to  serve 
on  shore.  Silas  Deane,  one  of  the  American  commissioners,  who 
was  recalled,  and  M.  Gerard,  whom  the  king  had  appointed  his  mi- 
nister to  the  United  States,  was  on  board.  Fortune  showed  herself 
favorable  to  these  first  essays.  The  wind  seconded  the  voyage  of 
the  fleet ;  and,  though  the  British  ministry  had  been  promptly  advis- 
ed of  its  departure,  their  ignorance  of  the  route  taken  by  the  count 
d'  Estaing,  and  the  strong  west  winds  which  prevailed  for  some  days, 
so  retarded  the  decisions  of  the  admiralty,  that  it  was  not  till  the 
first  of  June  they  ordered  admiral  Byron  to  make  sail  with  twelve 
ships  for  America  ;  he  was  to  replace  lord  Howe,  who  had  requested 
leave  to  return  to  England.  •  As  for  the  fleet  of  Brest,  more  consi- 
derable, and  commanded  by  the  count  d'  Ovilliers,  who  was  impa- 
tient to  realise  the  hopes  which  had  been  placed  in  his  talents,  it  was 
destined  to  scour  the  seas  of  Europe,  in  order  to  keep  alive  upon 
the  coasts  of  Great  Britain  the  fear  of  an  invasion.  He  relied  espe- 
cially upon  his  frigates,  which  were  very  numerous,  to  intercept  the 
merchant  fleets  laden  with  rich  cargoes,  which  the  English  then 
expected  from  the  two  Indies.  Thus  things  were  rapidly  verging  to 
an  open  rupture  between  the  two  states,  and  immediate  hostilities 
were  expected,  though  war  was  not  yet  declared  on  either  part, 
according  to  the  established  usages  of  Europe.  Universal  attention 
was  roused  by  the  contest  going  to  commence  between  France  and 
England  ;  events  of  moment  were  expected  from  the  collision  of  two 
such  powerful  nations.  Nor  was  fortune  slow  to  light  the  first  fires 
of  this  conflagration,  which  soon  involved  the  four  quarters  of  the 
world  in  its  flames.  Scarcely  had  admiral  Keppel  got  out  to  sea, 
the  thirteenth  of  June,  from  St.  Helens,  and  shaped  his  course  for  the 
Bay  of  Biscay,  when  he  discovered  at  no  great  distance,  two  ships 
of  considerable  size,  with  two  other  smaller  vessels,  which  appeared 
to  be  watching  the  motions  of  his  fleet.  These  were  the  two  French 
frigates  called  the  Licorne  and  the  Belle.  Poule.  The  admiral  found 
himself  in  a  very  delicate  situation.  On  the  one  hand,  he  desired 
much  to  make  himself  master  of  the  ships,  in  order  to  procure  infor- 
mation respecting  the  state  and  position  of  the  Brest  fleet ;  on  the 
other,  war  was  not  yet  declared  between  the  two  nations,  and  the 
causing  it  to  break  out  might  be  imputed  to  his  temerity.  Nor  did 
he  find  any  thing  in  the  instructions  of  the  ministers  which  could 
remove  his  perplexity ;  as  they  were  exceedingly  loose,  and  left 
every  thing  almost  entirely  to  his  discretion.  It  should  be  added,  that 
Keppel  being  of  a  party  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  ministers,  his 
conduct,  in  case  he  commenced  hostilities,  was  liable  to  be  interpret- 
ed unfavorably,  since  his  adversaries  might  attribute  to  political  mo- 
tives what  appeared  to  be  the  inevitable  result  of  circumstances.  In 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  127 

this  painful  embarrassment,  Keppel,  like  the  good  citizen  he  was, 
chose  rather  to  serve  his  country  at  his  own  peril,  than  to  hazard  its 
interest  by  his  indecision.  Accordingly,  the  seventeenth  of  June,  he 
ordered  his  ships  to  give  chase  to  the  French.  Between  five  and 
six  in  the  afternoon,  the  English  frigate  Milford  came  up  with  the 
Licorne,  and  her  captain,  in  very  civil  terms,  summoned  the  French 
commander  to  repair  under  the  stern  of  admiral  Keppel.  The 
Frenchman  at  first  refused;  but  seeing  the  Hector  ship  of- the  line 
come  up,  which  saluted  with  ball,  he  submitted  to  his  destiny,  and 
following  that  vessel,  took  station  in  the  British  fleet. 

During  this  time,  captain  Marshall,  with  his  frigate  Arethusa,  of 
twenty-eight  six  pounders,  in  company  with  the  Alert  cutter,  was  in 
pursuit  of  the  Belle  Poule,  which  carried  twenty-six  twelve  pounders 
and  was  accompanied  by  a  corvette  of  ten  guns. 

The  Arethusa  being  the  better  sailer,  arrived  about  six  in  the 
evening  within  musket  shot  of  the  Belle  Poule.  Marshall  informed 
the  French  captain,  M.  de  la  Clocheterie,  of  his  orders  to  bring  him 
under  the  stern  of  the  admiral.  To  this,  de  la  Clocheterie  returned 
a  spirited  refusal.  The  Arethusa  then  fired  a  shot  across  the  Belle 
Poule,  which  she  returned  with  a  discharge  of  her  broadside.  A 
fierce  engagement  between  the  two  frigates  ensued,  animated  by 
an  equal  emulation,  and  bent  on  carrying  the  victory  in  this  first 
action,  the  most  extraordinary  efforts  of  resolution  were  displayed 
on  both  sides.  The  conflict  continued  for  more  than  two  hours, 
with  severe  damage  to  both  parties,  as  the  sea  was  calm,  and  the 
vessels  extremely  near.  The  French  were  superior  in  the  weight  of 
metal,  the  number  of  their  crew,  and  the  proximity  of  their  coasts ; 
while  the  English  were  benefited  by  the  number  of  guns,  and  espe- 
cially, by  the  presence  of  two  ships  of  the  line,  the  Valiant  and  the 
Monarch ;  which,  though  prevented  by  the  calm  from  coming  up  to 
take  part  in  the  action,  nevertheless  greatly  disquieted  the  French 
captain,  and  exceedingly  circumscribed  his  movements.  Finally, 
after  an  obstinate  contest,  the  English  frigate  finding  herself  too  close 
upon  the  coasts  of  France,  despairing  of  being  able  to  overpower 
her  adversary,  and  having  sustained  much  injury  in  her  masts,  spars 
and  rigging,  profited  of  a  light  breeze,  which  sprung  up  at  that  mo- 
ment, to  withdraw.  She  was  afterwards  towed  off  to  the  fleet  by 
the  Valiant  and  Monarch.  During  her  retreat,  the  French  saluted 
her  with  fifty  balls  ;  but  she  returned  them  not  one.  The  Belle 
Poule  would  even  have  pursued  her,  but  for  the  damage  she  had 
received  herself,  besides,  the  proximity  of  the  two  men  of  war,  and 
even  of  the  whole  English  armament. 

La  Clocheterie  thinking  it  more  prudent  to  consult  his  safety,  went 
to  cast  anchor  for  the  night  in  the  midst  of  the  shoals,  near  Plouascat. 
The  next  morning,  the  two  English  ships  came  to  reconnoitre  his 
position,  and  ascertain  whether  it  was  possible  to  approach  the  frigaia 


128  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

near  enough  to  take  her.  But  finding  the  obstacles  of  the  rocks 
insuperahle,  they  abandoned  the  enterprise  and  returned  to  join  the 
fleet.  For  the  same  causes,  and  at  the  same  time,  the  English  cut- 
ter and  the  French  corvette  joined  battle  with  equal  fury,  but  with 
different  success.  After  an  hour  of  the  most  vigorous  resistance,  the 
corvette  surrendered.  The  Arethusa,  iu  this  action,  had  eight  men 
killed  and  thirty-six  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Belle  Poule  was 
forty  killed,  and  fifty-seven  wounded.  Among  the  first  was  M.  de 
St.  Marsault,  lieutenant  of  the  frigate ;  among  the  second  M.  de  la 
Roche  de  Kerandraon,  ensign;  Bouvet,  an  auxiliary  officer,  and  M. 
de  la  Clocheterie  himself,  who  received  two  contusions. 

In  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth,  the  frigate  Licorne,  which  had 
been  stationed  in  the  middle  of  the  English  fleet,  having  made  a 
movement  which  gave  the  English  some  suspicion,  they  fired  a  shot 
across  her  way,  as  a  signal  to  keep  in  company  with  the  other  ships. 
Immediately,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  the  admiral,  and  of  the 
whole  English  fleet,  she  discharged  a  broadside  and  a  volley  of  mus- 
ketry into  the  America,  of  sixty-four  guns,  commanded  by  lord 
Longford,  which  lay  the  nearest  to  her.  This  done,  she  struck  her 
colors,  as  if,  tired  of  this  middle  state  between  peace  and  war  in 
which  she  was  kept,  she  had  preferred,  though  a  prisoner,  to  consti- 
tute herself  in  open  war.  Keppel  sent  her  to  Plymouth.  In  the 
meantime,  another  French  frigate,  named  the  Pallas,  fell  in  with  the 
English  fleet ;  the  admiral  detained  her,  changing  her  officers  and 
crew.  Such  was  his  conduct  with  regard  to  French  vessels  of  war. 
As  to  merchant  ships,  though  a  great  number  of  them  fell  within 
his  reach,  he  permitted  them  to  continue  their  voyage  without  inter- 
ruption, not  thinking  himself  authorised  to  stop  them. 

The  action  of  the  Belle  Poule  excited  no  little  enthusiasm  in 
France,  where  the  remembrance  of  so  many  defeats  was  still  recent ; 
and  it  is  unquestionable  that  the  officers  and  all  the  crew  of  that 
frigate  had  signalised  as  much  valor  as  nautical  ability.  Their  con- 
duct occasioned  a  sincere  joy,  and  it  was  diligently  extolled,  in  order 
to  animate  the  public  mind  by  these  brilliant  beginnings.  The  king 
showed  himself  lavish  of  favors  towards  those  who  had  fought ;  he 
appointed  M.  de  la  Clocheterie  captain  of  ship  ;  Bouvet,  lieutenant 
of  frigate  ;  and  gave  the  cross  of  Saint  Lewis  to  Roche  Kerandraon. 
Pensions  were  granted  to  the  sister  of  Saint  Marsault,  to  the 
widows,  and  to  the  children  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  the  action. 
The  English  were  not  so  generous  towards  captains  Marshall,  and 
Fairfax,  commander  of  the  cutter  ;  but  they  received  the  encomiums 
of  the  admiralty  and  of  their  fellow-citizens. 

But  the  king  of  France,  considering  the  affair  of  the  Belle  Poule, 
and  the  seizure  of  other  frigates,  as  a  sufficient  motive  for  executing 
his  projects,  ordered  reprisals  against  the  vessels  of  Great  Britain. 
He  immediately  caused  to  be  published  his  decree  concerning  prizes. 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  129 

as  if  the  sending  of  the  count  d'  Estaing  to  America,  with  such  orders 
as  he  was  the  bearer  of,  was  not  yet  to  be  reputed  a  commence- 
ment of  war.  The  English  went  through  the  same  formalities,  thus 
authorising  by  words  what  they  had  already  done,  at  least  with  re- 
gard to  ships  of  war.  Until  this  time,  the  two  parties  had  endea- 
vored to  harm  each  other  by  all  possible  means,  without  resulting  to 
the  accustomed  declarations. 

The  papers  found  aboard  the  French  frigates,  and  the  questions 
put  to  the  prisoners,  furnished  admiral  Keppel  with  important  intel- 
ligence. He  learned  that  in  the  port  of  Brest  were  thirty-two  ships 
of  the  line,  with  ten  or  twelve  frigates,  all  in  complete  readiness  to 
put  to  sea  ;  whereas  all  his  own  force  consisted  in  twenty  sail  of  the 
line  and  three  frigates.  He  found  himself  already  in  sight  of  the 
Isle  of  Ouessant,  and  consequently  near  the  coasts  of  France.  His 
position  was  truly  embarrassing.  The  proximity  and  superiority  of 
the  enemy  rendered  his  present  station  imminently  perilous.  To 
encounter  the  hazards  of  a  battle  which  might  expose  the  safety  of 
the  kingdom,  was  rather  an  act  of  temerity,  than  a  courageous  reso- 
lution. On  the  other  hand,  to  retire  from  the  coasts  of  an  enemy 
lie  had  braved  a  moment  since,  appeared  to  him  a  step  too  unworthy 
of  his  own  reputation,  and  of  the  English  name.  But,  finally,  con- 
sulting utility  more  than  appearances,  and  his  duty  rather  than  the 
point  of  honor,  he  tacked  about  for  England,  and  entered  Portsmouth 
the  twenty-seventh  of  June. 

Immediately,  some  from  the  spirit  of  party,  and  in  order  to  excul- 
pate the  ministers,  others  to  appease  the  national  pride,  pulled  him 
to  pieces  without  mercy.  It  might  have  seemed  that  his  retreat  had 
sullied  the  glory  of  England  ;  and  some  were  so  transported  by  their 
iury  as  to  compare  Keppel  to  Byng.  The  admiral  supported  with 
admirable  constancy  the  outrages  of  the  multitude,  and  the  invectives 
of  the  party  who  excited  them.  He  busied  himself  only  with  the 
means  of  reenforcing  his  fleet,  and  of  putting  it  in  condition  to  scour 
the  seas  anew;  the  admiralty  powerfully  seconded  his  zeal,  and  the 
success  corresponded  to  his  exertions.  The  first  divisions  of  the 
East  and  West  India  fleets  arrived  about  that  time,  and  furnished  a 
great  number  of  excellent  seamen  to  the  naval  armament.  Thus 
reenforced,  it  weighed  anchor  and  put  to  sea  the  ninth  of  July.  It 
was  composed  of  twenty-four  ships  of  the  line,  which  were  afterwards 
joined  by  six  more  of  the  same  class.  It  comprehended  a  ship  of 
one  hundred  guns,  named  the  Victory,  which  bore  the  admiral's  flag, 
six  of  ninety,  one  of  eighty,  and  fifteen  of  seventy-four ;  the  rest 
were  of  sixty-four. 

They  were  all  well  manned  and  equipped,  and  commanded  by 
excellent  officers.  The  frigates  were  insufficient  in  number ;  there 
were  only  five  or  six,  with  two  fire-ships.  The  fleet  was  divided  into 
three  squadrons ;  the  van  was  commanded  by  sir  Robert  Harland, 


130  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

vice-admiral  of  the  Red  ;  the  centre  by  admiral  Keppel,  assisted  by 
admiral  Campbell,  a  consummate  seaman,  who,  on  the  score  of  an- 
cient friendship,  had  chosen  to  accompany  him  as  the  first  captain 
of  the  Victory.  The  rear  was  conducted  by  sir  Hugh  Palliser,  vice- 
admiral  of  the  Blue,  and  one  of  the  members  of  the  board  of  admi- 
ralty. Finding  themselves  so  strong,  and  no  longer  doubting  of 
victory,  the  English  made  their  appearance  upon  the  coasts  of 
France. 

They  sought  the  French  fleet  with  all  diligence,  impatient  to  give 
it  battle,  in  order  to  preserve  their  commerce,  to  efface  the  dishonor 
of  having  a  few  days  before  yielded  the  sea  to  the  enemy  ;  finally. 
to  sustain  their  ancient  renown,  and  to  cause  fortune  to  incline  in  their 
favor  from  the  very  commencement  of  hostilities.  Meanwhile,  the 
French  fleet  had  also  come  out  of  port  the  eighth  of  July.  It  was  in 
like  manner  formed  in  three  divisions ;  the  first  commanded  by  the 
count  DuchafFault,  the  centre  by  the  count  d'Orvilliers,  captain-general, 
and  the  third  by  the  duke  de  Chartres,  prince  of  the  blood,  who  was 
seconded  and  guided  by  admiral  de  la  Motte  Piquet.  These  three 
divisions  comprised  thirty-two  sail  of  the  line,  among  which  were 
the  admiral's  ship,  la  Bretagne,  of  one  hundred  and  ten  guns,  la 
Ville  de  Paris,  of  ninety,  which  carried  the  count  de  Guichen  ;  two 
of  eighty,  twelve  of  seventy-four,  one  of  seventy,  two  of  sixty -four, 
one  of  sixty,  and  two  of  fifty,  besides  a  great  number  of  frigates. 
It  was  the  intention  of  the  count  d'  Orvilliers  not  to  come  to  an 
engagement  except  with  great  probabilities  of  success  ;  and  this  by 
no  means  for  want  of  an  intrepid  valor,  and  of  a  perfect  know- 
ledge of  naval  tactics ;  but  he  chose  first  to  exercise  his  crews 
thoroughly.  He  hoped,  also,  without  exposing  himself  to  the  hazards 
of  an  action,  to  give  England  some  severe  blows,  by  employing  his 
light  vessels  to  capture  the  convoys  which  she  daily  expected  from 
the  two  Indies.  He  shaped  his  course  for  the  Isle  of  Ouessant,  in 
the  full  persuasion  that  the  British  fleet,  which  he  supposed  to  con- 
sist but  of  twenty  sail  of  the  line,  would  not  presume  to  venture  out 
of  port,  or  if  it  showed  itself,  that  he  should  certainly  defeat  or 
disperse  it,  and  that,  in  all  events,  he  should  acquire  the  dominion  of 
the  sea.  Fortune  appeared  to  favor  these  first  efforts  ;  scarcely  had 
he  quitted  the  road  of  Brest,  when  he  discovered  the  English  frigate, 
the  Lively,  which  admiral  Keppel  had  detached  upon  discovery  ;  he 
ordered  her  to  be  chased,  and  she  was  soon  taken.  The  entire 
world  was  attentive  to  what  might  ensue,  on  seeing  the  two  most 
potent  nations  of  Europe  marshalled  the  one  against  the  other,  on 
the  ocean.  To  this  object,  and  not  in  vain,  had  the  government  of 
France  aimed  all  its  calculations  for  several  years  back.  Its  ships 
were  completely  equipped,  its  seamen  well  trained,  its  captains 
excellent.  It,  remained  only  that  fortune  should  smile  upon  such 
magnanimous  designs.  The  two  fleets  came  in  sight  of  each  other 


BOOK  IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  lot 

in  the  evening  of  the  twenty-third  of  July,  the  Isle  of  Ouessant  being 
thirty  leagues  distant,  and  the  wind  at  west.  The  count  d'  Orvil- 
liers,  believing  the  enemy  weaker  than  he  was  in  reality,  desired 
impatiently  to  bring  him  to  action.  But  on  approaching  the  British 
fleet,  and  finding  it  nearly  as  strong  as  his  own,  he  avoided  an 
engagement  no  less  cautiously  than  he  had  eagerly  sought  it  at  first. 
As  he  had  the  advantage  of  the  wind,  it  was  impossible  for  the 
English  to  force  him  to  it,  against  his  will.  During  the  night,  two 
French  ships  were  driven  by  the  force  of  the  wind  to  the  leeward  of 
the  British  fleet.  Admiral  Keppel  having  perceived  it  in  the  morn- 
ing, made  signal  to  give  chase  and  cut  them  off  from  the  main  body 
of  their  fleet.  He  hoped  that  in  order  to  save  them,  the  French 
admiral  would  give  him  battle,  or  at  least  that  these  ships  would 
be  taken,  or  so  forced  out  of  their  course  that  it  would  be  impos- 
sible for  them  to  rejoin  their  fleet.  The  count  d'  Orvilliers  prefer- 
red not  to  make  any  movement  to  succour  them  ;  and  thus  the 
two  vessels,  though  they  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  the  English, 
were  chased  so  far,  that  they  could  take  no  pah  in  the  events  which 
followed. 

During  the  four  following  days  the  two  fleets  remained  in  sight ; 
the  British  admiral  endeavoring  all  the  time  to  get  the  wind,  or  to 
beat  up  so  near  the  French  fleet  as  to  force  it  to  action.  But  to 
arrive  at  this  object,  it  was  impossible  to  maintain  the  disposition 
entire  ;  and  therefore  Keppel  had  commanded  that  the  ships  should 
take  rank  according  to  their  swiftness,  as  they  gained  to  the  wind- 
ward, with  attention,  however,  to  keep  their  distances  as  much  as 
possible.  This  movement  was  also  necessary,  in  order  not. to  lose 
sight  of  the  enemy.  But  it  was  not  without  danger,  since  it  might 
offer  the  French  an  occasion  to  fall  suddenly  with  superior  force 
upon  some  one  of  the  English  ships.  It  was  also  the  cause,  that  on 
the  twenty-seventh,  the  day  of  battle,  the  French  fleet  was  formed 
in  better  order  than  that  of  England,  which  'appeared  deranged. 
On  the  morning  of  that  day,  the  wind  continuing  from  the  west,  and 
favoring  the  French,  the  two  fleets  were  separated,  one  from  the 
other,  a  distance  of  only  three  leagues,  in  such  manner,  however, 
that  the  English  rear  found  itself  a  little  more  to  the  leeward  than 
the  centre  and  van.  Keppel  therefore  ordered  Palliser,  who  com- 
manded it,  to  press  up  to  the  windward  in  order  to  form  in  a  line 
with  the  two  other  divisions  of  the  fleet.  Palliser  executed  the 
orders  of  the  admiral.  This  movement  induced  the  count  d'  Orvil- 
liers, to  believe,  and  perhaps  not  without  reason,  as  Palliser  con- 
tinued to  crowd  more  and  more  to  the  windward,  that  it  was  the 
intention  of  the  enemy  to  attack  the  French  rear,  and  to  gain  on  the 
opposite  tack  the  weathergage  of  that  division.  To  defeat  this 
manoeuvre,  he  directly  put  his  ships  about,  and  reversing  his  order 


132  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IX. 

of  battle,  his  rear  became  van.  This  very  movement,  together  with 
some  variations  in  the  wind,  of  which  the  English  dexterously  availed 
themselves,  brought  the  two  fleets  so  near  each  other,  that  the 
action  commenced  immediately,  the  wind  blowing  from  the  west, 
and  the  French  running  from  north  to  south,  the  English  from  south 
to  north.  This  manner  of  combating,  by  which  a  close  and  station- 
ary action  was  avoided,  the  ships  firing  only  as  they  passed  each 
other  in  opposite  directions,  was  the  result  of  the  mano3uvre  just 
made  by  the  French  fleet. 

It  suited  the  count  d'  Orvilliers  so  much  the  better,  as  since  he 
had  not  been  able  to  decline  the  engagement,  it  assured  him,  at 
least,  that  it  could  not  be  decisive.  For  it  was  a  necessary  conse- 
quence of  this  order  of  battle,  that  the  two  fleets  must  break  their 
line  during  the  action,  and  that  the  party  who  should  have  sustained 
the  least  damage,  could  not  immediately  pursue  their  advantages, 
whether  against  any  particular  ship  of  the  enemy,  or  against  his 
entire  fleet.  The  two  fleets  thus  standing  on  opposite  tacks,  and 
but  a  slight  distance  apart,  the  first  ships  of  the  English  van,  and 
those  of  the  French  rear,  which,  as  we  have  said,  was  become  the 
van,  began  to  exchange  broadsides,  and  the  battle  was  joined  suc- 
cessively, as  the  whole  English  line  passed  close  along  side  of  the 
whole  French  line  ;  so  that  the  rear,  commanded  by  sir  Hugh  Palli- 
ser,  and  the  van  by  the  count  Duchaffault,  were  the  last  to  attack 
each  other.  The  effects  of  this  collision  were  very  destructive  on 
both  sides  ;  but  as  the  French,  according  to  their  custom,  had  fired 
at  the  tackling,  and  the  English,  as  they  usually  do,  at  the  body  of 
the  ships,  the  hulls  of  the  French  vessels  were  more  severely  dam- 
aged, than  those  of  their  enemies  ;  whereas  the  English  were  much 
the  greater  sufferers  in  their  masts,  yards,  and  rigging.  The  French, 
profiting  of  this  advantage  of  their  sails,  soon  tacked  and  formed 
their  line  anew.  The  British  van  and  centre  also  in  a  short  time 
recovered  their  stations,  though  the  admiral's  ship  had  suffered 
extremely.  But  the  ships  of  Palliser  and  "several  others,  not  only 
had  not  yet  tacked,  but  being  in  a  disabled  condition,  they  obeyed 
the  wind  and  fell  rapidly  to  leeward.  In  this  state  of  things,  whe- 
ther the  count  d'  Orvilliers  intended,  as  the  English  pretend,  to  cut 
their  line,  and  separate  these  ships  from  the  rest  of  the  fleet,  or,  as 
the  French  affirm,  wishing  to  place  himself  under  the  wind,  in  order, 
as  he  expected  a  second  battle,  to  deprive  the  English  of  the  advan- 
tage he  would  thus  gain  for  himself,  of  using  the  lower  batteries  with 
effect,  he  made  signals  for  all  his  fleet  to  advance  by  a  successive 
movement,  and  penetrate  between  the  ships  of  Keppel  and  those  of 
Palliser. 

The  English  admiral,  perceiving  the  design  of -his  adversary, 
immediately  put  his  ships  about,  and  stood  athwart  the  enemy's 


BOOK    IX.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  133 

foremost  division,  directing  "at  the  same  time  sir  Robert  Harland  to 
form  his  division  in  a  line  astern,  in  order  to  lace  the  enemy,  till  sir 
Hugh  Palliser  could  bring  up  his  ships.  It  is  not  clear,  whether 
this  movement  of  Keppel  frustrated  the  project  of  the  count  d'  Orvil- 
liers,  for  intercepting  Pulliser's  division,  or  whether  it  was  merely 
tiie  intention  of  that  admiral  to  get  under  the  wind  ;  hut  certain  it  is, 
that  in  consequence  of  this  evolution  the  English  remained  to  the 
windward.  It  was  therefore  in  their  power  to  renew  the  battle, 
provided,  however,  that  all  their  ships  had  been  in  condition  to  take 
part  in  the  action  ;  and  this  would  have  been  the  wish  of  Keppel. 
But  the  squadron  of  Palliser,  since  the  admiral  and  Harland  had 
thrown  themselves  between  him  and  the  French,  to  whom  they  were 
now  very  near,  found  itself  to  the  windward. of  the  other  divisions, 
and  of  course,  remote  from  the  French  fleet,  and  little  within  reach 
to  be  of  any  assistance  in  case  of  a  new  engagement.  On  this  con- 
sideration, Keppel  made  a  signal  for  all  the  ships  to  the  windward  to 
resume  their  respective  posts  in  the  order  of  battle.  Here  a  mistake 
happened,  which  prevented  the  execution  of  his  orders.  Palliser's 
ship,  the  Formidable,  not  having  repeated  the  signal,  the  captains  of 
the  other  ships  understood  that  of  Keppel  as  an  order  to  rally  in 
the  wake  of  the  commander  of  their  own  division,  which  they  did 
accordingly. 

Meanwhile,  the  French  continued  drawn  up,  to  leeward,  in  order 
of  battle.  Keppel  renewed  the  same  signal,  but  with  no  better  suc- 
cess. Afterwards,  about  five  in  the  evening,  [Palliser  says  at  seven,] 
he  commanded  the  captain  of  the  frigate,  Fox,  to  convey  to  Palliser 
a  verbal  message  of  the  same  import  as  the  order  he  had  already 
intimated  by  signals.  It  was  still  in  vain  ;  neither  the  Formidable 
nor  the  other  ships  obeyed.  On  seeing  this,  and  the  day  far  spent, 
Keppel  made  the  signal  to  each  of  the  ships  of  Palliser  to  resume 
their  stations  in  the  line  ;  excepting,  however,  the  Formidable, 
apparently  from  a  certain  regard  to  the  rank,  and  particular  functions 
of  the  vice-admiral.  This  time,  his  orders  were  executed  ;  but 
night  came,  and  put  an  end  to  all  possibility  of  further  operations 
against  the  enemy. 

Such  are  the  causes  which  prevented  admiral  Keppel  from  .renew- 
ing the  battle  ;  whether  the  disobedience  of  Palliser  proceeded  from 
the  impossibility  of  managing  his  ships,  disabled  in  the  engagement, 
as  seems  probable,  and  as  the  court  martial  decided,  in  the  solemn, 
trial  which  followed,  or  that  it  was  owing  to  any  personal  pique  of 
that  officer,  who,  being  of  the  ministerial  party,  was  politically  at 
variance  with  Keppel.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  French  thence  took 
occasion  to  say,  that  from  noon  till  night  they  offered  battle  to  Kep- 
pel, who  would  not  accept  it.  The  fact  in  itself  is  incontestable  ; 
but  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  Briti?'*  admiral,  it  is  certain  that  ha 
A*OL.  ir.  18 


134  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  IX. 

was  well  disposed  to  recommence  the  action,  but  was  prevented  by 
the  obstacles  we  have  just  related. 

Satisfied  with  their  conduct  in  this  combat,  and  with  its  issue, 
which  might  be  represented  as  a  victory,  a  thing  so  important  at  this 
first  epoch  of  the  war,  or  finding  the  condition  of  their  fleet  too  shat- 
tered to  warrant  their  exposing  themselves  to  the  hazards  of  a  second 
battle,  the  French  profited  in  the  night  of  a  fair  wind  to  recover  their 
own  coasts  ;  and  entered  the  next  day  with  full  sails  into  the  port  of 
Brest.  They  had,  however,  left  in  the  place  of  battle,  three  ships 
with  lights  at  the  mast  heads,  to  deceive  the  English  into  the  belief 
that  all  their  fleet  was  still  there.  At  break  of  day,  the  French  fleet 
was  already  at  such  a  distance  that  it  was  only  discernible  from  the 
mast  heads  of  the  largest  ships  in  the  British  fleet ;  nothing  remained 
in  sight  but  the  three  vessels  above  mentioned.  Keppel  ordered  the 
Prince  George,  the  Robust,  and  another  ship,  to  give  them  chase, 
but  as  they  were  good  sailers,  and  the  English  had  suffered  extreme- 
ly in  their  sails  and  rigging,  this  pursuit  was  fruitless.  Admiral 
Keppel  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  Plymouth,  where  he  purposed 
to  repair  the  damages  of  his  fleet  ;  he  left,  however,  some  ships  that 
had  suffered  the  least,  to  protect  the  British  trade,  and  especially  the 
fleets  which  were  expected. 

The  English,  in  this  action,  had  one  hundred  and  forty  killed, 
and  about  four  hundred  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  French  is 
uncertain  ;  but  it  is  probable  that  it  exceeded  that  of  the  English. 
Some  private  authorities  lead  to  this  belief,  as  also  the  throng  of 
sailors  and  marines  with  which  they  are  accustomed  to  fill  their 
vessels. 

The  two  fleets  proceeded  again  to  sea  the  next  month.  But 
whether  they  mutually  sought  to  meet  each  other,  as  they  gave  out, 
or  that  each  endeavored  to  avoid  the  other,  as  it  was  reciprocally 
asserted,  it  is  certain  that  they  did  not  meet  again.  It  is  equally 
indisputable  that  the  trade  of  England  was  effectually  protected  ; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  an  immense  number  of  French  vessels 
with  rich  and  valuable  cargoes,  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy. 
These  losses  excited  the  complaints  of  the  cities  of  Bordeaux,  Nantz, 
Saint  Malo,  and  Havre  de  Grace. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  battle  of  Ouessant,  which  commenced 
the  European  war.  The  English  observed  in  it,  to  their  great  sur- 
prise, that  the  French  riot  only  fought  with  their  accustomed  valor, 
but  that  they  displayed  also  no  ordinary  dexterity  in  profiting  of  the 
advantage  of  wind,  in  the  management  of  their  ships,  and  in  their 
naval  evolutions.  Hence  they  could  not  but  infer,  that  if  they  ob- 
tained successes  in  the  present  war,  they  would  have  to  pay  dearer 
for  them  than  in  the  last. 

Public  rejoicings  were  made  in  France,  to  animate  the  people, 
and  inspire  them  with  better  hopes.  The  impression  was  quite 


BOOK  IX. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


135 


different  in  England  ;  some  complained  of  Keppel,  others  of  Palli- 
ser,  according  to  the  various  humors  of  the  parties  ;  all  of  fortune. 
After  certain  warm  discussions,  the  admiral  and  vice-admiral  were 
both  put  upon  trial ;  but  both  were  acquitted  ;  the  first,  to  the  uni- 
versal exultation  of  the  people  ;  the  second  to  the  particular  gratifi- 
cation of  the  friends  of  the  ministry. 


END    OP    BOOK    NINTH. 


• 


I 


136  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    X. 


BOOK    TENTH. 

1778.  THE  unfortunate  issue  of  the  war  of  Canada,  an<J  the  inu- 
tility  of  the  advantages  obtained  in  the  campaign  of  Pennsylvania, 
had  at  length  shaken  the  obstinacy  of  the  British  ministers.  They 
began  to  believe  that  it  was  impossible  to  reduce  the  Americans  by 
force  of  arms;  and  everyday  confirmed  them  in  this  persuasion, 
since  France,  so  powerful  by  land  and  by  sea,  had  united  her  forces 
to  those  of  the  Congress.  It  was  too  manifest  to  be  doubted,  that  if 
the  Americans  had  been  able  to  withstand,  in  the  preceding  campaign, 
the  utmost  efforts  of  England,  it  would  be  infinitely  more  easy  for 
them  to  resist  in  future  ;  their  union  being  more  consolidated  by  time, 
their  hopes  secured  by  propitious  fortune,  and  their  arms  seconded 
by  those  of  a  formidable  potentate.  Besides,  it  was  no  longer  to  be 
hoped  that  as  many  troops  could  be  sent  to  America  in  future  years 
as  had  been  sent  thither  in  the  past.  For,  without  reference  to  the 
almost  absolute  impossibility  of  procuring  more  German  troops,  and 
the  extreme  slowness  of  recruiting  in  England,  there  was  to  be  feared 
an  invasion  of  the  French,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  kingdom,  and 
moreover,  it  was  necessary  to  throw  strong  garrisons  into  the  West 
India  islands,  to  shelter  them  from  the  assaults  of  the  French,  who 
were  known  to  have  a  respectable  force  in  their  vicinity.  It  was  no 
mystery  in  the  British  cabinet,  that  the  principal  object  which  the 
French  were  aiming  at  in  the  present  war,  after  ihe  separation  of 
America  from  Great  Britain,  was  the  conquest  of  the  rich  colonies  of 
England  in  the  West  Indies ;  and  that  in  anticipation  of  events,  they 
had  assembled  numerous  troops  in  their  own  possessions.  The 
English  islands  of  the  West  Indies  thus  found  themselves  exposed, 
almost  without  defence,  to  the  attempts  of  the  enemy.  Whether  the 
ministers  had  believed  that  war  with  France  was  not  likely  to  break 
out  immediately,  or  that  they  had  relied  upon  their  sanguine  hopes  of 
a  complete  triumph  in  the  preceding  campaign,  they  had  flattered 
themselves  that  in  any  event,  their  victories  upon  the  American  con- 
tinent would  enable  them  to  pass  into  their  islands  in  good  time,  all 
the  succours  that  could  be  necessary.  Jealousy  was  also  entertained 
of  Canada,  not  only  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  but  also,  and  munh 
more,  on  that  of  the  French ;  for  the  Canadians  were  more  French 
than  English,  and  the  memory  of  their  origin  appeared  to  be  still 
dear  them.  It  was  therefore  necessary  to  leave  in  that  province  such 
garrisons  as  could  answer  for  it.  These  various  considerations,  not 
only  rendered  it  impracticable  to  reenforce  the  armies  \\liirh  acted 
against  the  United  States;  but  even  imposed  the  necessity  of  weak- 
ening them  by  detachments  for  the  different  exigencies  of  the  service. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  courage  of  the  ministers  did  not  desert 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  137 

them.  They  hoped  that  offers  of  accommodation,  a  new  mode  of 
conducting  the  war,  and,  perhaps,  victories  over  France,  would  ena- 
ble them  to  compass  that  which  by  arms  alone  they  had  hitherto 
failed  to  obtain.  They  persuaded  themselves  that  the  Americans, 
tired  of  a  long  war,  and  finding  their  resources  exhausted,  would 
readily  consent  to  an  arrangement  ;  or  that,  even  if  the  Congress 
refused,  the  greater  part  of  the  nation,  at  least,  would  manifest  an 
eagerness  to  listen  to  their  proposals  ;  and  already  they  beheld  intes- 
tine dissentions  opening  the  way  to  the  reestablishment  of  ancient 
relations,  if  not  an  absolute  subjugation. 

To  provide  for  this  consummation,  the  clause  had  been  added  to 
the  act  of  conciliation,  which  empowered  the  commissioners  to  treat, 
not  on!ly  with  any  public  authority,  but  even  with  every  description  of 
private  citizens  whatsoever.  After  having  encountered  an  obstinate 
resistance  in  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  provinces,  they  had  been 
assured  by  the  refugees  in  whom  they  put  all  their  trust,  that  they 
would  find  far  more  pliable  matter  in  those  of  the  south,  They  de- 
termined accordingly  to  make  these  the  seat  of  the  war,  in  the  hope, 
that  as  they  abounded  more  in  subjects  devoted  to  the  crown,  they 
would  manifest  greater  repugnance  to  combating  the  troops  of  the 
king,  and  more  inclination  to  listen  to  his  negotiators.  Besides,  the 
fertile  lands  and  exuberant  pasturage  of  these  provinces,  rendered 
them  extremely  accommodate  for  the  subsistence  of  armies,  at  the 
same  time  that  the  inhabitants  would  have  a  motive  in  this  very  abun- 
dance the  more  to  dread  the  devastations  inseparable  from  war.  But 
whatever  was  the  foundation  of  these  hopes,  the  ministers  were  resolv- 
ed to  resume  hostilities  as  soon  as  the  negotiations  should  cease  to 
promise  any  result,  in  order  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  yielding  to  the 
threats  of  France.  Without  allowing  themselves  to  be  intimidated 
by  the  consequences  which  might  attend  the  war  with  America,  they 
considered  themselves  bound  by  that  regard  which  every  state  owes 
to  its  own  honor  and  dignity,  to  try  yet  for  a  time  the  fortune  of 
arms.  If  it  proved  necessary  at  last  to  acknowledge  the  independ- 
ence of  Anaerica,  which  was  become  the  principal  point  in  contest, 
they  thought  it  could  never  be  too  late  for  that,  and  they  reputed  it 
better  to  submit  honorably  to  adverse  fortune  and  the  decision  of  the 
sword,  than  to  bow  ignominiously,  and  without  combat,  to  the  mena- 
ces of  an  arrogant  enemy.  Such  were  the  motives  which  influenced 
the  British  ministers  in  the  present  period  of  the  war,  and  which  were 
afterwards  the  basis  of  all  their  resolutions.  But  perfectly  sensible 
that  if  England  made  no  new  overtures,  the  Congress  would  not  fail 
to  ratify  the  treaty  contracted  with  France,  and  that  it  would  become 
then  much  more  difficult  for  that  body  to  retract  its  resolutions,  the 
British  ministers  hastened  to  transmit  to  America  the  bill  of  concilia- 
tion, even  before  it  had  yet  been  approved  in  parliament.  They 
flattered  themselves  that  the  Americans  thus  finding  that  England 


138  THE  AMERICAN  WAkJ  '  BOOK  X. 


renounced  what  had  heen  the  first  and  capital  cause  of  the  differ- 

ences, that  is,  the  right  of  taxation,   all   other  difficulties  would  be 

promptly  smoothed,  and  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  readily  prevented. 

This  first  point  gained,  the  commissioners  would  only  have  had,  as  it 

were,  to  appear,  in  order  to  affix  the  seal  to  a  definitive  arrangement. 

Accordingly,  copies  of  the  bill  were  received  at  New  York  about  the 

middle  of  the  month  of  April.     Governor  Tryon,  a  shrewd  and  act- 

ive man,  as  we  have  seen,  after  having  caused  it  to  be  published  in 

the  city,  found  means  to  circulate   it   among   the   Americans,   much 

extolling  the  good  dispositions  of  the  government   towards  America. 

He  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  general  Washington,  and  to  Trumbull, 

the  governor  of  New  Jersey,  requesting  them,  a  thing  really  without 

example,  to  bring  this  project  of  an   act  of  parliament  to  the  know- 

ledge of  soldiers,  and  of  inhabitants.     Washington  referred  the  whole 

to  the  Congress,  that  they  might   take  the  proper  measures.     Trum- 

bull replied  to  Tryon  in  a  very  energetic  style,  that  he  was  not  a  little 

surprised  at  this  strange   mode  of  negotiation   between   two  nations  ; 

that  in  similar  cases,  demands  and  propositions  are  addressed,  not  to 

the  multitude,  but  to  those  who  govern  ;  that  there  had  been  a  time, 

indeed,  when  such  a  proposal  of  the  mother  country  might  have  been 

received  with  alacrity  and  gratitude,  but  that  such  time  was  irrevoca- 

bly elapsed.     He  reminded   of  petitions   rejected,   hostilities  com- 

menced and    prosecuted  with   so   much   barbarity  on  the  part  of  the 

English,   their   insolence  in  good   fortune,  the    cruelties    exercised 

against  prisoners,  injuries  which  had  interposed  an  insuperable  obsta- 

cle to   reconciliation.     '  Peace/  he  added,  '  cannot  subsist  but  with 

our  independence.     The   English  will   then  find   the  Americans  as 

sincere  friends,  as  they  are  now  determined  and  dangerous  enemies. 

If  they  would  have  peace,  let  them  abandon  all  insidious  procedures, 

and  demand  it  openly  of  those  who  can  grant  it.'     Meanwhile,  the 

Congress,  on  receipt  of  their  general's  despatches,  deliberated  upon 

the  step  they  had  to  take. 

Considering  themselves  as  already  sure  of  the  assistance  of  France, 
and  indignant  at  these  new  machinations  of  the  English,  they  decreed 
that  any  men,  or  body  of  men,  whatsoever,  who  should  presume  to 
make  any  separate  or  partial  convention  or  agreement  with  commis- 
sioners under  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  should  be  reputed  and 
treated  as  enemies  of  the  United  States  ;  that  these  states  could  not 
enter  into  any  conference  or  treaty  with  the  agents  of  Great  Britain, 
except  they  should,  as  a  preliminary  thereto,  either  withdraw  their 
fleets  and  armies,  or  else  in  positive  and  express  terms  acknowledge 
the  independence  of  the  United  States.  Finally,  it  being  the  design  of 
the  enemy  to  lull  the  inhabitants  of  America,  by  this  soothing  sound  of 
peace,  into  a  neglect  of  warlike  preparations,  it  was  earnestly  recom- 
mended to  the  different  states  to  use  the  most  strenuous  exertions  to 
have  their  respective  quotas  of  continental  troops  in  the  field  as  soon 


BOOK    X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

as  possible  ;  and  that  all  the  militia  of  the  said  states  might  be  held  in 
readiness  to  act  as  occasion  might  require.  The  Congress  then,  in. 
order  to  show  of  how  little  importance  they  esteemed  thefbills  of  par- 
liament, and  the  intrigues  of  Tryon  to  diffuse  them,  embraced  the 
generous  counsel  of  causing  them  to  be  published  in  the  public  prints, 
together  with  the  resolutions  they  had  just  passed. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  under  the  apprehension  that  many  of  those 
who  had  hitherto  attached  themselves  to  the  English  party,  in  de- 
spair of  finding  pardon  in  their  country,  might  not  only  persist  in  their 
obstinacy,  but  profiting  of  the  amnesty  offered  by  the  British  govern- 
ment, might  also  employ  their  influence  to  draw  over  to  its  interest 
even  such  as  had  remained  faithful  to  the  common  cause,  they  pass- 
ed a  resolution,  recommending  to  the  several  states,  to  grant  a  full 
remission  of  all  guilt  and  penalties,  except  the  restrictions  they  might 
deem  necessary,  to  all  those  who  had  borne  arms  against  the  United 
Slates,  or  assisted  the  enemy  in  any  way  whatsoever.  Each  indi- 
vidual was  assured  of  pardon  for  the  offences  he  might  have  com- 
mitted up  to  that  time,  and  the  citizens  were  invited  to  a  mutual 
forgiveness  and  oblivion  of  past  wrongs  and  injuries. 

But  the  English  soldiers,  in  America,  strangers  to  the  political 
considerations  by  which  states  are  guided,  and  bitterly  irritated  at 
the  obstinate  resistance  of  the  Americans,  were  inconceivably  shocked 
at  hearing  of  the  unexpected  resolutions  of  the  ministers.  They 
were  for  absolute  conquest,  and  submission  without  reserve.  They 
could  not  endure  this  shameful  condescension;  they  asked  why 
this  ignominious  retraction,  why  this  solicitude  to  offer  what  at  first 
was  refused  with  so  much  pertinacity  ?  They  expected,  upon  the 
faith  of  promises,  a  reenforcement  of  twenty  thousand  of  their  fellow- 
soldiers,  and  they  received  in  their  stead,  acts  of  concession.  The 
discontent  was  so  extreme  in  the  camp,  as  to  manifest  itself  in  sedi- 
tious words,  and  acts  of  violence  ;  the  soldiers  in  their  fury  presumed 
even  to  rend  their  colors ;  others,  and  principally  the  Scotch,  tore  in 
pieces  tiie  acts  of  parliament.  If  such  was  the  indignation  of  the 
British  troops,  it  is  easy  to  conceive  what  was  the  despair  of  the 
American  refugees.  They  saw  blasted  in  a  moment  their  confident 
hopes  of  returning  victorious  to  their  habitations  ;  and  perhaps  some 
of  them  gnashed  at  finding  themselves  frustrated  of  intended  ven- 
geance. 

With  so  much  industry  and  so  little  fruit  did  the  agents  of  England, 
labor  in  America,  to  conciliate  minds  towards  the  mother  country  ; 
and  with  so  much  energy  and  success  did  the  Congress  endeavor  to 
baffle  all  their  efforts  ! 

The  second  of  May  was  the  day  destined  to  carry  to  its  utmost 
height  the  exultation  of  the  Americans,  and  to  put  the  seal  to  the 
dismemberment  of  the  vast  and  powerful  British  empire.  On  this 
day  arrived  at  Casco  Bay,  the  French  frigate  La  Sensible,  com- 


140  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  1300K  X. 

mantled  by  M.  de  Marigny.  She  had  been  selected  as  an  excellent 
sailer,  to  bear  to  the  Congress  the  treaties  concluded  with  France  ; 
she  had  departed  from  Brest  the  eighth  of  March,  having  on  board 
Sitnon  Deane,  brother  of  Silas.  She  brought,  besides,  happy  news 
of  all  the  European  continent,  and  of  an  unanimity  still  more  sincere 
than  ever,  of  the  people  and  of  the  princes  in  favor  of  America. 
The  Congress  was  immediately  convened  ;  we  shall  not  attempt  to 
describe  their  satisfaction  and  alacrity  at  the  sight  of  the  treaties. 
They  were  ratified  as  soon  as  read.  Unable  to  control  the  flush  oc- 
casioned by  so  great  an  event,  they  forgot  the  rules  of  prudence.  New 
states  too  frequently  err  in  this  ;  allowing  themselves  to  be  hurried 
away  by  an  inconsiderate  ardor,  and  impatient  to  communicate  it  to 
the  people  they  govern,  they  are  betrayed  into  impolitic  steps.  In 
this  respect,  widely  different  from  ancient  States  ;  these,  always  cir- 
cumspect and  wrapped  up  in  mystery,  are  reluctant  to  break  silence 
even  when  every  thing  appears  to  exact  it.  The  Congress  at  once 
made  public  the  despatches  they  had  just  received  ;  this  disclosure 
was  disagreeable  to  several  powers,  and  especially  to  Spain,  who 
would  have  chosen  not  to  declare  herself  before  the  appointed  time. 
The  proclamation  issued  to  that  effect,  spoke,  not  only  of  the  treaty  of 
commerce  concluded  with  France,  but  even  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  ; 
it  announced,  without  any  reserve,  that  the  emperor  of  Germany,  the 
kings  of  Spain  and  Prussia,  were  determined  to  support  them  ;  that 
the  king  of  Prussia,  in  particular,  would  not  permit  that  the  troops 
levied  in  Hesse  and  Hanau  should  pass  through  his  territories  in 
order  to  embark  in  the  English  vessels,  and  that  he  would  be  the 
second  potentate  in  Europe  who  would  acknowledge  the  independ- 
ence of  America  ;  that  fifty  thousand  French  were  marched  upon 
the  coasts  of  Normandy  and  of  Brittany  ;  and,  finally,  that  the  navies 
of  France  and  Spain,  (as  if  the  intervention  of  this  power  was  already 
secured)  amounted  to  two  hundred  ships,  ready  to  sail  for  the  suc- 
cour of  America.  The  Congress  afterwards  drew  up  and  published 
a  solemn  address  to* the  people  of  America;  this  piece  was  wrought 
with  much  care,  though  a  little  strange  from  its  tumid  style,  and  the 
religious  sentences  with  which  it  w?as  interspersed.  It  was  recom- 
mended to  all  ministers  of  the  gospel,  of  whatever  denomination,  to 
read  this  address  to  their  congregations,  immediately  after  divine 
service.  It  represented  in  the  most  vivid  colors  the  vicissitudes  of 
the  state  in  the  course  of  the  late  years  ;  the  virtue,  the  courage,  the 
patience  of  the  Americans  ;  the  perfidy,  the  injustice,  the  cruelty, 
the  tyranny  of  the  English  ;  the  assistance  of  God  visibly  afforded  to 
the  just,  cause  ;  and  the  ancient  weakness  of  the  colonies  succeeded 
by  their  present  security.  '  The  haughty  prince*'  continued  the 
address,  i  who  spurned  us  from  his  feet  with  contumely  and  disdain, 
and  the  parliament  which  proscribed  us,  now  descend  to  offer  terms 
of  accommodation. 


I 

BOOK    X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  141 

(  Whilst  in  the  full  career  of  victory,  they  pulled  off  the  mask,  and 
avowed  their  intended  despotism.  But  having  lavished  in  vain  the 
blood  and  treasure  of  their  subjects  in  pursuit  of  this  execrable  pur- 
pose, they  now  endeavor  to  ensnare  us  with  the  insidious  offers  of 
reconciliation.  They  intend  to  lull  you  with  fallacious  hopes  of 
peace,  until  they  can  assemble  new  armies  to  prosecute  their  nefarious 
designs.  If  this  is  not  the  case,  why  do  they  strain  every  nerve  to 
levy  men  throughout  their  islands  f  why  do  they  meanly  court  every 
little  tyrant  of  Europe  to  sell  them  his  unhappy  slaves  ?  why  do  they 
continue  to  imbitter  the  minds  of  the  savages  against  you  ?  Surely 
this  is  not  the  way  to  conciliate  the  affections  of  America.  Be  not, 
therefore,  deceived.  You  have  still  to  expect  one  severe  conflict. 
Your  foreign  alliances,  though  they  secure  your  independence,  can- 
not secure  your  country  from  desolation,  your  habitations  from 
plunder,  your  wives  from  insult  or  violation,  nor  your  children  from 
butchery.  Foiled  in  their  principal  design,  you  must  expect  to  feel 
the  rage  of  disappointed  ambition.  Arise  then  !  to  your  tents  !  and 
gird  you  for  battle  !  It  is  time  to  turn  the  headlong  current  of  ven- 
geance upon  the  head  of  the  destroyer.  They  have  rilled  up  the 
measure  of  their  abominations,  and  like  ripe  fruit  must  soon  drop 
from  the  tree.  Although  much  is  done,  yet  much  remains  to  do. 
Expect  not  peace,  whilst  any  corner  of  America  is  in  possession  of 
your  foes.  You  must  drive  them  away  from  this  land  of  promise,  a 
land  flowing  indeed  with  milk  and  honey.  Your  brethren  at  the 
extremities  of  the  continent,  already  implore  your  friendship  and 
protection.  It  is  your  duty  to  grant  their  request.  They  hunger  and 
thirst  after  liberty.  Be  it  yours  to  dispense  to  them  the  heavenly 
gift,  "  since  a  kind  Providence  has  placed  it  in  your  power."  : 

The  Congress  also  published  those  articles  of  the  treaty  of  amity 
and  commerce  which  related  to  the  reciprocal  intercourse  between 
the  two  nations,  to  the  end  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States 
might  govern  themselves  conformably  to  the  same.  They  exhorted 
them  to  consider  the  French  as  their  brethren,  and  to  behave 
towards  them  with  the  friendship  and  attention  due  to  the  subjects 
of  a  great  prince,  who  with  the  highest  magnanimity  and  wisdom  had 
treated  with  the  United  States  on  terms  of  perfect  equality  and 
mutual  advantage*  thereby  rendering  himself  the  protector  of  the 
rights  of  mankind. 

Great  were  the  rejoicings  in -all  parts  of  the  United  States  ;  the 
name  of  Lewis  XVI.  was  in  all  mouths.  Every  where  he  was  pro- 
claimed the  protector  of  liberty,  the  defender  of  America,  the  savior 
of  the  country.  These  joyful  tidings  were  announced  with  great 
solemnity  to  the  army,  which  slill  occupied  the  camp  of  Valley 
Forge ;  the  soldifcrs  were  under  arms,  and  all  the  corps  formed  in 
order  of  battle. 

VOL.   ii.  19 


142  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

Meanwhile,  the  three  pacificatory  commissioners,  Carlisle,  Eden, 
and  Johnstone  had  arrived  in  the  waters  of  the  Delaware  at  the 
beginning  of  June  ;  they  repaired  to  Philadelphia  the  ninth.  Gene- 
ral Clinton  notified  their  arrival  to  Washington,  praying  him  to  send 
a  passport  to  doctor  Ferguson,  secretary  of  the  commissioners,  that 
he  might  without  danger  deliver  their  despatches  to  the  Congress. 
Washington  refused  tiie  passport,  and  his  refusal  ohtained  the  special 
approbation  of  the  government.  The  commissioners  then  decided 
to  forward  their  letters  by  the  ordinary  post.  The  Congress  received 
them  in  their  sitting  of  the  thirteenth,  with  an  express  from  Washing- 
ton. They  were  read  to  certain  words  in  the  letter  directed  *  to  his 
excellency  Henry  Laurens,  the  president  and  others,  the  members 
of  Congress.'  No  sooner  were  they  heard,  than  a  violent  clamor 
arose  ;  many  members  exclaimed  that  the  reading  ought  to  be  inter- 
rupted on  account  of  the  offensive  language  against  his  most  Christian 
majesty. 

The  words  were  these,  {  We  cannot  but  remark  the  insidious  in- 
terposition of  a  power,  which  has  from  the  first  settlement  of  the 
colonies  been  actuated  with  enmity  to  us  both  ;  and  notwithstanding 
the  pretended  date  or  present  form  of  the  French  offers  to  North 
America,  it  is  notorious  that  they  have  only  been  made,  because  it 
was  believed  that  Great  Britain  had  conceived  the  design  of  an 
amicable  arrangement,  and  with  a  view  to  prevent  reconciliation,  and 
prolong  this  destructive  war.'  After  animated  debates,  the  further 
consideration  of  the  subject  was  adjourned  to  the  next  sitting.  The 
question  was  agitated  with  £tjual  vehemence  the  following  days. 
Finally,  the  Congress  having  demonstrated  by  the  warmth  of  this 
discussion  the  respect  they  bore  to  their  august  ally,  reflected  on  the 
other  hand,  that  it  was  more  prudent  to  answer  than  to  keep  silence. 
It  was  easy  to  lay  before  the  people  such  motives  as  were  likely  to 
dissuade  them  from  accepting  the  proposals  of  England,  whereas  a 
refusal  to  notice  them  might  occasion  discontents  prejudicial  to  the 
state.  They  determined  accordingly  to  read  the  despatches  of  the 
commissioners.  They  consisted  in  the  letter  addressed  to  the 
president  of  Congress,  a  copy  of  their  commission,  and  three  acts  of 
parliament.  The  commissioners  offered  in  their  J^ler  more  than  would 
Lave  been  required  in  the  origin  of  the  quarrel,  to  appease  the  minds 
of  the  colonists  and  reestablish  tranquillity  ;  but  less  than  was  neces- 
sary at  present  to  obtain  peace.  They-endeavored  to  persuade  the 
Americans  that  the  conditions  of  the  arrangement  were  not  only 
favorable,  but  also  perfectly  sure,  and  of  such  a  nature  that  the  two 
parties  would  know  for  the  future  upon  what  footing  they  were  to 
live  together ;  that  their  friendship  would  thus  be  established  upon 
solid  bases,  as  it  should  be,  in  order  to  be  durable.  They  declared 
themselves  ready  to  consent  to  an  immediate  cessation  of  hostilities 
by  sea  and  land  ;  to  restore  a  free  intercourse,  and  to  renew  the 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  143 

common  benefits  of  naturalisation  throughout  the  several  parts  of  the 
empire  ;  to  extend  every  freedom  to  trade  that  the  respective  inte- 
rests of  both  parties  could  require  ;  to  agree  that  no  military  force 
should  be  kept  up  in  the  different  states  of  North  America,  without 
the  consent  of  the  General  Congress,  or  of  the  particular  assemblies; 
to  concur  in  such  measures  as  would  be  requisite  to  discharge  the 
dehts  of  America,  and  to  raise  the  credit  and  the  value  of  the  paper 
circulation  ;  to  perpetuate  the  common  union  by  a  reciprocal  deputa- 
tion of  agents  from  the  different  states,  who  should  have  th?  privilege 
of  a  seat  and  voice  in  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  ;  or  if  sent 
from  Britain,  in  that  case,  to  have  a  seat  and  voice  in  the  assembly 
of  the  different  states  to  which  they  might  be  deputed  respectively  ; 
in  order  to  attend  to  the  several  interests  of  those  by  whom  they 
were  deputed  ;  to  establish  the  right  and  power  of  the  respective 
legislatures  in  each  particular  state,  of  settling  its  revenue  and  its 
civil  and  military  establishment,  and  of  exercising  a  perfect  freedom 
of  legislation  and  internal  government,  so  that  the  British  states 
throughout  North  America,  acting  with  those  of  Europe  in  peace 
and  war,  under  one  common  sovereign,  might  have»the  irrevocable 
enjoyment  of  every  privilege  that  was  short  of  a  total  separation  of 
interest,  or  consistent  with  that  union  of  force  on  which  the  security 
of  British  religion  and  liberty  depended. 

Finally,  the  commissioners  expressed  their  desire  to  open  confer- 
ences with  Congress,  or  with  some  of  its  members,  either  at  New 
York,  at  Philadelphia,  or  at  Yorktovvn,  or  in  such  other  place  as  it 
might  please  the  Congress  to  appoint? 

Thus,  to  terminate  a  war,  already  pushed  to  a  great  length,  those 
who  in  its  origin  would  hear  of  nothing  short  of  the  absolute  reduc- 
tion of  America,  abated  all  the  rigor  of  their  conditions. 

Meanwhile,  the  Congress  took  into  serious  consideration  the  state 
of  affairs.  The  debates  that  ensued  upon  this  subject,  were  drawn 
into  length  ;  not  that  any  individual  thought  of  renouncing  independ- 
ence, but  all  took  an  interest  in  the  form  of  the  answer  to  be  given  to 
the  commissioners.  The  discussion  was  continued  until  the  seven- 
teenth of  June.  On  that  day  the  Congress  answered  with  as  much 
conciseness  as  digffcy  ;  they  already  felt  how  greatly  their  position 
was  meliorated  by  the  success  of  their  arms  and  the  alliance  of 
France.'  Their  reply  purported,  that  the  acts  of  the  British  parlia- 
ment, the  very  commission  of  the  agents,  and  their  letters  to  Con- 
gress supposed  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  be  subjects  of  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  were  founded  on  the  idea  of  depend- 
ence, which  was  utterly  inadmissible  ;  that,  nevertheless,  the  Ame- 
ricans were  inclined  to  peace,  notwithstanding  the  unjust  claims 
from  which  the  war  had  originated,  and  the  savage  manner  in  which 
it  had  been  conducted.  That  Congress  would  therefore  be  ready 
to  enter  upon  the  consideration  of  a  treaty  of  peace  and  commerce. 


144  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

not  inconsistent  with  treaties  already  subsisting,  when  the  king  of 
Great  Britain  should  demonstrate  a  sincere  disposition  for  that  pur- 
pose ;  of  which  no  other  proof  could  be  admitted  but  that  of  an 
explicit  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
or  the  withdrawing  of  his  fleets  and  armies. 

Thus,  the  Americans,  steady  in  their  resolutions,  chose  rather  to 
trust  to  their  own  fortune,  which  they  had  already  proved,  and  to 
the  hope  they  placed  in  that  of  France,  than  to  link  themselves  anew 
to  the  tottering  destiny  of  England  ;  abandoning  all  idea  of  peace, 
war  became  the  sole  object  of  their  solicitude.  Such  was  the  issue 
of  the  attempts,  to  effect  an  accommodation  ;  and  thus  were  extin- 
guished the  hopes  which  the  negotiation  had  given  birth  to  in  Eng- 
land. By  not  consenting  to  concessions  until  the  time  for  them  was 
passed,  the  English  justified  the  refusal  of  the  Americans.  It  can- 
not be  affirmed  that  these  overtures  on  the  part  of  the  first,  were 
only  an  artifice  to  divide  the  second  among  themselves,  to  detach 
them  from  France,  and  to  have  them  afterwards  at  their  discretion  ; 
but  it  is  certain  that  after  so  many  rancorous  animosities,  so  many 
sanguinary  battles,  after  the  innumerable  excesses  of  rapine,  cruelty 
and  lust,  the  Americans  could  not  be  blamed  for  suspecting  the 
British  ministers  of  a  design  to  insnare  them. 

The  wound  was  incurable,  and  friendship  could  not  be  restored. 
This  was  a  truth  of  universal  evidence  ;  the  seeming  inclined  to 
believe  the  contrary,  was  sufficient  to  inspire  apprehensions  of  treach- 
ery, and  the  extreme  of  distrust  in  all  flattering  promises.  Whoever 
shall  reflect  attentively  upon  the  long  series  of  events  which  we  have 
related  up  to  this  time,  will  perceive  that  the  Americans  were  always 
constant  in  their  resolution,  the  English  always  versatile,  uncertain, 
and  wavering.  Hence  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  those  found 
new  friends,  and  that  these  not  only  lost  theirs,  but  also  made 
enemies  of  them  at  the  very  moment  when  they  could  do  them  the 
least  harm,  and  might  receive  the  most  from  them.  Vigorous  reso- 
lutions prevent  danger  ;  half  measures  invite  and  aggravate  it. 

But  the  chiefs  of  the  American  revolution  were  not  without  appre- 
hension that  the  insidious  caresses,  the, new  concessions  of  England, 
and  the  secret  intrigues  of  the  commissioners  rmght  act  powerfully 
upon  the  minds  of  such  citizens  as  were  weak  or  impatient  for 
repose.  The  Congress,  however,  was  not  disposed  to  give  any  other 
answer  except  that  which  has  been  recounted  above.  They  excited 
therefore  several  writers  to  justify  their  resolutions  and  to  defend  the 
cause  of  America.  This  course  appeared  to  them  the  more  proper, 
inasmuch  as  the  English  commissioners,  having  lost  all  hope  of  suc- 
ceeding with  the  Congress,  had  resorted  to  the  expedient  of  dissem- 
inating in  the  country  a  multitude  of  writings,  by  which  they 
endeavored  to  persuade  the  people  that  the  obstinacy  of  Congress 
would  hurry  America  into  an  abyss,  by  alienating  her  from  her  old 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  145 

friends,  and  giving  her  up  a  prey  to  an  inveterate  enemy.  This 
step  of  the  commissioners  furnished  the  patriots  with  a  new  argument 
to  put  the  people  on  their  guard  against  the  artifices  and  intrigues  of 
the  agents  of  England.  Among  th.6  writers  of  this  epoch,  deserving 
of  particular  mention,  is  Drayton,  one  of  the  deputies  of  South  Caro- 
lina, and  a  man  of  no  common  erudition.  He  endeavored  to 
demonstrate  in  the  puhlic  papers,  that  the  United  States  having 
already  treated  with  France,  as  free  states,  and  in  order  to  maintain, 
their  independence,  they  could  not  now  negotiate  with  the  British 
commissioners  upon  the  basis  of  submission,  without  renouncing  that 
faith  and  ingenuousness  which  ought  to  preside  over  all  their  trans- 
actions, without  exposing  the  American  people  to  be  accounted 
faithless  and  infamous,  and  consequently  to  lose  for  ever  all  hope  of 
foreign  succours  ;  while  on  the  other  hand  they  would  find  them- 
selves placed  without  resource  in  the  power  of  those  who  had  given 
them  heretofore  such  fatal  proofs  of  their  perfidy  and  cruelty. 
*  Besides,'  he  added,  'the  conventions  that  we  might  make  with  the 
commissioners  would  not  be  definitive,  they  would  need  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  king,  of  the  ministers,  and  of  the  parliament ;  and  what 
assurance  have  we  that  they  would  have  it  ?  But  let  it  be  supposed, 
can  we  be  assured  that  a  future  parliament  will  not  annul  all  these 
treaties  ?  Let  us  not  forget,  that  we  have  to  do  with  an  enemy  as 
faithless  and  fraudulent  as  barbarous.  How  is  it  possible  not  to  sus- 
pect a  snare,  when  we  hear  the  commissioners  offer  us  propositions 
which  exceed  their  powers,  and  contradict  even  the  acts  of  parlia- 
ment f  Thus  the  patriots  repulsed  the  offers,  the  promises,  and  the 
arguments  of  the  British  commissioners.  Finding  no  accessible 
point,  the  latter  were* at  length  convinced  that  all  hope  of  conciliation 
must  be  relinquished.  If  they  could  still  have  remained  under  any 
illusion  upon  this  point,  it  must  soon  have  been  dissipated  by  the 
evacuation  which  their  generals  made,  at  the  same  instant,  of  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  the  acquisition  of  which  had  been  the  fruit  of 
so  much  blood,  and  of  two  arduous  campaigns.  The  ministers 
feared,  what  actually  happened,  that  a  French  fleet  might  suddenly 
enter  the  Delaware,  and  place  the  British  army,  which  occupied 
Philadelphia,  in  extreme  jeopardy.  Their  design  was,  besides,  to 
carry  the  war  into  the  southern  provinces,  and  to  send  a  part  of  the 
troops  to  defend  their  islands  of  the  West  Indies  against  the  attacks 
of  the  new  enemy.  The  diminution  that  must  result  from  it  in  the 
army  of  the  continent,  induced  them  to  send  orders  to  Clinton,  by 
the  commissioner  Eden,  to  evacuate  Philadelphia  without  delay,  and 
to  fall  back  upon  New  York.  This  measure,  dictated  by  prudence, 
and  even  by  necessity,  was  interpreted  by  the  Americans  as  a  symp- 
tom of  terror  ;  and  it  consequently  must  have  had  the  most  prejudi- 
cial influence  upon  the  success  of  the  negotiations.  What  need 
have  we,  they  said,  to  enter  into  an  accommodation  with  the  Eng- 


146  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

lish,  when  their  retreat  is  a  virtual  avowal  of  the  inferiority  of  their 
arms  .? 

Be  this  as  it  may,  Clinton  prepared  to  execute  the  orders  of  his 
government.  But  in  order  to  repair  by  land  to  New  York,  it  was 
necessary  to  traverse  New  Jersey,  a  province,  in  which,  for  reasons 
already  stated,  he  must  expect  to  meet  only  with  enemies.  It  was, 
besides,  exhausted  by  long  war.  Foreseeing,  therefore,  that  he 
might  want  provisions,  the  English  general,  before  evacuating  Phila- 
delphia, had  collected  them  in  considerable  quantity,  and  loaded 
them  upon  a  great  number  of  carriages.  It  is  true,  that  as  the  fleet 
of  lord  Howe  still  remained  in  the  waters  of  the  Delaware,  the  army 
might  have  'been  transported  to  New  York  by  sea  ;  the  Americans 
themselves  expected  it,  and  Washington  apprehended  it  much.  But 
the  difficulties  and  delays  of  the  embarkation,  and  perhaps  also  the 
fear  of  encountering  the  French  fleet  in  superior  force,  deterred  the 
English  from  taking  this  route.  Clinton  and  Howe  having  made  the 
necessary  dispositions,  the  whole  army  passed  the  Delaware  very 
early  on  the  twenty-second  of  June  ;  and,  descending  the  river  a 
Jittle,  landed  at  Gloucester  Point,  upon  the  territory  of  New  Jersey. 
It  immediately  proceeded,  with  all  its  baggage,  towards  Haddonfield, 
where  it  arrived  the  same  day. 

Washington  was  soon  apprised  in  his  camp  at  Valley  Forge  that 
the 'British  army  was  in  motion  ;  without  loss  of  time  he  sent  general 
Dickinson  to  assemble  the  militia  of  New  Jersey  under  arms.  At 
the  same  time,  in  order  to  support  them  by  a  respectable  corps  of 
continental  troops,  he  ordered  general  Maxwell  to  march  into  New 
Jersey.  Their  mutual  efforts  were  to  embarrass,  by  all  possible 
impediments,  the  retreat  of  the  British  army  ;  to  break  up  the  roads, 
to  cut  the  bridges,  to  fell  trees,  and  to  plant  them  in  abattis.  It  was 
recommended  to  them  at  the  same  time  to  avoid  hazardous  move- 
ments and  unexpected  actions.  Such  were  the  first  steps  taken  by 
Washington  in  order  to  retard  the  enemy,  until  he  could  advance 
himself  with  the  main  body  of  his  army  into  New  Jersey,  and 
observe  in  person  what  there  was  to  be  done.  In  the  meantime,  he 
assembled  his  council  of  war  at  Valley  Forge,  and  submitted  to  their 
deliberation  whether  it  was  proper,  by  harassing  the  enemy's  rear, 
to  do  him  all  the  harm  possible,  without,  however,  coming  to  a 
general  engagement ;  or  whether  it  was  more  advisable  to  attack 
him  in  front,  and  try  the  fortune  of  a  decisive  battle.  The  opinions 
differed,  and  were  for  some  time  in  balance.  General  Lee,  who  a 
little  before  had  been  exchanged  for  Prescott,  considering  the  equal- 
ity of  the  forces  of  the  two  armies,  and  the  posture  of  affairs,  become 
too  favorable  to  be  exposed  without  necessity  to  the  hazard  of  bat- 
tles, perhaps  also  having  little  confidence  in  the  discipline  of  the 
American  troops,  was  of  the  opinion  that  they  should  not  be  put  to 
the  test  anew,  and  that  an  action  should  be  avoided.  He  was  for 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  147 

being  content  with  following  the  enemy,  observing  his  motions,  and 
preventing  him  from  ravaging  the  country.  This  counsel  was  adopted 
by  the  greater  part  of  the  generals.  The  others,  among  whom  was 
Washington  himself,  thought  differently,  and  were  inclined,  in  case  a 
favorable  occasion  should  present  itself,  to  engage  a  general  affair. 
They  could  not  bring  their  minds  to  endure  that  the  enemy  should 
retire  with  impunity  during  so  long  a  march,  and  they  persuaded 
themselves  that  they  had  every  thing  to  expect  from  soldiers  whose 
constancy,  the  rigor  of  the  seasons,  and  the  scarcity  of  things  the 
most  necessary  to  life,  had  not  been  able  to  subdue.  They  reflected, 
besides,  that  the  English  army  was  embarrassed  with  the  most  cum- 
bersome baggage,  and  they  doubted  not  but  that,  in  the  numerous 
defiles  it  would  have  to  thread,  some  favorable  occasion  must  offer 
itself  to  attack  with  advantage.  Nevertheless,  the  opinion  of  the 
majority  prevailed,  not  without  evident  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of 
Washington,  who,  according  to  his  character  of  personal  pertinacity, 
remained  steadfast  in  his  way  of  thinking. 

The  same  day  in  which  the  English  abandoned  Philadelphia,  he 
moved  from  his  camp  of  Valley  Forge,  and  crossing  the  Delaware 
at  Coryells  Ferry,  because  Clinton  was  marching  up  the  river,  he 
went  to  take  post  at  Hopewell.  He  was  in  great  uncertainty 
respecting  the  designs  of  the  enemy.  Their  slow  march,  which  was 
the  effect  of  the  immoderate  quantity  of  their  baggage,  and  not  a 
stratagem,  induced  him  to  suspect  that  their  aim  was  to  draw  him 
beyond  the  Rariton,  into  the  open  plains  of  New  Jersey,  and  then, 
rapidly,  turning  his  right,  to  lock  him  against  the  river,  and  constrain 
him  to  join  battle  with  disadvantage.  He  proceeded,  therefore,  with 
extreme  circumspection,  and  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  enticed  to 
venture  across  the  Rariton. 

Meanwhile,  the  English  had  already  reached  Allentovvn.  Wash- 
ington detached  Morgan  with  his  light  horse,  to  harass  their  right 
flank,  while  Maxwell  and  Dickinson  infested  them  on  the  left,  and 
general  Cadvvallader  in  rear.  But  when  Clinton  found  himself  in 
Allentown,  he  reflected  upon  the  way  he  had  to  take  in  order  to 
arrive  at  New  York.  By  turning  towards  the  Rariton,  he  might  pro- 
ceed to  Brunswick,  pass  the  river  there,  push  for  Staten  Island,  and 
thence  to  New  York.  Another  route  presented  itself  on  the  right, 
by  passing  through  Monmouth  and  gaining  with  rapidity  the  heights 
of  Middletown,  whence  it  was  easy  to  repair  to  Sandy  Hook  ;  from 
that  point,  the  fleet  of  Howe,  which  awaited  the  army,  could  trans- 
port it  to  New  York.  General  Clinton  conceived  it  an  extremely 
hazardous  enterprise  to  attempt  the  passage  of  the  Rariton,  with  an 
army  encumbered  by  such  immense  convoys,  and  in  the  presence  of 
that  of  Washington,  which  he  knew  was  soon  to  be  reenforced  by 
the  northern  troops,  under  the  command  of  general  Gates.  He 
concluded  therefore  to  pursue  the  road  of  Monmouth.  and  imtnedi- 


148  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    X. 

ately  commenced  the  march.  Washington,  who  till  then  had  remain- 
ed in  doubt,  because  the  road  from  Allentovvn  leads  alike  to  New 
Brunswick  and  to  Monmotiih,  as  soon  as  he  got  this  intelligence, 
detached  general  Wayne  with  a  thousand  regular  troops  to  re- 
enforce  the  corps  of  Cadwallader,  in  order  to  enable  him  with 
more  effect  to  harass,  and  retard  the  enemy.  The  simultaneous 
action  of  the  detachments  of  Wayne,  Cadwallader,  Dickinson  arid 
Morgan,  being  of  extreme  importance,  the  commander-in-chief  put 
them  all  under  the  command  of  major-general  La  Fayette.  But 
the  danger  increasing  at  every  instant,  as  the  American  van  had 
already  come  up  with  the  English  rear,  Washington  judged  it  neces- 
sary to  support  it  by  other  corps  of  regular  troops.  He  directed 
general  Lee  to  press  forward  with  two  brigades.  As  the  senior,  Lee 
took  the  command  of  the  whole  vanguard,  leaving  to  the  marquis  de 
la  Fayette  only  that  of  the  militia  and  light  horse.  General  Lee 
occupied  Eriglishtown.  Washington  followed  a  little  distance  from 
the  main  body  of  the  army,  and  encamped  at  Cranberry.  Morgan 
continued  to  infest  the  right  flank  of  the  English,  and  Dickinson  their 
left.  Things  were  fast  verging  to  a  decisive  event.  The  British 
army  was  encamped  upon  the  heights  of  Freehold  ;  descending 
thence  towards  Mon mouth,  a  deep  valley  is  entered,  three  miles  in 
length  and  one  in  breadth  ;  it  is  broken  with  hillocks,  woods,  and 
morasses.  General  Clinton,  seeing  the  enemy  so  near,  and  the 
battle  inevitable,  withdrew  all  the  baggage  from  the  rear,  and  passed 
it  into  the  charge  of  the  van,  commanded  by  general  Knyphausen., 
that  while  himself  with  the  rear  guard  kept  the  enemy  in  check,  it 
might  be  conducted  without  molestation  to  a  place  of  safety  upon 
the  hills  of  Middletown.  The  rear  guard,  which  he  retained  during 
the  night  of  the  twenty-seventh  in  his  encampment  at  Freehold,  con- 
sisted of  several  battalions  of  English  infantry,  both  heavy  and  light, 
the. Hessian  grenadiers,  and  a  regiment  of  cavalry. 

The  next  morning  at  daybreak,  Knyphausen  descended  into  the 
valley  with  the  vanguard  and  his  convoy,  on  his  way  towards  Mid- 
dletown, and  was  soon  at  a  good  distance  from  the  camp.  Clinton, 
with  the  selected  corps  he  had  kept  with  him,  still  maintained  his 
position,  as  well  to  retard  the  enemy,  as  to  give  time  for  the  baggage 
to  gain  the  heights.  Washington,  promptly  informed  of  all  that 
passed,  and  apprehensive  that  the  English  would  effect  their  design 
of  posting  themselves  in  the  mountains  of  Middletown,  the  distance 
being  only  a  few  miles,  in  which  case  it  became  impossible  to  inter- 
rupt their  retreat  to  New  York,  resolved  to  give  them  battle  without 
further  delay. 

He  ordered  general  Lee  to  attack  the  enemy  in  front,  while  Mor- 
gan and  Dickinson  should  descend  into  the  valley  upon  his  flanks, 
the  first  to  the  right,  the  second  to  the  left,  in  order  to  attempt  the 
column  of  Knyphausen,  encumbered  with  its  long  train  of  carriages 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  149 

and  packhorses.  Each  put  himself  in  motion  to  obey.  General 
Clinton  having  resumed  his  march,  was  already  descended  from  the 
heights  of  Freehold,  when  he  perceived  that  the  Americans  were 
also  descending  with  impetuosity  in  order  to  attack  him.  He  was 
informed  at  the  same  instant,  that  Knyphausen  was  exposed  to  the 
greatest  peril,  his  convoy  being  engaged  in  defiles,  that  continued 
several  miles.  Clinton  finding  himself  under  the  necessity  of  fight- 
ing, instantly  took  the  only  resolution  that  could  extricate  him  from 
the  embarrassments  of  his  position.  He  determined  to  turn  upon 
the  Americans  who  menaced  his  rear,  and  to  charge  them  with  the 
utmost  vigor.  He  persuaded  himself  that  thrown  into  disorder  by 
this  unexpected  attack,  they  would  hasten  to  recall  to  their  succour 
the  corps  they  had  detached  to  intercept  the  baggage.  Thus  the 
English  rear  guard,  commanded  by  Cornvvallis  and  Clinton  himself, 
and  the  American  vanguard,  conducted  by  general  Lee,  and  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette,  advanced  the  one  against  the  other  with  a 
firm  resolution  to  engage. 

The  artillery  began  to  play,  and  the  Queen's  dragoons  charged 
and  routed  the  light  horse  of  La  Fayette.  Lee,  surprised  at  the  un- 
expected determination  of  Clinton  to  face  about  upon  the  Americans, 
and  the  rapidity  with  which  he  had  carried  it  into  execution,  was 
constrained  to  form  his  troops  upon  ground  by  no  means  favorable. 
He  had  behind  him  a  ravine  which  rendered  his  retreat  almost  im- 
practicable in  case  of  check.  Perhaps  also  he  was  piqued  at  being 
forced  to  join  battle  after  having  supported  the  contrary  opinion. 

At  the  first  charge  of  the  English  he  fell  back,  not  without  dis- 
order, probably  occasioned  by  the  difficulty  of  the  ground.  The 
enemy  pursued  him  across  the  ravine  and  pressed  him  hard  before 
he  had  lime  to  rally.  In  this  critical  moment,  Washington  arrived 
with  his  corps.  Having  kept  himself  ready  to  move  at  any  instant, 
he  had  pushed  forward  at  the  first  sound  of  the  firing,  having  ordered 
his  soldiers  to  leave  behind  them  whatever  could  impede  their  march, 
even  to  the  knapsacks,  which  they  usually  carried  upon  all  occasions. 
On  seeing  the  retreat  or  rather  flight  of  the  troops  of  Lee,  he  was 
not  master  of  his  anger,  he  addressed  some  very  harsh  words  to  that 
general,  and  applied  himself  with  equal  prudence  and  courage  to 
restore  the  fortune  of  the  day.  It  was  necessary,  first  of  all,  to  ar- 
rest for  a  few  moments  the  impetuosity  of  the  English,  in  order  to 
give  time  for  all  the  corps-  of  the  rear  guard  to  come  up.  Accord- 
ingly, the  commander-in-chief  ordered  the  battalions  of  colonels 
Stewart  and  Ramsay  to  occupy  an  important  post  on  the  left,  behind 
a  tuft  of  wood,  and  there  to  sustain  the  first  efforts  of  the  enemy. 
Stung  by  the  reproaches  of  his  general,  and  stimulated  by  the  point 
of  honor,  even  Lee  made  extreme  exertions  to  rally  his  troops.  He 
disposed  them  on  more  advantageous  ground,  where  they  defended 
themselves  valiantly.  The  English  were  constrained  to  renew  their 
VOL.  ii.  20 


150  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

attacks  in  order  to  dislodge  them.  But  at  length,  Lee  as  well  as 
Stewart  and  Ramsay,  overpowered  by  numbers,  were  forced  to  fall 
back  ;  they  withdrew,  however,  without  any  confusion.  Lee  retired 
to  rally  anew  behind  Englishtown  ;  but  in  the  meantime  the  Ame- 
rican rear  guard  had  arrived  upon  the  field  of  battle.  Washington 
disposed  these  fresh  troops,  partly  in  a  neighboring  wood,  and  partly 
upon  a  hill  situated  on  the  left,  from  which  some  pieces  of  cannon, 
which  lord  Sterling  had  planted  there,  severely  annoyed  the  enemy. 
The  infantry  were  drawn  up  in  the  centre,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  in 
front  of  the  enemy.  At  the  same  time,  general  Greene,  who  on  this 
day  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  who  had  advanced  considerably, 
on  being  apprised  of  the  retreat  of  the  vanguard,  very  prudently 
concluded  also  to  fall  back. 

As  soon  as  he  was  arrived  upon 'the  field  of  battle,  he  took  a  very 
strong  position  on  the  right  of  lord  Sterling.  He  likewise  posted 
his  artillery  upon  a  lofty  eminence,  whence  it  cruelly  infested  the 
left  wing  of  the  enemy.  The  English,  being  thus  arrested,  and  find- 
ing so  harsh  a  reception  in  front,  attempted  to  turn  the  left  flank  of 
the  Americans  ;  but  they  were  repulsed  by  the  light  infantry  which 
Washington  had  sent  there  for  this  purpose.  They  then  directed 
their  efforts  against  his  right,  which  they  endeavored  to  surround. 
But  overwhelmed  by  the  artillery  of  Greene,  they  were  soon  forced 
to  retreat.  As  soon  as  Washington  saw  them  give  way,  he  caused 
them  to  be  charged  vigorously  by  the  infantry  under  general  Wayne. 

The  English  turned  the  back,  and  recrossing  the  ravine  went  to 
form  anew  upon  the  same  ground  where  general  Lee  had  made  his 
first  halt.  Victory  was  no  longer  doubtful ;  but  the  new  position  of 
the  English  was  still  formidable.  Their  flanks  were  covered  by 
woods  and  deep  morasses,  and  their  front,  being  protected  by  the 
same  ravine  which  had  deranged  the  troops  of  Lee  in  the  beginning 
of  the  action,  could  only  be  reached  through  a  narrow  pass. 

Washington,  nevertheless,  made  his  dispositions  for  renewing  the 
engagement,  having  ordered  general  Poor  to  charge  them  upon  the 
right  with  his  own  brigade  and  a  corps  of  Carolinian  militia,  and 
general  Woodfort  to  attack  them  upon  the  left,  while  the  artillery 
should  play  on  them  in  front.  Both  exerted  themselves  with  alacrity 
to  execute  their  orders,  and  to  surmount  the  obstacles  which  defended 
the  flanks  of  the  British  army.  But  the  ground  was  so  broken 
and  difficult,  that  night  came  on  before  they  had  been  able  to  obtain 
any  advantage.  The  action  soon  ceased  throughout  the  line.  Wash- 
ington would  have  desired  to  recommence  it  the  next  morning,  with 
the  day  ;  he  therefore  kept  all  his  troops  under  arms  during  the  night. 
He  was  vigilant  that  every  thing  should  be  ready ;  sparing  neither 
cares  nor  fatigue.  But  the  thoughts  of  Clinton  were  very  differently 
occupied.  His  vanguard  and  his  baggage  were  already  arrived  in 
safety  near  Middletown.  His  calculation  had  not  deceived  him,  for 


BOOK    X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  151 

he  had  no  sooner  attacked  the  corps  of  Lee,  than  that  general  hast- 
ened to  recall  the  light  troops  which  had  been  detached  to  fall  upon 
the  baggage  and  the  soldiers  that  guarded  it,  as  they  filed  through  the 
valley.     During  the  action,  they  had  continued  to  march  upon  M>d- 
dletovvn,  and  they  had  arrived  the  same  evening  at  secure  positions 
on  the  hills.     Clinton,  besides,  had  not  to   blush  for  this  day,  since 
with  his  rear  guard  he  had  repulsed  the  American  van,  and  had  finally 
arrested   the  whole  army  of  the   enemy.     His  troops  were  greatly 
inferior  in  number  to   those  of  Washington  ;  but  it  would  have  been 
an   imprudence,  even   for  an  army  of  equal   force,   to  risk  a  new 
engagement,  when  so  great  a  part  of  it  was  at  such   a   distance,  and 
in  a  country  whose  inhabitants   and   whose  surface   presented  little 
else  but  opposition  and  obstacles.     The  loss  of  the  battle  would  have 
been  followed  by  the  to;.  1  ruin  of  the  army.     On  all  these  considera- 
tions, he  decided  for  retreat.     He  took  advantage  of  the  obscurity  of 
night  in  order  not  to  be  followed,  and  to  avoid  the  intolerable  sultri- 
ness of  the  climate  during  the  day.     About  ten  at  night,  the  Ameri- 
cans say  at  midnight,  he  put  his  columns  in  motion  for  MidfUetown, 
with  so  profound  a  silence,  that  the  enemy,  though  extremely  near, 
and  attentive  to  observe  him,  perceived  not  his  retreat.    Clinton  wrote, 
that  his  march  was  favored  by  moonlight.    This  circumstance  afforded 
the  Americans  an  abundance  of  merriment ;  it  being  observed  that 
the  moon  was  then  at  its  fourth  day,  and  that  it  was  set  a  little  before 
eleven  at  night.     Washington,  on  his  part,  had  to  lake  into  consider- 
ation the  excessive  heat  of  the  season,  the  weariness  of  his  troops, 
the  nature  of  the  country,  very  sandy,  and  without  water;  finally,  the 
distance  which  the  enemy  had  already  gained  upon  him  during  the 
night.     He  consequently  relinquished  the  thought  of  pursuing  them, 
and  allowed  his  army  to  repose  in  the  camp  of  Englishtown  until  the 
first  of  July.     He  took  this  step  with  the  less  reluctance,  as  he  con- 
sidered it  now  impracticable  to  prevent  or  disturb  the  embarkation  of 
the  English  at  Sandy  Hook. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  battle  of  Freehold,  or  of  Monmouth,  as 
it  is  called  by  the  Americans.  If  they  had  the  worse  in  its  com- 
mencement, it  terminated  in  their  favor.  And  it  appears  very  pro- 
bable, that  if  the  division  under  Lee  had  made  a  firm  stand,  they 
would  have  gained  the  most  decisive  victory.  The  English,  in  this 
engagement,  had  three  hundred  killed,  and  an  equal  number  wound- 
ed ;  about  one  hundred  were  made  prisoners.  Many  of  them  also 
deserted,  especially  of  the  Hessians.  Few  were  slain  on  the  side  of 
the  Americans.  On  the  one  part  and  on,  the  other  many  soldiers 
died,  not  of  wounds,  but  of  the  intense  heat  of  the  weather,  added  to 
the  fatigue  of  the  day.  Washington  greatly  commended  his  troops 
for  the  valor  they  had  signalised,  and  particularly  general  Wayne. 
The  Congress  voted  thanks  to  the  army,  and  especially  to  the  offi- 
cers and  comoiander-in-chief.  But  general  Lee,  a  man  of  an  irasci- 


152  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.    *  BOOK  X, 

ble  character,  could  not  brook  the  indignity  he  believed  to  have  been 
offered  him  by  Washington,  in  presence  of  his  soldiers.  He  there- 
fore wrote  two  letters  to  the  commander-in-chief,  in  which  his  resent- 
ment caused  him  to  forget  all  bounds  of  respect.  They  occasioned 
the  revival  of  an  affair  which  the  usual  prudence  and  moderation  of 
Washington  would  have  inclined  him  to  pass  by.  Lee  was  arrested 
and  brought  before  a  court  martial,  to  make  answer  to  the  three  fol- 
lowing charges  ;  for  disobedience,  in  not  attacking  the  enemy  on  the 
twenty-eighth  of  June,  agreeably  to  his  instructions  ;  for  having  made 
an  unnecessary,  disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat  ;  and,  for  disrespect 
to  the  cornmander-in-chief  in  his  two  letters.  He  defended  himself 
with  great  ingenuity,  and  with  a  sort  of  eloquence,  so  that  impartial 
and  military  men  remained  in  doubt  whether  he  was  really  culpable 
or  not.  Nevertheless,  the  court  martial  found  him  guilty  of  all  the 
charges,  bating  the  epithet  of  shameful,  which  was  expunged,  and 
sentenced  him  to  be  suspended  for  one  year ;  a  judgment,  certainly 
either  too  mild,  if  Lee  was  guilty,  or  too  severe,  if  innocent.  This 
affair  occasioned  much  conversation,  some  approving,  others  blaming 
the  sentence.  The  Congress,  though  with  some  hesitation,  confirm- 
ed it. 

On  the  first  of  July,  Washington  directed  the  march  of  his  army 
towards  the  Hudson,  in  order  to  secure  the  passages  of  the  moun- 
tains, now  tjie  English  were  in  force  at  New  York.  He  left,  how- 
ever, some  detachments  of  light  troops,  and  particularly  Morgan's 
dragoons,  in  the  lower  parts  of  New  Jersey,  to  take  up  deserters,  and 
to  repress  .the  incursions  of  the  enemy. 

While  such  were  the  operations  of  Washington  and  of  Clinton  in 
New  Jersey,  general  Gates,  with  a  part  of  the  northern  army,  had 
descended  along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  in  order  to  disquiet  the 
English  in  New  York.  By  this  judicious  movement,  the  garrison  of 
that  city,  under  apprehensions  for  itself,  was  prevented  from  march- 
ing to  the  support  of  those  who  were  engaged  with  the  enemy  in  New 
Jersey. 

Meanwhile,  the  British  army  was  arrived,  the  thirtieth  of  June,  at 
Middletown,  not  far  from  Sandy  Hook.  The  fleet  under  lord  Howe, 
was  already  at  anchor  there,  though  it  had  been  detained  a  long  time 
in  the  Delaware  by  caltns.  Sandy  Hook  had  been  in  time  past  a 
peninsula,  which,  forming  a  point,  extended  in  the  mouth  of  the  bay 
of  New  York  ;  but  in  the  preceding  winter  it  had  been  disjoined 
from  the  main  land  by  a  violent  storm  and  inundation,  and  converted 
into  an  island.  The  timely  arrival  of  the  fleet,  delivered  the  army 
from  the  imminent  peril  to  which  it  would  have  been  exposed,  had  it 
been  unable  to  pass  this  new  strait.  But  a  bridge  of  boats  was  con- 
structed with  incredible  expedition  ;  and  the  whole  army  passed  over 
the  channel  into  Sandy  Hook  island,  whence  it  was  soon  after  con- 
veyed by  the  fleet  to  New  York ;  ignorant  of  the  extreme  danger  it 
had  so  narrowly  escaped. 


BOOK  X.  'THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  153 

The  count  d'  Estaing,  with  his  powerful  armament,  was  at  length 
arrived  in  the  seas  of  America.  After  having  made  his  appearance 
upon  the  coasts  of  Virginia,  he  had  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Dela- 
ware, in  the  night  of  the  eighth  of  July.  If  he  could  have  gained 
that  position  a  few  days  sooner,  and  before  the  fleet  of  Howe  had  got 
out  of  the  river,  or  even  if  he  had  fallen  in  with  it  on  its  passage  from 
the  Delaware  to  Sandy  Hook,  it  is  heyond  doubt  that  he  would  have 
entirely  destroyed  that  squadron,  which  only  consisted  of  two  ships 
of  the  line,  a  few  frigates,  and  a  certain  number  of  transports.  The 
British  army  would  then  have  been  enclosed  by  the  Americans  at 
land,  and  by  the  French  at  sea.  Hemmed  in  by  mountains  and  an 
impassable  tract  of  country,  it  would  huve  found  it  impossible  to  force 
its  way  to  New  York.  Destitute  of  provisions,  and  cut  off  from-  all 
communication,  it  must  have  been  compelled  at  last  to  surrender,  and 
at  Middletown  would  have  been  renewed  the  capitulation  of  Saratoga. 
This  event  might  therefore  have  decided  the  fate  of  the  whole  war. 
But  after  having  commenced  with  favorable  winds,  the  voyage  of  the 
French  admiral  was  so  protracted  by  frequent  calms,  or  by  rough 
weather,  that  he  not  only  did  not  arrive  in  time  to  surprise  the  squad- 
ron of  Howe  in  the  Delaware,  and  the  army  of  Clinton  at  Philadel- 
phia, as  had  been  the  scope  of  his  plan,  but  also  that  he  did  not 
enter  the  waters  of  that  river  until  the,  one  was  withdrawn  to  the 
anchorage  of  Sandy  Hook,  and  the  other  behind  the  walls  of  New 
York. 

But  though  the  land  troops  might  think  themselves  in  safety  within 
that  city,  the  fleet  was  exposed  to  manifest  peril  in  the  road  of  Sandy 
Hook.  As  soon  as  the  count  d'  Estaing  was  informed  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy,  he  promptly  took  his  resolution.  He  put  to  sea 
anew,  and  suddenly  made  his  appearance,  the  eleventh  of  July,  in 
sight  of  the  British  squadron  anchored  at  Sandy  Hook.  His  own 
consisted  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line,  perfectly  equipped,  among  which 
were  two  of  eighty  guns,  and  six  of  seventy-four;  he  had,  besides, 
three  or  four  large  frigates.  On  the  other  hand,  the  British  squadron 
was  composed  of  only  six  ships  of  sixty-four  guns,  three  of  fifty, 
and  two  of  forty,  with  some  frigates  and  sloops.  They  were  not  in 
good  condition,  having  been  long  absent  from  England,  and  their 
crews  were  very  deficient  in  number.  It  is  also  to  be  observed,  that 
when  the  French  fleet  appeared  so  unexpectedly,  that  of  Howe  was 
not  in  the  order  of  battle  suitable  to  receive  it.  If,  therefore,  the 
count  d'  Estaing,  immediately  upon  his  arrival,  had  pushed  forward 
and  attempted  to  force  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  there  must  have 
ensued,  considering  the  valor  and  ability  of  the  two  parties,  a  most 
obstinate  and  sanguinary  engagement ;  an  engagement,  however, 
which  the  superiority  of  the  French  would  in  all  probability  have 
decided  in  their  favor. 


154  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

The  count  d5  Estaing  appeared  disposed  to  enter  ;  the  English 
prepared  to  receive  him.  But  such  is  the  nature  of  the  mouth  of 
the  bay  of  New  York,  that,  though  sufficiently  broad,  it  is  obstructed 
by  a  bar,  which  runs  from  Long  Island  towards  Sandy  Hook,  so 
that  between  the  latter  and  the  extremity  of  the  bar,  there  is  left  but 
a  very  narrow  ship  channel.  Nevertheless,  the  bar  being  at  a  cer- 
tain depth  under  water,  light  vessels  may  pass  it  with  facility,  espe- 
cially at  flood  tide  ;  but  it  was  doubtful  whether  large  ships  like 
those  of  the  French,  could  surmount  this  obstacle.  The  count 
d'  Estaing  took  counsel  of  the  American  pilots,  sent  him  by  the 
Congress;  he  feared  that  his  ships,  and  especially  the  Languedoc 
and  Tonnant,  which  drew  more  water  than  the  others,  would  not  be 
able  to  pass.  He  therefore  relinquished  the  enterprise,  and  withdrew 
to  anchor  upon  the  coast  of  New  Jersey,  about  four  miles  from 
Sandy  Hook,  and  not  far  from  the  town  of  Shrewsbury.  There, 
having  recruited  his  water  and  provisions,  he  concerted  With  the 
American  generals  respecting  the  expedition  of  Rhode  Island,  which 
he  meditated,  since  he  had  missed  that  of  the  Delaware. 

The  English  imagined  that  the  French  admiral  was  only  waiting 
in  this  anchorage  for  the  high  tides  at  the  end  of  July.  Under  the 
apprehension  of  an  approaching  attack,  they  accordingly  prepared 
themselves  for  a  vigorous  defence.  The  ardor  manifested  on  this 
occasion  by  their  troops,  both  in  the  land  and  sea  service,  cannot  be 
too  highly  commended.  Meanwhile,  several  English  vessels  that 
were  bound  to  New  York,  far  from  supposing  that  the  French  were 
become  masters  of  the  sea,  fell  daily  into  their  power,  under  the  very 
eyes  of  their  own  people  of  the  squadron,  whose  indignation  was 
vehement ;  but  they  had  no  means  of  remedy. 

Finally,  on  the  twenty-second  of  July,  the  whole  French  fleet 
appeared  at  the  entrance  of  Sandy  Hook.  The  wind  favored  it  and 
the  tide  was  very  high.  The  English  expected  an  action  which 
must  necessarily  issue  either  in  a  victory  without  example,  or  in  the 
total  destruction  of  their  fleet ;  but  after  some  uncertain  movements, 
the  count  d'  Estaing  all  at  once  stood  off  towards  the  south,  and 
relieved  his  enemy  from  all  fear.  His  departure  could  not  have 
been  better  timed  for  the  English  ;  for  from  the  twenty-second  to 
the  thirtieth  of  July,  several  ships  of  admiral  Byron's  squadron,  which 
had  been  dispersed  and  shattered  by  storms  and  a  tedious  passage 
arrived  successively  at  Sandy  Hook.  If  the  count  d'  Estaing  had  re- 
mained a  few  days  longer  on  that  station,  not  one  of  them  could  have 
escaped  him.  Of  this  number  were  the  Renown  and  the  Centurion 
of  fifty  guns,  the  Reasonable  of  sixty-four,  and  the  Cornwall  of 
seventy-four. 

Admiral  Howe  thus  finding  himself,  with  infinite  gratification,  in 
condition  to  resume  the  open  sea,  sailed  in  search  of  the  count 
d' Estaing,  whom  he  afterwards  found  at  Newport  in  Rhode  Island. 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  155 

But  previous  to  relating  what  passed  between  the  two  admirals, 
the  order  of  history  requires  that  we  should  recount  what  happened 
between  the  British  commissioners  and  the  Congress.  The  former 
had  not  entirely  abandoned  their  enterprise,  and  they  still  continued 
upon  the  American  continent. 

Johnstone,  one  of  their  number,  had  formerly  resided  a  long  time 
upon  the  shores  of  America,  where  he  had  formed  an  acquaintance 
with  many  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  country.  He  had  like- 
wise been  governor  of  one  of  the  colonies,  where  his  active  and 
cultivated  genius,  with  his  insinuating  manners,  had  procured  him  an 
extensive  influence.  Being;,  besides,  a  member  of  parliament,  he 
had  there  always  warmly  defended  the  cause  of  America,  and  had 
shown  himself  one  of  the  most  resolute  antagonists  of  the  ministry. 
These  motives,  to  which  perhaps  it  was  owing  that  he  had  been 
selected  for  a  commissioner,  persuaded  him  that  he  might  succeed 
in  effecting  in  America  by  his  suggestions  and  a  private  correspond- 
ence, what  his  colleagues  perchance  could  not  have  obtained  by 
open  negotiations,  always  subject  to  the  restraints  of  circumspection 
and  distrust.  He  believed,  at  least,  that  by  enticing  the  principal 
republicans  with  brilliant  prospects  of  honors  and  wealth,  he  should 
smooth  the  difficulties  which  impeded  the  operations  of  the  commis- 
sioners. It  is  not  known  whether  he  pursued  this  course  of  his  own 
motion,  or  with  the  privity,  or  even  by  the  command  of  the  govern- 
ment. Nevertheless,  the  tenor  of  the  letters  he  wrote  upon  this  head, 
would  lead  to  the  belief  that  the  ministers  were  no  strangers  to  his 
designs.  In  fact,  contrary  to  the  uniform  practice  of  those  who  exercise 
a  delegated  power,  he  praised  the  resistance  which  the  Americans 
had  made,  up  to  that  time,  against  the  unjust  and  arrogant  laws  of 
England  ;  a  frankness  he  would  scarcely  have  ventured,  if  he  had  not 
been  guided  by  the  instructions  of  the  ministers.  The  style  in  which 
he  wrote  to  the  most  considerable  citizens,  and  even  to  the  members 
of  Congress,  would  sooner  have  caused  him  to  be  taken  for  an  agent 
of  that  body,  than  for  an  envoy  of  the  British  government.  He 
professed  a  desire  to  be  admitted  into  the  interior  of  the  country, 
and  to  discourse  face  to  face  with  men,  whose  virtues  he  admired 
above  those  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  in  order  to  be  able  to 
describe  them  to  his  children.  He  affirmed  that  they  had  worthily 
wielded  the  pen  and  the  sword  in  vindicating  the  rights  of  their 
country,  and  of  the  human  race;  he  overwhelmed  them  with  protest- 
ations of  his  love  and  veneration.  The  Congress  had  some  suspi- 
cions, and  at  last  positive  knowledge  of  these  intrigues.  They  recom- 
mended to  the  different  states,  and  directed  the  commander-in-cbief 
and  other  officers,  to  hold  a  strict  hand  to  the  effect  that  all  corres- 
pondence with  the  enemy  should  cease.  By  a  subsequent  resolution, 
it  was  ordained  that  all  letters  of  a  public  nature  received  by  any 

. 


156  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

members  of  Congress,  from  the   agents   or   subjects  of  the  king  of 
Great  Britain,  should  be  laid  before  that  assembly. 

Tims  became  public  those  letters  addressed  by  Johnstone  to  three 
members  of  Congress,  one  to  Francis  Dana,  another  to  general 
Reed,  and  a  third  to  Robert  Morris.  In  the  first,  he  assured  that 
doctor  Franklin  had  approved  the  conditions  of  the  arrangement  that 
was  proposed  ;  that  France  had  been  induced  to  conclude  the  treaty 
of  alliance,  not  from  any  regard  for  the  interests  of  America,  but 
from  the  dread  of  reconciliation  ;  that  Spain  was  dissatisfied,  and 
disapproved  the  conduct  of  the  court  of  Versailles.  In  the  second, 
after  lavishing  praises  on  general  Reed,  he  continued,  with  saying, 
that  the  man  who  could  be  instrumental  in  restoring  harmony  between 
the  two  states,  would  deserve  more  from  the  king  and  people,  than 
ever  was  yet  bestowed  on  human  kind.  In  the  third,  which  he  had 
also  filled  with  compliments,  he  admitted  that  he  believed  the  men 
who  had  conducted  the  affairs  of  America,  incapable  of  being 
influenced  by  improper  motives,  and  added  the  following  words ; 
*  but  in  all  such  transactions  there  is  risk  ;  and  I  think  that  whoever 
ventures,  should  be  secured,  at  the  same  time,  that  honor  and  emolu- 
ment should  naturally  follow  the  fortunes  of  those  who  have  steered 
the  vessel  in  the  storm,  and  brought  her  safely  into  port.  I  think 
Washington  and  the  President  have  a  right  to  every  favor  that  grate- 
ful nations  can  bestow,  if  they  could  once  more  unite  our  interests, 
and  spare  the  miseries  and  devastations  of  war.'  Such  were  the 
baits  with  which,  as  the  Americans  said,  George  Johnstone  attempted 
the  fidelity  of  the  first  authorities  of  the  United  States ;  such  were 
the  words  of  blandishment  he  caused  to  resound  in  their  ears,  in 
order  to  seduce  them  to  betray  their  country.  But  that  which  £ave 
the  Congress  most  offence,  and  which  they  profited  of  with  the 
greatest  address  to  render  the  British  cause  and  propositions  alike 
odious  to  the  inhabitants  of  America,  was  the  following  transaction  ; 
general  Reed  stated  that  a  lady  had  sought  him,  on  the  part  of  John- 
stone,  and  had  earnestly  exhorted  him  to  promote  the  reunion  of  the 
two  countries,  promising,  in  case  of  success,  a  reward  often  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  and  any  office  in  the  colonies  in  the  king's  gift. 
The  general  replied,  as  he  affirmed,  that  he  was  not  worth  purchas- 
ing ;  but  that  such  as  he  was,  the  king  of  Great  Britain  ivas  not  rich 
enough  to  do  it.  The  Congress,  in  their  indignation,  declared  that 
these  being  direct  attempts  to  corrupt  and  bribe  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  it  was  incompatible  with  their  honor  to 
hold  any  manner  of  correspondence  or  intercourse  with  George  John- 
stone  ;  especially  to  negotiate  with  him  upon  affairs  in  which  the 
cause  of  liberty  and  virtue  was  interested. 

This  declaration,  which  was  sent  by  a  flag  to  the  commissioners, 
produced  a  very  severe  answer  from  Johnstone,  which,  if  he  had 
clothed  in  more  moderate  language,  would  have  gained  him  more 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  157 

credit  with  his  readers.  He  affected  to  consider  the  declaration  of 
Congress  as  an  honor,  and  not  as  a  matter  of  offence  ;  he  observed 
that  while  that  assembly  only  contended  for  the  essential  privileges 
necessary  to  the  preservation  of  their  liberty  and  the  redress  oi  their 
grievances,  their  censure  would  have  filled  his  soul  with  bitterness 
and  with  grief;  but  since  the  Congress,  deaf  to  the  piteous  cries  of 
so  many  citizens  overwhelmed  by  the  calamities  of  war,  had  sullied 
by  motives  of  personal  ambition  the  principles  of  their  first  resistance  ; 
since  he  saw  them  bend  the  knee  before  the  ambassador  of  Francej 
and  form  alliance  with  the  ancient  enemy  of  the  two  countries,  with 
the  manifest  intention  of  reducing  the  power  of  the  mother  country, 
he  was  quite  unconcerned  what  might  be  the  opinions  of  such  men 
with  regard  to  him.  As  to  the  accusations  drawn  from  his  letters, 
he  neither  denied  nor  confessed.  He  simply  affirmed,  that  the 
present  resolution  of  Congress  was  no  better  founded  than  that  they 
had  taken  concerning  the  cartridgeboxes  of  Burgoyne's  army.  He 
reserved,  however,  the  liberty  of  justifying  his  conduct,  before  his 
departure  from  America ;  and  added,  that  in  the  meantime,  he 
should  abstain  from  acting  in  the  character  of  a  commissioner. 

His  colleagues,  Carlisle,  Clinton  and  Eden,  issued  a  counter 
declaration,  wherein  they  disclaimed  all  participation  and  knowledge 
of  the  matters  specified  by  the  Congress  in  their  resolutions.  They 
expressed,  at  the  same  time,  the  highest  opinion  of  the  abilities  of 
Johnstone,  of  the  uprightness  of  his  intentions,  and  of  the  equity  and 
generosity  of  those  sentiments  and  principles  upon  which  he  was 
desirous  of  founding  a  reconciliation  between  the  disunited  parts  of 
the  British  empire.  . 

But  the  design  of  the  commissioners  in  this  declaration  was  not 
so  much  to  exculpate  themselves,  as  to  counteract  the  impression 
produced  by  the  treaties  with  France,  and  to  demonstrate  to  the 
people  at  large  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  ratify  them.  They 
had  placed  great  hopes  in  this  step.  They  were  not  ignorant  that 
many  Americans  had  abated  their  ardor,  and  even  conceived  a  secret 
discontent,  since  the  much  magnified  succour  of  the  count  d'  Estaing 
had  proved  of  so  little,  or  rather  of  no  utility.  The  commissioners 
were  also,  as  usual,  stimulated  by  the  refugees,  who  reminded  them 
continually  of  the  multitude  and  power  of  the  loyalists.  They  ex- 
patiated, therefore,  upon  the  perfidy  of  France,  upon  the  ambition  of 
Congress,  and  they  exerted  themselves,  especially,  to  prove  that  the 
latter,  in  a  case  of  this  importance,  where  the  salvation  or  the  ruin  of 
all  America  was  at  stake,  had  not,  even  by  their  own  constitution, 
the  power  to  ratify  the  treaties  with  France,  without  consulting  their 
constituents  ;  at  a  time,  too,  when  such  offers  of  accommodation 
were  expected  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  as,  not  only  far  exceeded 
the  demands,  but  even  the  hopes  of  the  inhabitants  of  America. 

VOL.    II.  21 


158  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

They  concluded  with  observing,  that  the  faith  of  the  nation  was  not 
pledged  by  the  ratification  of  Congress. 

The  opposite  party  wanted  not  writers  who  endeavored  to  defeat 
the  effect  of  these  insinuations.  .The  most  conspicuous  among  them 
were  Drayton,  already  mentioned,  and  Thomas  Paine,  author  of  the 
work  entitled  Common  Sense.  Whatever  were  the  merits  of  this 
controversy,  it  is  certain  that  the  publications  of  the  commissioners 
were  absolutely  fruitless.  Not  a  proselyte  was  made. 

The  British  agents  being  now  persuaded  that  all  hopes  of  recon- 
ciliation were  illusory,  determined,  before  their  departure,  to  publish 
a  manifesto,  in  which  they  threatened  the  Americans  with  the  ex- 
tremes of  the  most  desolating  war  that  man  could  conceive.  They 
hoped  that  terror  would  produce  those  effects  which  their  conciliatory 
offers  had  failed  of  attaining.  .  This  plan  of  hostilities  had  long  been 
advocated  in  England,  by  the  friends  of  coercion,  as  the  readiest  and 
most  effectual.  It  would  bring,  they  believed,  such  distress  on  the 
colonies  as  would  not  fail  to  compel  them  to  submit.  They  repre- 
sented the  vast  continent  of  America  as  peculiarly  open  to  incursions 
and  ravages  ;  its  coasts  were  of  so  immense  an  extent,  that  they  could 
not  possibly  be  guarded  against  an  enemy  that  was  master  at  sea ;  there 
were  innumerable  bays,  creeks  and  inlets,  where  descents  might  be 
made  unobstructed.  The  rivers  were  such  as  afforded  a  navigation 
for  ships  of  force  far  into  the  interior  parts  of  the  country  ;  thus  it 
would  be  easy  to  penetrate  to  most  of  the  towns  and  settlements,  and 
to  spread  destruction  into  the  heart  of  every  province  on  the  continent. 

The  commissioners,  inclining  to  adopt  these  views,  commenced 
their  manifesto  with  a  retrospect  of  the  transactions  and  conduct  of 
the  Congress;  charging  them  with  an  obstinate  rejection  of  the 
proffers  of  accommodation  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  and  repre- 
senting them  as  unauthorised  to  exercise  the  powers  they  had 
assumed.  On  the  other  hand,  they  magnified  their  own  endeavors 
to  bring  about  a  restoration  of  peace  and  happiness  to  America. 
They  gave  notice,  that  it  was  their  intention  to  return  shortly  to 
England,  as  their  stay  in  a  country  where  their  commission  had  been 
treated  with  so  little  notice  and  respect,  was  inconsistent  with  the 
dignity  of  the  power  they  represented.  They  professed,  however, 
the  same  readiness  as  ever,  to  promote  the  objects  of  their  mission, 
and  to  continue  the  conciliatory  offers  that  were  its  principal  motive. 
Finally,  they  solemnly  warned  the  people  of  the  alteration  that  would 
be  made  in  the  future  method  of  carrying  on  the  war,  should  the 
colonies  persist  in  their  resistance  to  Great  Britain,  and  in  their 
unnatural  connection  with  France. 

'  The  policy,  as  well  as  the  benevolence  of  Great  Britain,'  said 
they,  *  has  hitherto  checked  the  extremes  of  war,  when  they  tended 
to  distress  a  people,  still  considered  as  fellow-subjects,  and  to  desolate 
a  country  shortly  to  become  again  a  source  of  mutual  advantage  : 


* 

BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  159 

but  when  that  country  not  only  estranges  herself  from  England,  but 
mortgages  herself  and  her  resources  to  tier  enemy,  the  whole  contest 
is  changed  ;  arid  the  question  is,  how  fur  Great  Britain  may,  by  every 
means  in  her  power,  destroy  or  render  useless,  a  connection  contrived 
for  her  ruin,  and  for  the  aggrandisement  of  France  .?  Under  such 
circumstances,  the  laws  of  selfps-eservation  must  direct  the  conduct 
of  Great  Britain  ;  and  if  the  British  colonies  are  to  become  an 
accession  of  power  to  France,  will  direct  her  to  render  that  accession 
of  as  little  avail  as  possible  to  her  enemy.' 

This  manifesto,  which  was  the  object  of  the  severest  animadver- 
sion, and  which  was  even  condemned  by  several  orators  of  parliament, 
and  particularly  by  Fox,  as  cruel  and  barbarous,  produced  no  greater 
effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  Americans  than  had  been  operated  by 
the  offers  of  peace. 

The  Congress  immediately  issued  a  proclamation,  warning  all  the 
inhabitants  who  lived  in  places  exposed  to  the  descents  and  ravages 
of  a  ferocious  enemy,  to  remove,  on  the  appearance  of  danger,  to 
the  distance  of  at  least  thirty  miles,  together  with  their  families,  their 
cattle,  and  all  their  moveable  property.  But  if  the  measures  adopted 
by  the  British  commissioners,  were  justly  censured,  those  taken  by 
the  Congress  are  at  least  by  no  means  to  be  commended.  They 
recommended,  that  whenever  the  enemy  proceeded  to  burn  or  destroy 
any  town,  the  people  should,  in  the  same  manner,  ravage,  burn  and 
destroy  the  houses  and  properties  of  all  lories  and  enemies  to  the 
independence  of  America,  and  secure  their  persons  ;  without  treating 
them,  however,  or  their  families  with  any  cruelty  ;  since  the  Ameri- 
cans should  abhor  to  imitate  their  adversaries,  or  the  allies  they  had 
subsidised,  whether  Germans,  blacks,  or  savagea 

Such  are  the  excesses  to  which  even  the  most  civilised  men  are 
liable  to  be  transported,  when  under  the  pestilent  influence  of  party 
spirit.  The  British  threatened  to  do  what  they  had  already  done, 
and  the  Americans,  the  very  thing  they  so  justly  condemned  in  tireir 
enemies.  But  impassioned  man  is  more  prone  to  imitate  evil  in 
others,  than  dispassionate  man  to  imitate  good. 

Some  time  after,  lest  the  extreme  rigor  of  the  English  declarations 
should  give  birth  to  new  thoughts  among  the  people,  the  Congress 
published  a  manifesto,  in  which  they  premised,  that  since  they  had 
not  been  able  to  prevent,  they  had  endeavored,  at  least,  to  alleviate 
the  calamities  of  war.  But  they  asserted  that  the  conduct  of  their 
enemies  had  been  the  very  reverse.  '  They,'  said  the  manifesto, 
*  have  laid  waste  the  open  country,  burned  the  defenceless  villages, 
and  butchered  the  citizens  of  America.  Their  prisons  have  been 
the  slaughterhouses  of  her  soldiers,  their  ships  of  her  seamen  ;  and 
the  severest  injuries  have  been  aggravated  by  the  grossest  insults. 
Foiled  in  their  vain  attempts  to  subjugate  the  unconquerable  spirit  of 
freedom,  they  have  meanly  assailed  the  representatives  of  America 


1 

160  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    X- 

with  bribes,  with  deceit,  and  the  servility  of  adulation.  They  have 
made  a  mock  of  religion  by  impious  appeals  to  God,  whilst  in  the 
violation  of  his  sacred  command.  They  have  made  a  mock  even  of 
reason  itself,  by  endeavoring  to  prove  that  the  liberty  and  happiness 
of  America  could  safely  be  intrusted  to  those  who  have  sold  •  their 
own,  unawed  by  the  sense  of  virtue  or  of  shame.  Treated  with  the 
contempt  which  such  conduct  deserved,  they  have  applied  to  indi- 
viduals. They  have  solicited  them  to  break  the  bonds  of  allegiance, 
and  imbue  their  souls  with  the  blackest  crimes.  But  fearing  that 
none  could  be  found  through  these  United  States  equal  to  the  wicked- 
ness of  their  purpose  ;  to  influence  weak  minds  they  have  threatened 
more  wide  devastation. 

'While  the  shadow  of  hope  remained  that  our  enemies  could  be 
taught  by  our  example  to  respect  those  laws  which  are  held  sacred 
among  civilised  nations,  and  to  comply  with  the  dictates  of  a  religion 
which  they  pretend,  in  common  with  us,  to  believe  and  revere,  they 
have  been  left  to  the  influence  of  that  religion  and  that  example. 
But  since  their  incorrigible  dispositions  cannot  be  touched  by  kind- 
ness and  compassion ;  it  becomes  our  duty  by  other  means  to  vindi- 
cate the  rights  of  humanity. 

1  We,  therefore,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
do  solemnly  declare  and  proclaim,  that  if  our  enemies  presume  to 
execute  their  threats,  or  persist  in  their  present  career  of  barbarity, 
we  will  take  such  exemplary  vengeance,  as  shall  deter  others  from  a 
like  conduct.  We  appeal  to  that  God  who  searcheth  the  hearts  of 
men,  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions ;  and  in  his  holy  presence 
declare,  that  as  we  are  not  moved  by  any  light  and  hasty  suggestions 
of  anger  or  revenge-,  so  through  every  possible  change  of  fortune  we 
will  adhere  to  this  our  determination.' 

At  the  same  epoch,  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  indignant  at  the 
manner  in  which  the  British  commissioners  had  spoken  of  France  in 
their  letter  of  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  in  attributing  her  interfe- 
rence in  the  present  quarrel  to  ambition,  and  to  the  desire  of  seeing 
the  two  parties  consume  each  other  in  a  long  war,  wrote  to  the  earl 
of  Carlisle,  demanding  reparation  for  the  insult  offered  to  his  country, 
and  challenging  him  to  single  combat. 

The  earl  declined  this  meeting,  saying,  that  as  he  had  acted  on 
that  occasion  in  the  character  of  a  commissioner,  his  language  and 
conduct  had  been  official,  and  consequently  he  was  accountable  for 
them  to  no  one  except  to  his  king  and  country.  He  concluded  his 
answer  with  observing,  that  in  regard  to  national  disputes,  they  would 
be  better  adjusted  when  admiral  Byron  and  the  count,  d'  Estaing 
should  have  met  upon  the  ocean. 

A  short  time  after,  the  commissioners,  unable  to  effect  any  of  the 
objects  of  their  mission,  embarked  for  England.  All  hope  from  ne- 
gotiation being  now  vanished,  every  thought  was  devoted  with  new 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  161 

ardor  to  the  way  of  arms.  Meanwhile,  the  Congress  had  returned  to 
Philadelphia,  a  few  days  after  the  English  evacuated  that  city.  On 
the  sixth  of  August  they  received  publicly,  and  with  all  the  ceremo- 
nies usual  on  similar  occasions,  M.  Gerard,  minister  plenipotentiary 
of  the  king  of  France.  This  envoy  delivered  at  first  his  letters  of 
credence,  which  were  signed  by  Lewis  XVI.  and  directed  to  his  very 
dear  great  friends  and  allies,  the  president  and  members  of  the  gene- 
rat  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America.  He  made  a  very 
apposite  speech,  in  which  he  set  forth  the  benevolent  intentions  of 
France  towards  the  United  States,  and  the  reciprocal  obligation  of 
the  two  contracting  parties  to  execute  the  engagements  stipulated  in 
the  eventual  treaty,  in  order  to  defeat  the  hostile  measures  and  de- 
signs of  the  common  enemy.  He  announced,  that  on  his  part,  his 
most  Christian  majesty  had  already  sent  to  their  assistance  a  nume- 
rous and  powerful  fleet.  He  closed,  with  expressing  a  hope  that  the 
principles  which  might  be  adopted  by  the  respective  governments 
would  tend  to  strengthen  those  bonds  of  union,  which  had  originated 
in  the  mutual  interest  of  the  two  nations. 

The  president,  Henry  Laurens,  answered  with  much  ease  and 
dignity  ;  that  the  present  treaties  sufficed  to  demonstrate  the  wisdom 
and  magnanimity  of  the  most  Christian  king  ;  that  the  virtuous  citi- 
zens of  America  could  never  cease  to  acknowledge  the  hand  of  a 
gracious  Providence,  in  raising  them  up  so  powerful  and  illustrious  a 
friend.  That  the  Congress  had  no  doubt,  but  that  the  confidence  his 
majesty  reposed  in  the  firmness  of  the  United  States  would  receive 
additional  strength  from  every  day's  experience.  That  since  Eng- 
land,, from  her  insatiable  lust  of  domination,  was  resolved  to  prolong 
the  war;  and  with  it  the  miseries  of  mankind,  they  were  determined 
to  fulfill  all  the  conditions  of  the  eventual  treaty,  although  they  had 
no  more  ardent  wish  than  to  spare  human  blood,  by  laying  down  at 
once  their  resentments  and  their  arms  ;  that  they  hoped  the  assist- 
ance of  so  wise  and  generous  an  ally,  would  at  length  open  the  eyes 
of  Great  Britain,  and  bring  her  to  a  sense  of  justice  and  moderation. 
The  authorities  of  Pennsylvania,  many  strangers  of  note,  the  officers 
of  the  army,  and  a  great  number  of  distinguished  citizens  were  pre- 
sent at  this  audience.  The  public  joy  was  now  at  its  height.  All 
hearts  were  filled,  not  only  with  the  hope  of  independence,  for  that 
was  considered  as  no  longer  doubtful,  but  also  with  brilliant  anticipa- 
tions of  future  prosperity  ;  the  American  empire,  with  the  interference 
of  France,  appeared  already  established  for  ever. 

Thus  a  king  extended  an  auxiliary  hand  to  a  republic  against 
another  king  !  Thus  the  French  nation  came  to  the  succour  of  one 
English  people  against  another  English  people ;  thus  the  European 
powers,  who  until  then  had  acknowledged  no  other  independent 
nations  in  America,  except  the  savages  and  barbarians,  looking  upon 
all  the  others  as  subjects,  began  to  recognise  as  independent  and  sove- 

, 


162  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X, 

reign  a  civilised  nation,  and  to  form  alliance  with  it,  as  such,  by  authen- 
tic treaties.  An  event  assuredly  worthy  to  arrest  our  particular 
attention  ;  since  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus,  none  of  equal 
or  of  similar  importance  had  passed  before  the  eyes  of  men.  Such, 
in  America,  were  the  fruits  either  of  the  love  of  liberty  or  the  desire 
of  independence.  Such  were  the  consequences,  in  Europe,  of  a  blind 
obstinacy,  or  of  a  pride  perhaps  necessary  on  the  one  part  ;  of  jea- 
lousy of  power  and  a  thirst  of  vengeance  on  the  other  ! 

The  fourteenth  of  September  the  Congress  appointed  doctor  Ben- 
jamin Franklin  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  the 
court  of  France. 

We  have  already  related  how,  and  by  what  causes,  the  expedition 
of  the  Delaware,  by  which  the  allies  had  hoped  to  destroy  the  Bri- 
tish fleet  and  army  at  a  single  blow,  had  failed  to  have  effect.  Desi- 
rous, therefore,  of  achieving  some  other  enterprise  of  importance, 
%vhich  might  both  honor  their  arms,  and  procure  them  an  essential 
advantage,  they  resolved  to  direct  their  operations  against  Rhode 
Island.  This  expedition  offered  them  greater  facilities  than  any 
other  ;  the  situation  of  places  being  such  that  the  land  troops  of  the 
Americans,  and  the  naval  forces  of  the  French  could  lend  each  other 
mutual  assistance,  and  bring  their  joint  energies  to  bear  upon  the 
same  point.  This  design  had  been  concerted  between  the  generals 
of  Congress  and  d'  Estaing,  while  he  lay  at  anchor  off  Sandy  Hook. 
General  Sullivan  had  already  been  sent  into  that  part,  in  order  to  take 
the  command  of  the  troops  destined  for  the  expedition,  and  in  the 
meantime  to  assemble  the  militia  of  New  England.  General  Greene 
had  likewise  been  directed  to  proceed  to  Rhode  Island  ;  born  in  that 
province,  he  possessed  great  credit  and  influence  among  its  inhabit- 
ants. The  general  of  the  British  army,  having  penetrated  the 
design  of  the  allies,  had  sent  from  New  York  considerable  reenforce- 
ments  to  major-general  Pigot,  who  commanded  in  Rhode  Island, 
which  carried  his  garrison  to  six  thousand  men.  General  Sullivan  had 
established  his  camp  near  Providence  ;  it  was  composed  of  about  ten 
thousand  men,  including  militia.  The  plan  which  had  been  agreed 
upon  was,  that  while  Sullivan  should  make  a  descent  upon  the  island 
from  the  northward,  d'  Estaing  was  to  force  the  harbor  of  Newport 
from  the  south,  destroy  the  British  shipping  at  anchor  there,  and  assault 
the  town  with  vigor.  The  British  garrison,  thus  pressed  between  two 
fires,  it  was  thought  would  soon,  of  necessity,  be  compelled  to  surrender. 

The  state  of  Rhode  Island  is  principally  composed  of  several  adja- 
cent islands,  the  largest  of  which  gives  its  name  to  the  whole  pro- 
vince. Between  the  eastern  coast  of  this  island  and  the  main  land, 
is  an  arm  of  the  sea,  which,  extending  considerably  towards  the  north, 
expands  into  the  bay  of  Mount  Hope.  This  arm  is  denominated 
Seaconnet,  or  the  eastern  passage.  Between  Rhode  Island  and  the 
island  of  Conanicut  is  another  very  narrow  passage,  named  the  Main 


BOOK  X. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  163 


Channel.  Finally,  between  the  western  coast  of  Conanicut  island 
and  the  main  land  is  found  a  third  arm  of  the  sea,  known  by  the 
name  of  the  western,  or  Narraganset  passage.  The  town  of  New- 
port is  situated  upon  the  western  shore  of  Rhode  Island  Proper, 
opposite  to  the  island  of  Conanicut.  At  a  short  distance  from  the 
town,  to  the  northeast,  rise  a  chain  of  hills  which  stretch  almost  across 
the  island  from  the  eastern  passage  to  the  Main  Channel.  The 
English  had  fortified  these  heights  with  much  care,  in  order  to  cover 
the  town  against  an  attack  from  the  Americans,  who  were  likely  to 
approach  by  the  north  part  of  the  island. 

General  Pigot  prepared  himself  for  an  able  and  vigorous  defence. 
He  very  prudently  recalled  the  garrison  of  Conanicut  island,  and 
concentrated  his  forces  about  Newport.  He  also  withdrew  into  the 
town  the  artillery  and  the  cattle.  The  posts  that  were  dispersed  in 
different  parts  of  the  island,  and  especially  the  soldiers  who  occupied 
the  northern  point,  were  ordered  to  fall  back  upon  the  town  as  soon 
as  they  should  discover  the  enemy's  approach.  The  part  of  the  town 
which  looked  towards  the  sea  was  fortified  with  extreme  diligence  ; 
vessels  of  transport  were  sunk  in  such  places  as  might  obstruct  the 
approaches  by  water  to  the  most  important  batteries,  the  rest  were 
burned.  The  frigates  were  removed  higher  up  for  safer  moorings. 
But  to  provide  %  the  worst,  they  were  stripped  of  their  artillery  and 
stores.  The  seamen  belonging  to  the  vessels  sunk  or  destroyed,  were 
employed  to  serve  the  artillery  of  the  ramparts ;  a  service  they  well 
understood,  and  greatly  coveted. 

Meanwhile,  the  count  d'  Estaing,  on  his  departure  from  Sandy 
Hook,  after  standing  to  the  southward  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Delaware,  changed  his  course  and  bore  to  the  northeast  upon  Rhode 
Island.  He  arrived  the  twenty-ninth  of  July  at  Point  Judith,  and 
anchored  with  the  most  of  his  ships  just  without  Brenton's  Ledge, 
about  five  miles  from  Newport.  Two  of  his  vessels  went  up  the 
Narraganset  passage,  and  cast  anchor  to  the  north  of  Conanicut. 
Several  frigates  entered  the  Seaconnet  passage  ;  the  English  on  their 
approach  set  fire  to  a  corvette  and  two  armed  gallies  which  had  been 
stationed,  there.  During  several  days  the  French  admiral  made  no 
attempt  to  penetrate  the  Main  Channel,  in  order  to  attack  the  town 
of  Newport,  as  it  had  been  concerted  with  the  Americans.  This 
delay  was  occasioned  by  that  of  the  reenforcements  of  militia  which 
general  Sullivan  expected,  and  which  were  deemed  essential  to  the 
security  of  the  enterprise.  Finally,  the  eighth  of  August,  all  the 
preparations  being  completed,  and  the  wind  favorable,  the  French 
squadron  entered  the  harbor  of  Newport,  and  coasting  the  town,  dis- 
charged their  broadsides  into  it,  and  received  the  fire  of  the  batteries 
on  shore  ;  but  little  execution  was  done  on  either  side.  They  anchor- 
ed a  little  above  the  town,  between  Goats  Island  and  Conanicut,  but 
nearest  to  the  latter,  which  was  already  occupied  by  the  Americans. 


164 


THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  X. 


The  English,  in  the  meantime,  finding  they  could  not  save  several 
frigates  and  other  vessels  of  Jess  force,  concluded  to  burn  them. 

The  next  day,  general  Sullivan,  who  had  moved  from  Providence 
down  to  that  part  of  the  main  land  which  bears  from  the  east  upon 
Rhode  Island,  crossed  the  Seaconnet  passage  at  Howlands  Ferry, 
and  landed  with  all  his  troops  upon  the  north  end  of  the  island.  It 
appears  that  this  movement  was  highly  offensive  to  the  count  d'  Es- 
taing,  who  expected  to  have  been  the  first  to  set  foot  on  shore  in  the 
island.  General  Sullivan  hoped  that  the  attack  would  now  be  delay- 
ed no  longer,  when  the  same  day,  the  ninth  of  August,  signals 
announced  the  whole  squadron  of  lord  Howe,  who,  on  receiving 
intelligence  that  Rhode  Island  was  menaced  by  the  French,  had 
hastened  to  the  succour  of  general  Pigot.  Notwithstanding  the 
reenforcernent  he  had  lately  received,  he  was  still  inferior  to  his 
enemy,  considering  the  size  of  his  ships,  and  their  weight  of  metal. 
His  squadron,  though  more  numerous,  consisted  of  only  one  ship  of 
seventy-four,  seven  of  sixty-four,  and  five  of  fifty  guns,  with  several 
frigates.  He  hoped,  however,  that  fortune  would  offer  him  an  occa- 
sion to  join  battle  with  the  advantage  of  wind,  or  of  some  other 
circumstances.  And  certainly  if,  from  the  time  he  had  taken  the 
resolution  of  moving  to  the  relief  of  Rhode  Island,  the  winds  had 
not  retarded  his  progress,  he  would  have  arrived  at^the  very  moment 
vi  hen  the  French  squadron  was  dispersed  in  the  different  channels 
formed  by  the  adjacent  islands  ;  in  which  case  he  would  have  had 
all  the  chances  of  victory  in  his  favor.  But  his  passage  was  so 
difficult,  that  he  was  unable  to  arrive  till  the  day  after  that  in  which 
the  count  d'  Estaing  had  put  himself  in  safety  with  all  his  fleet  in  the 
Main  Channel. 

Having  carefully  examined,  as  well  the  nature  of  the  places,  as 
the  position  of  the  French  ships,  and  having  also  communicated  to 
the  same  end  with  general  Pigot,  the  British  admiral  concluded  that 
there  was  no  hope  left  him  of  succouring  the  town,  especially  as  the 
winds  continued  contrary.  The  harbor  was  so  situated,  the  entrance 
so  narrow,  the  apparatus  of  defence  in  the  island  of  Conanicut  so 
formidable,  that  the  enterprise  could  not  have  been  attempted,  not 
only  by  an  inferior  squadron,  as  was  that  of  Howe,  but  even  by  a 
greatly  superior  force,  without  temerity.  For  the  same  cause,  if  the 
French  admiral,  agreeably  to  the  plan  concerted  with  Sullivan,  had 
been  disposed  to  persist,  and  not  to  quit  his  station  until  he  had 
afforded  that  general  all  the  cooperation  in  his  power,  there  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  the  town  of  Newport  would  have  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  allies. 

But  the  count  d'  Estaing,  like  a  true  Frenchman,  full  of  ardor 
and  impatience,  upon  a  change  of  wind  to  the  northeast,  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  tenth,  was  seized  with  an  impulse  that  he  could  not 
master,  to  profit  of  this  circumstance  to  sail  out  of  the  harbor,  in 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  165 

order  to  attack  the  enemy.  He  accordingly  stood  out  to  sea,  in 
search  of  the  British  fleet.  Admiral  Howe,  on  seeing  so  formidable 
an  armament  advance  to  engage  him,  and  being  under  the  wind, 
which  gave  the  French  the  weathergage,  declined  coming  to  action, 
and  manoeuvred  with  great  ability  in  order  to  gain  that  advantage  for 
liimself.  A  contest  ensued  for  it,  which  lasted  the  whole  day  ;  the 
French  admiral  striving  to  retain  it  with  equal  eagerness.  The  wind 
still  continuing  on  the  eleventh  unfavorable  to  the  British,  Howe 
resolved  notwithstanding  to  meet  the  enemy.  He  therefore  formed 
his  squadron  so  that  it  could  be  joined  by  three  fire-ships,  which 
were  towed  by  the  frigates.  The  French  also  disposed  their  ships 
in  order  of  battle,  and  the  moment  already  approached  that  was  to 
decide  which  of  the  two  powerful  adversaries  should  remain  master 
of  the  American  seas.  But  at  the  same  instant,  a  strong  gale  com- 
menced, which,  soon  tifter  increasing,  became  a  violent  storm.  The 
tempest,  which  lasted  forty-eight  hours,  not  only  separated  and  dis- 
persed the  two  fleets,  but  did  them  so  much  damage,  that  they  were 
both  rendered  unfit  for  action,  and  compelled  to  put  into  port  to 
repair.  The  French  squadron  suffered  even  more  than  the  English, 
especially  in  their  masts  and  rigging.  The  Languedoc,  of  ninety 
guns,  the  admiral's  ship,  lost  her  rudder  and  all  her  masts.  Float- 
ing in  this  condidbn,  at  the  mercy  of  the  currents,  she  was  met  by 
the  English  ship  Renown,  of  fifty  guns,  commanded  by  captain 
Dawson,  who  attacked  her  with  so  much  vigor  and  dexterity,  that 
had  not  darkness  interposed,  together  with  the  gale,  which  had  not 
yet  sufficiently  abated,  she  must  inevitably  have  struck  ;  as  she 
could  only  use  seven  or  eight  of  her  guns.  Some  French  ships 
appeared  with  the  return  of  'day.  They  bore  down  upon  captain 
Dawson,  and  gave  chase,  though  without  being  able  to  come  up  with 
him.  But  they  at  least  delivered  their  admiral  from  the  imminent 
peril  to  which  they  found  him  exposed. 

The  same  day,  the  English  ship  Preston,  of  fifty  guns,  fell  in  with 
the  Tonnant,  of  eighty,  with  only  her  mainmast  standing.  He  at- 
tacked her  ;  but  was  compelled  by  the  coming  on  of  night,  to  dis- 
continue the  engagement  till  next  morning,  when  the  appearance  of 
several  French  ships  constrained  him  to  withdraw.  The  British 
squadron  returned  to  Sandy  Hook  and  New  York,  for  the  purpose 
of  refitting  ;  the  repairs  were  pushed  with  the  greatest  diligence. 
The  French  recovered  the  harbor  of  Newport. 

In  the  meantime,  general  Sullivan,  though  impeded  by  bad  wea- 
ther, and  other  difficulties  which  had  retarded  the  arrival  of  his  stores 
and  artillery,  had  advanced  very  near  to  Newport.  He  already  had 
occupied  Honeymans  Hill,  and  was  engaged  with  great  activity  in 
constructing  batteries.  The  besieged  were  not  wanting  to  themselves  ; 
they  erected  new  fortifications  and  new  batteries,  to  answer  those  of 
the  Americans.  But  notwithstanding  their  efforts,  if  the  count  d'  Es- 
VOL.  ii.  22 


166  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

taing,  on  returning  from  his  more  prejudicial  than  useful  enterprise 
upon  the  sea,  had  chosen  to  cooperate  with  the  Americans,  it  is  cer- 
tain, that  the  position  of  general  Pigot  would  have  been  excessively 
critical. 

Assailed  on  the  one  side  by  the  Americans,  the  English  could  not 
have  hoped  to  defend  themselves,  if  the  French  on  the  other,  in 
addition  to  the  fire  of  their  ships,  had  landed,  as  they  easily  might 
have  done,  a  strong  detachment  on  the  southern  point  of  the  island, 
in  order  to  assault  the  left  flank  of  the  town,  which  was  known  to  be 
the  weakest.  But  the  count  d'  Estaing  had  very  different  intentions. 
He  despatched  a  letter  to  Sullivan,  informing  him  that,  in  pursuance 
of  orders  from  his  sovereign,  and  of  the  advice  of  all  his  officers,  he 
had  taken  the  resolution  to  carry  the  fleet  to  Boston.  His  instruc- 
tions were,  it  is  true,  to  sail  for  that  port  if  his  fleet  should  meet 
'with  any  disaster,  or  if  a  superior  British  fleet  should  appear  on  the 
coast. 

The  injuries  sustained  by  the  storm,  and  the  information  which 
had  been  received  that  Byron  had  arrived  at  Halifax,  were  consi- 
dered as  producing  the  state  of  things  contemplated  by  the  instructions 
of  the  ministry.  The  Americans,  convinced  that  the  departure  of 
the  count  d'  Estaing  would  be  the  ruin  of  the  expedition,  added 
entreaties  to  remonstrances,  in  order  to  dissuade  him  from  so  fatal 
a  measure. 

Generals  Greene  and  La  Fayette  besought  him  that  he  would  not, 
by  persisting  in  his  resolution,  abandon  the  interests  of  the  common 
cause  ;  they  represented  to  him  the  importance,  to  France,  as  well 
as  America,  of  the  enterprise  commenced  ;  that  it  was  already  so 
well  advanced  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  success  ;  that  it  could  not  be 
relinquished  in  its  present  stage  without  shaming  and  disgusting  the 
Americans,  who,  confiding  in  the  promised  cooperation  of  the  French 
fleet,  had  undertaken  it  with  alacrity,  and  made  incredible  exertions 
-to  provide  the  requisite  stores  ;  that  to  be  deserted  at  so  critical  a 
moment  would  furnish  a  triumph  to  the  disaffected,  who  would  not 
fail  to  exclaim,  that  such  was  French  faith,  and  the  fruit  of  the 
alliance  ;  that  the  successive  miscarriages  of  the  Delaware,  of  Sandy 
Hook,  and  finally  this  of  Newport,  could  not  but  carry  to  its  height 
the  exasperation  of  minds.  They  added,  that  with  a  fleet  in  so 
shattered  a  condition,  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  pass  the  shoals  of 
Nantucket ;  that  it  could  be  repaired  more  conveniently  at  Newport 
than  at  Boston  ;  and  finally,  that  its  present  station  afforded  advan- 
tages over  Boston  for  distressing  the  enemy,  while  in  the  event  of 
the  arrival  of  a  superior  fleet,  it  would  be  no  more  secure  at  Boston 
than  at  Newport.  All  was  fruitless.  The  count  d'  Estaing  got 
under  sail  the  twenty-second  of  August,  and  three  days  after  came 
to  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Boston. 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  167 

Whatever  is  to  be  thought  of  this  resolution  of  d'  Estaing,  which, 
it  appears,  was  not  only  approved,  but  even  strenuously  recommended 
by  his  council,  it  is  certain  that  it  made  a  violent  impression  upon 
the  minds  of  the  republicans,  and  excited  loud  clamors  throughout 
America.  The  militia,  who  with  so  much  zeal  had  hastened  to  join 
Sullivan  in  Rhode  Island,  finding  themselves  thus  deserted  by  their 
allies,  immediately  disbanded,  so  that  the  besiegers  were  reduced  in 
a  short  time  from  about  ten  thousand  men  to  not  more  than  half  that 
number,  while  the  force  of  the  enemy  consisted  of  six  thousand 
veterans. 

In  so  abrupt  a  reverse  of  fortune,  and  seeing  the  allied  fleet  retire, 
while  that  of  the  enemy  approached,  the  American  general  soon 
determined  to  fall  back  upon  the  main  land,  and  evacuate  the  island 
entirely.  He  began  the  twenty-sixth  of  August  to  pass  his  heavy 
artillery  and  baggage  towards  the  northern  point  of  the  island,  and 
on  the  twenty-ninth  he  put  himself  in  motion,  with  all  the  army. 
Though  warmly  pursued  by  the  English  and  Hessians,  he  rejoined  his 
van  without  loss.  But  the  enemy  coming  up  in  more  force,  there 
ensued  a  very  hot  affair  in  the  environs  of  Quaker  Hill,  in  which 
many  soldiers  fell  on  both  sides.  At  length,  the  Americans  repulsed 
the  English  with  admirable  resolution.  In  the  night  of  the  thirtieth, 
the  corps  of  Su-llivan  recovered  the  main  land  by  the  passages  of 
Bristol  and  Howlands  Ferry.  Such  was  the  issue  of  an  expedition, 
undertaken  not  only  with  the  fairest  prospect  of  success,  but  which 
had  been  carried  to  the  very  threshold  of  a  brilliant  termination. 
The  American  general  made  his  retreat  in  time  ;  for  the  next  day 
general  Clinton  arrived  with  four  thousand  men  and  a  light  squadron, 
to  the  relief  of  Newport.  If  the  winds  had  favored  him  more,  or  if 
general  Sullivan  had  been  less  prompt  to  retreat,  assailed  in  the 
island  by  an  enemy  whose  force  was  double  his  own,  and  his  way  to 
the  continent  intercepted  by  the  English  vessels,  his  position  would 
have  been  little  less  than  desperate.  His  prudence  received  merited 
acknowledgments  on  the  part  of  Congress. 

Admiral  Howe  having  refitted  his  ships  with  astonishing  despatch, 
stood  out  to  sea,  and  sailed  towards  Boston.  He  hoped  to  arrive 
there  before  his  adversary,  and  consequently  to  intercept  his  retreat 
thither,  or  at  least  to  attack  him  in  the  outer  harbor.  He  arrived, 
indeed,  on  the  thirtieth  of  August,  in  the  bay  of  Boston.  But  he 
was  unable  to  accomplish  either  the  one  or  the  other  of  his  designs ; 
the  count  d' Estaing  was  already  in  port  ;  and  the  batteries  erected 
by  the  Americans  upon  the  most  commanding  points  of  the  coast 
rendered  all  attack  impracticable.  The  British  admiral,  therefore, 
returned  to  New  York,  where  he  found  a  reenforcement  of  several 
ships,  which  rendered  his  fleet  superior  to  that  of  the  French. 
He  availed  himself  of  this  circumstance,  and  of  the  permission  he 
had  received  some  time  before,  to  resign  the  command  to  admiral 


I6b  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X, 

Gambler,  until  the  arrival  of  admiral  Byron  upon  that  station,  which 
took  place  the  sixteenth  of  Septemher.  Lord  Howe  soon  -after 
returned  to  England.  This  illustrious  seamen  rendered  important 
services  to  his  country,  in  the  campaigns  of  Pennsylvania,  New  York 
and  Rhode  Island,  services  which  would  have  had  more  brilliant 
results,  if  the  ability  of  the  commanders  on  shore  had  equalled  his 
own.  Even  to  say  nothing  of  the  activity  he  displayed  in  transport- 
ing to  a  distant  country  so  numerous  an  army  as  that  of  his  brother 
sir  William,  the  talent  and  firmness  with  which  he  surmounted  the 
obstacles  that  opposed  his  entrance  into  the  Delaware,  deserve  the 
highest  commendation.  When  the  count  d'  Estaing  made  his 
appearance  with  a  formidable  fleet,  and  much  superior  to  his  own, 
he  nevertheless  prepared  to  receive  him  at  Sandy  Hook  ;  afterwards 
by  offering  him  battle  he  baffled  his  designs  a  gainst  Newport  ;  and 
then  the  French  admiral,  disabled  by  the  tempest,  forced  to  seek 
refuge  in  the  port  of  Boston,  issued  no  more,  except  to  make  the 
best  of  his  way  to  the  West  Indies;  thus  totally  abandoning  the 
execution  of  the  plan  concerted  by  the  allies  for  the  campaign  of 
this  year  upon  the  coasts  of  America.  Finding  Newport  secure, 
general  Clinton  returned  to  New  York  He  afterwards  detached 
general  Grey,  who  was  at  New  London,  upon  an  expedition  of  much 
importance,  towards  the  east.  Buzzards  Bay,  and  the  adjacent 
rivers,  served  as  a  retreat  for  a  multitude  of  privateers,  the  number 
and  boldness  of  which  occasioned  infinite  prejudice  to  the  British 
commerce  of  New  York,  Long  Island  and  Rhode  Island.  Clinton 
resolved  to  chastise  an  enemy  that  seemed  to  defy  him,  and  to  put 
an  end  to  his  maritime  excursions.  This  task  was  committed  to  the 
charge  of  general  Grey.  He  arrived  with  some  transports,  effected 
his  landing  in  the  bay,  and  destroyed  about  sixty  large  vessels, 
besides  a  number  of  small  craft.  Proceeding  then  to  New  Bedford 
and  Fair  Havep,  upon  the  banks  of  the  river  Acushnet,  and  con- 
ducting himself  more  like  a  pirate  than  a  real  soldier,  he  destroyed 
or  burned  warehouses  of  immense  value,  full  of  sugar,  rum,  molasses, 
tobacco,  drugs  and  other  merchandise.  Not  content  with  these 
ravages,  he  passed  into  the  neighboring  island,  called  Martha's  Vine- 
yard, the  soil  of  which  is  very  fertile,  and  which  served  as  a  refuge 
for  the  most  daring  cruisers.  He  levied  on  the  inhabitants  a  contri- 
bution of  live  stock,  to  the  great  refreshment  of  the  garrisons  of  New 
York.  He  carried  off,  besides,  a  considerable  quantity  of  arms  and 
ammunition. 

Returned  to  New  York,  he  soon  undertook  another  expedition, 
against  the  village  of  Old  Tappan,  where  he  surprised  a  regiment  of 
American  light  horse.  His  conduct  on  this  occasion  was  not  exempt 
from  the  reproach  of  cruelty.  A  few  days  after,  the  English  made 
an  incursion  against  Little  Egg  Harbor,  upon  ihe  coast  of  New 
Jersey,  where  they  destroyed  much  shipping,  and  brought  off  a 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  169 

considerable  booty.  They  afterwards  attacked  by  surprise  the  legion 
of  Pulaski,  and  made  great  slaughter  of  it.  The  carnage  would 
have  been  still  greater,  if  Pulaski  had  not  come  up,  with  his  usual 
bravery,  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry.  The  English  reembarked,  and 
returned  to  New  York. 

It  was  at  this  epoch  that  the  French  and  American  generals  medi- 
tated a  new  expedition  against  Canada.  Besides  the  possession  of 
so  important  a  province,  there  appeared  a  possibility  of  ruining  the 
British  fisheries  upon  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  and,  by  reducing 
the  cities  of  Quebec  and  Halifax,  of  putting  an  end  to  the  maritime 
power  of  England  upon  those  shores.  The  French  were  the  princi- 
pal movers  of  this  enterprise  ;  their  minister,  and  d'  Estaing,  perhaps, 
with  covert  views;  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  whose  youth  answered 
for  his  ignorance  of  these  political  wiles,  with  frankness,  and  from 
the  love  of  glory.  He  was  to  have  been  employed  in  the  expedition 
as  one  of  the  first  generals.  The  count  d' Estaing  published  a 
manifesto,  addressed  to  the  Canadians  in  the  name  of  his  king,  in 
which,  after  reminding  them  of  their  French  origin,  their  ancient 
exploits,  and  happiness  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  paternal  sceptre 
of  the  Bourbons,  he  declared  that  all  the  ancient  subjects  of  the  king 
in  North  America,  who  should  cease  to  acknowledge  the  English 
domination,  should  find  safety  and  protection.  But  Washington 
showed  himself  opposed  to  this  project,  and  he  developed  his  motives 
to  the  Congress  ;  his  opinion  prevailed. 

The  Congress  alleged  that  their  finances,  their  arsenals,  their 
magazines,  their  armies,  were  not  in  a  state  to  warrant  the  undertaking 
of  so  vast  an  enterprise  ;  and  that  they  should  experience  too  pungent 
regrets  to  find  themselves  in  the  event  unable  to. fulfill  their  engage- 
ments towards  their  allies.  Such  was  their  public  language  ;  but  the 
truth  is,  they  apprehended  a  snare,  and  that  the  conquest  of  Canada 
would  have  been  made  for  France,  and  not  for  America. 

The  retreat  of  the  count  d' Estaing,  at  the  moment  when  Newport 
was  about  to  fall  into  the  power  of  the  combined  armies,  had  greatly 
irritated  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  particularly  in  the  northern  pro- 
vinces. Many  began  to  entertain  a  loathing  towards  allies  who  seemed 
to  for^t  all  interests  except  their  own.  To  this  motive  of  aversion 
was  added  the  remembrance,  still  recent,  especially  with  the  lower 
classes,  of  ancient  quarrels  and  national  jealousies,  which  the  new 
alliance,  and  the  need  of  French  succours,  had  not  sufficed  to 
obliterate.  Washington  and  other  leading  Americans  endeavored  to 
appease  these  discontents,  which,  they  foresaw,  might  lead  to  serious 
mis'-hief.  The  count  d'  Estaing,  on  his  part,  was  no  Jess  careful 
during  his  stay  in  the  port  of  Boston,  not  only  lo  avoid  all  occasion  of 
misunderstanding,  but  also  to  conciliate  by  every  means  in  his  power 
the  affection  of  his  new  allies.  The  conduct  of  the  French  officers, 
and  even  of  the  common  sailors,  was  truly  exemplary.  This  extreme 


170  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  t    BOOK    X. 

circumspection,  however,  did  not  prevent  the  occurrence,  on  the 
thirteenth  of  September,  of  a  violent  affray  between  some  Bostonians 
and  the  French.  The  latter  were  overpowered  by  number,  and  the 
chevalier  de  saint  Sauveur  lost  his  life  in  it.  The  selectmen  of  the 
town,  to  allay  the  resentment  of  the  French,  showed  themselves  very 
solicitous  to  punish  the  offenders.  They  published  a  reward  to 
whoever  should  make  known  the  authors  of  the  tumult.  They 
declared,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  citizens  had  not  been  in  fault, 
but  English  sailors  made  prisoners  by  the  cruisers,  and  deserters 
from  the  army  of  Burgoyne,  who  had  enlisted  in  the  Boston  priva- 
teers. Tranquillity  was  restored.  The  count  d'  Estaing,  whether 
he  was  satisfied,  or  that  from  prudence  he  chose  to  appear  so.  made 
no  further  inquiry  into  this  affair.  No  offender  was  discovered.  The 
government  of  Massachusetts  decreed  a  monument  to  be  erected  to 
saint  Sauveur. 

The  night  of  the  sixth  of  the  same  month  of  September  had  wit- 
nessed a  scene  far  more  serious,  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
between  the  French  and  American  sailors.  It  terminated  in  a  formal 
battle.  The  Americans  were  the  first  to  provoke  their  allies  by 
the  most  reproachful  language  ;  the  latter  resented  it.  From  words 
it  came  to  blows  ;  the  French  were  soon  driven  out  of  the  city,  and 
forced  to  take  refuge  on  board  their  ships.  Thence  they  fired  with 
artillery  and  musketry  against  the  town  ;  the  Americans,  on  their 
part,  fired  upon  the  French  vessels  from  the  adjoining  wharves  and 
shore.  Many  lives  were  lost  on  both  sides.  A  reward  of  a  thousand 
pounds  sterling  was  promised,  but  in  vain,  to  whoever  should  discover 
the  authors  of  this  broil.  The  comrnander-in-chief  of  the  province 
exhorted  the  inhabitants,  in  a  proclamation,  to  consider  the  French 
as  good  and  faithful  allies,  and  friends.  There  was  even  a  law 
passed,  about  this  time,  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  similar  licen- 
tiousness, whether  of  words  or  actions.  Thus  ended  the  riots  of 
Boston  and  of  Charleston,  which  were  attributed,  if  not  with  truth, 
at  least  with  prudence,  to  British  artifice  and  instigation.  For  the 
chiefs  of  the  American  government  were  not  without  apprehension 
that  these  animosities  might  deprive  them  of  their  new  allies,  whose 
resolutions,  they  knew,  were  not  irrevocable. 

The  savages  took  a  more  active  part  than  ever  in  the  campaign  of 
this  year.  Though  they  had  been  intimidated  by  the  success  of 
general  Gates,  and  had  sent  him  congratulations  for  himself  and  the 
United  States,  the  intrigues  and  presents  of  the  British  agents  had 
not  lost  their  power  over  them.  Moreover,  the  emigrant  colonists, 
who  had  retired  amongst  these  barbarians,  excited  them  continually 
.by  instigations,  which,  together  with  their  natural  thirst  for  blood  and* 
pillage,  determined  them  without  scruple  to  make  incursions  upon 
the  northern  frontiers,  where  they  spread  terror  and  desolation. 
The  most  ruthless  chiefs  that  guided  them  in  these  sanguinary  expe- 


BOOK  X. 


THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  17  f 


ditions,  were  colonel  Butler,  who  had  already  signalised  himself  in 
this  war.  and  a  certain  Brandt,  born  of  mixed  blood,  the  most  fero- 
cious being  ever  produced  by  human  nature,  often  too  prodigal  of 
similar  monsters.  They  spared  neither  age,  nor  sex,  nor  condition, 
nor  even  their  own  kindred ;  every  where  indiscriminately  they  carried 
devastation  and  death.  The  knowledge  which  the  refugees  had  of 
the  country,  the  insulated  position  of  the  habitations,  scattered  here 
and  there  in  the  wilderness,  the  distance  from  the  seat  of  government, 
and  the  necessity  of  employing  the  national  force  in  other  remote 
parts,  offered  the  Indians  every  facility  for  executing  their  enterprises, 
and  retiring  with  impunity.  No  means  had  hitherto  been  found  of 
repressing  the  inroads  of  so  cruel  an  enemy. 

But  in  the  midst  of  this  general  devastation,  there  happened  an 
event  which,  perhaps,  would  be  found  without  example  in  the  history 
of  inhuman  men.  Inhabitants  of  Connecticut,  had  planted  on  the 
eastern  branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  towards  the  extremity  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  upon  the  road  of  Oswego,  the  settlement  of  Wyoming. 
Populous  and  flourishing,  its  prosperity  was  the  subject  of  admiration. 
It  consisted  of  eight  townships,  each  containing  a  square  of  five  miles, 
beautifully  situated  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  mildness  of  the 
climate  answered  to  the  fertility  of  the  soil.  The  inhabitants  were 
strangers  alike  to  excessive  wealth,  which  elates  and  depraves,  and 
to  poverty,  which  discourages  and  degrades.  All  lived  in  a  happy 
mediocrity,  frugal  of  their  own,  and  coveting  nothing  from  others. 
Incessantly  occupied  in  rural  toils,  they  avoided  idleness,  and  all  the 
vices  of  which  it  is  the  source.  In  a  word,  this  little  country  pre- 
sented in  reality  the  image  of  those  fabulous  times  which  the  poets 
have  described  under  the  name  of  the  Golden  Jlge.  But  their 
domestic  felicity  was  no  counterpoise  to  the  zeal  with  which  they 
were  animated  for  the  common  cause  ;  they  took  up  arms  and  flew 
to  succour  their  country.  It  is  said  they  had  furnished  to  the  army 
no  less  than  a  thousand  soldiers,  a  number  truly  prodigious  for  so 
feeble  a  population,  and  so  happy  in  their  homes.  Yet,  notwith- 
standing the  drain  of  all  this  vigorous  youth,  the  abundance  of 
harvests  sustained  no  diminution.  Their  crowded  granaries,  and 
pastures  replenished  with  fat  cattle,  offered  an  exhaustless  resource 
to  the  American  army. 

But  neither  so  many  advantages,  nor  even  the  retired  situation  of 
these  unfortunate  colonists,  could  exempt  them  from  the  baneful 
influence  of  party  spirit.  Although  the  lories,  as  they  called  them, 
were  not  so  numerous  as  the  partisans  of  liberty,  yet  they  challenged 
attention  by  the  arrogance  of  their  character  and  the  extent  of  their 
pretensions.  Hence,  not  only  families  were  seen  armed  against 
families,  but  even  sons  sided  against  their  fathers,  brothers  against 
brothers,  and,  at  last,  wives  against  husbands.  So  true  it  is,  that  no 
irtue  is  proof  against  the  fanaticism  of  opinion,  and  no  happiness 


172  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    X. 


against  political  divisions.  The  lories  were,  besides,  exasperated  at 
their  losses  in  the  incursions  they  had  made  in  company  with  the 
savages  in  the  preceding  campaign ;  but  that  which  envenomed  them 
the  m  )st  was,  that  several  individuals  of  the  same  party,  who,  having 
quitted  their  habitations,  were  coma  to  claim  hospitality,  then  so  much 
in  honor  among  the  Americans,  and  particularly  at  Wyoming,  had 
been  arrested  as  suspected  persons,  and  sent  to  take  their  trial  in 
Connecticut.  Others  had  been  expelled  from  the  colony.  Thus 
hatreds  became  continually  more  and  more  rancorous.  The  lories 
swore  revenge  ;  they  coalesced  with  the  Indians.  The  lime  was 
favorable,  as  the  youth  of  Wyoming  were  at  the  army.  In  order 
the  better  to  secure  success,  and  to  surprise  their  enemies  before  they 
should  think  of  standing  upon  their  defence,  they  resorted  to  artifice. 
They  pretended  the  most  friendly  dispositions,  while  they  meditated 
only  war  and  vengeance. 

A  few  weeks  before  they  purposed  to  execute  their  horrible  enter- 
prise, they  sent  several  messengers,  charged  with  protestations  of 
their  earnest  desire  to  cultivate  peace.  These  perfidies  lulled  the 
inhabitants  of  Wyoming  into  a  deceitful  security,  while  they  procured 
the  lories  and  savages  the  means  of  concerting  with  their  partisans, 
and  of  observing  the  immediate  state  of  the  colony.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  solemn  assurances  of  the  Indians,  the  colonists,  as  it  often 
happens  when  great  calamities  are  about  to  fall  on  a  people,  seemed 
to  have  a  son  of  presentiment  of  their  approaching  fate.  They 
wrote  to  Washington,  praying  him  to  send  them  immediate  assistance. 
Their  despatches  did  not  reach  him  ;  they  were  intercepted  by  the 
Pennsylvania!!  loyalists  ;  and  they  would,  besides,  have  arrived  too 
late.  The  savages  had  already  made  their  appearance  upon  the 
frontiers  of  the  colony  ;  the  plunder  they  had  made  there  was  of 
little  importance,  but  the  cruelties  they  had  "perpetrated  were  affright- 
ful ;  the  mournful  prelude  of  those  more  terrible  scenes  which  were 
shortly  to  follow  ! 

About  the  commencement  of  the  month  of  July,  the  Indians  sud- 
denly appeared  in  force  upon  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanria.  They 
were  headed  by  the  John  Butler  and  Brandt  already  named,  with 
other  chiefs  of  their  nation,  distinguished  by  their  extreme  ferocity 
in  the  preceding  expeditions.  This  troop  amounted  in  all  to  sixteen 
hundred  men,  of  whom  less  than  a  fourth  were  Indians,  and  the  rest 
lories,  disguised  and  painted  to  resemble  them.  The  officers,  how- 
ever, wore  the  uniforms  of  their  rank,  and  had  the  appearance  of 
regulars.  The  colonists  of  Wyoming,  finding  their  friends  so  remote, 
and  their  enemies  so  near,  had  constructed  for  their  security  four 
forls,  in  which,  and  upon  different  points  of  the  frontier,  they  had 
distributed  about  five  hundred  men.  The  whole  colony  was  placed 
under  the  command  of  Zebulon  Butler,  cousin  of  John,  a  man,  who 
with  some  courage,  was  totally  devoid  of  capacity.  He  was  even 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  173 

accused  of  treachery  ;  but  this  imputation  is  not  proved.  It  is  at 
least  certain  that  one  of  the  forts  which  stood  nearest  to  the  frontiers, 
was  intrusted  to  soldiers  infected  with  the  opinions  of  the  tories,  and 
who  gave  it  up,  without  resistance,  at  the  first  approach  of  the  enemy. 
The  second,  on  being  vigorously  assaulted,  surrendered  at  discretion. 
The  savages  spared,  it  is  true,  the  women  and  children,  but  butchered 
all  the  rest  without  exception.  Zebulon  then  withdrew,  with  all  his 
people,  into  the  principal  fort,  called  Kingston.  The  old  men,  the 
women,  the  children,  the  sick,  in  a  word  all  that  were  unable  to  bear 
arms  repaired  thither  in  throngs,  and  uttering  lamentable  cries,  as  to 
the  last  refuge  where  any  hope  of  safety  remained.  The  position 
was  susceptible  of  defence ;  and  if  Zebulon  had  held  firm  he  might 
have  hoped  to  withstand  the  enemy  until  the  arrival  of  succours. 
But  John  Butler  was  lavish  of  promises  in  order  to  draw  him  out, 
in  which  he  succeeded,  by  persuading  him  that  if  he  would  consent 
to  a  parley  in  the  open  field,  the  siege  would  soon  be  raised  and 
every  thing  accommodated.  John  retired,  in  fact,  with  all  his  corps  ; 
Zebulon  afterwards  marched  out  to  the  place  appointed  for  the  con- 
ference, at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  fort ;  from  motives  of 
caution,  he  took  with  him  four  hundred  men  well  armed^  being  nearly 
the  whole  strength  of  his  garrison.  If  this  step  was  not  dictated  by 
treachery,  it  must,  at  least,  be  attributed  to  a  very  strange  simplicity. 
Having  come  to  the  spot  agreed  on,  Zebulon  found  no  living  being 
there.  Reluctant  to  return  without  an  interview,  he  advanced  towards 
the  foot  of  a  mountain,  at  a  still  greater  distance  from  the  fort,  hoping 
he  might  there  find  some  person  to  confer  with.  The  farther  he 
proceeded  in  this  dismal  solitude,  the  more  he  had  occasion  to  remark 
that  no  token  appeared  of  the  presence  or  vicinity  of  human  crea- 
tures. Btit  far  from  halting,  as  if  impelled  by  an  irresistible  destiny, 
he  continued  his  march.  The  country,  meanwhile,  began  to  be 
overshaded  by  thick  forests;  at  length,  in  a  winding  path,  he 
perceived  a  flag,  which  seemed  to  wave  him  on.  The  individual 
who  bore  it,  as  if  afraid  of  treachery  from  his  side,  retired  as  he 
advanced,  still  making  the  spime  signals.  But  already  the  Indians, 
who  knew  the  country,  profiting  of  the  obscurity  of  the  woods,  had 
completely  surrounded  him.  The  unfortunate  American,  without 
suspicion  of  the  peril  he  was  in,  continued  to  press  forward,  in  order 
to  r&sure  the  traitors  that  he  would  not  betray  them.  He  was 
awakened  but  too  soon  from  this  dream  of  security  ;  in  an  instant 
the  savages  sprung  from  their  ambush,  and  fell  upon  him  with 
hideous  yells.  . 

He  formed  his  little  troop  into  a  compact  column,  and  showed 
more  presence  of  mind  in  danger  tha*i  he  had  manifested  in  the 
negotiations.  Though  surprised,  the  Americans  exhibited  such 
vigor  and  resolution  that  the  advantage  was  rather  on  their  side  ; 
when  a  soldier,  either  through  treachery  or  cowardice,  cried  out 
VOL.  n.  23 


174  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X, 

aloud,  c  the  colonel  has  ordered  a  retreat.'  The  Americans  imme- 
diately brake,  the  savages  leap  in  among  the  ranks,  and  a  horrible 
carnage  ensues.  The  fugitives  fall  by  missiles,  the  resisting  by  clubs 
and  tomahawks.  The  wounded  overturn  those  that  are  not,  the 
dead  and  the  dying  are  heaped  together  promiscuously.  Happy 
those  who  expire  the  soonest  !  The  savages  reserve  the  living  for 
tortures  !  and  the  infuriate  lories,  if  other  arms  fail  them,  mangle  the 
prisoners  with  their  nails!  Never  was  rout  so  deplorable;  never 
was  massacre  accompanied  with  so  many  horrors.  Nearly  all  the 
Americans  perished  ;  about  sixty  escaped  from  the  butchery,  and 
with  Zebulon,  made  their  way  good  to  a  redoubt  upon  the  other 
bank  of  the  Susquehanna. 

The  conquerors  invested  Kingston  anew,  and  to  dismay  the  relics 
of  the  garrison  by  the  most  execrable  spectacle,  they  hurled  into  the 
place  above  two  hundred  scalps,  still  reeking  with  the  blood  of  their 
slaughtered  brethren.  Colonel  Dennison,  who  commanded  the  fort, 
seeing  the  impossibility  of  defence,  sent  out  a  flag  to  inquire  of 
Butler  what  terms  would  be  allowed  the  garrison,  on  surrendering 
the  fort  ?  He  answered,  with  all  the  fellness  of  his  inhuman  charac- 
ter, and  in  a  single  word — the  hatchet.  Reduced  to  this  dreadful 
extremity,  the  colonel  still  made  what  resistance  he  could.  At  length, 
having  lost  almost  all  his  soldiers,  he  surrendered  at  discretion.  The 
savages  entered  the  fort  and  began  to  drag  out  the  vanquished,  who, 
knowing  the  hands  they  were  in,  expected  no  mercy.  But  impa- 
tient of  the  tedious  process  of  murder  in  detail,  the  barbarians  after- 
wards bethought  themselves  of  enclosing  the  men,  women  and 
children  promiscuously  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  to  which  they 
set  fire  and  consumed  all  within,  listening,  delighted,  to  the  moans 
and  shrieks  of  the  expiring  multitude. 

The  fort  of  Wilkesbarre  still  remained  in  the  power  of  the  colo- 
nists of  Wyoming.  The  victors  presented  themselves  before  it ; 
those  within  hoping  to  find  mercy,  surrendered  at  discretion,  and 
without  resistance.  But  if  opposition  exasperated  those  ferocious 
men,  or  rather  these  tigers,  insatiable  of  human  blood,  submission 
did  not  soften  them.  Their  rage  was  principally  exercised  upon  the 
soldiers  of  the  garrison  ;  all  of  whom  they  put  to  death,  with  a  bar- 
barity ingenious  in  tortures.  As  for  the  rest,  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, who  appeared  to  them  not  to  merit  any  special  attention,  they 
burned  them  as  before,  in  the  houses  and  barracks.  The  forts  beins; 
fallen  into  their  hands,  the  barbarians  proceeded  without  obstacle,  to 
the  devastation  of  the  country.  They  employed  at  once  fire,  sword, 
and  all  instruments  of  destruction.  The  crops,  of  every  description, 
were  consigned  to  the  flames.  The  habitations,  granaries,  and  other 
constructions,  the  fruit  of  years  of  human  industry,  sunk  in  ruin 
under  the  destructive  strokes  of  these  cannibals.  But  who  will 
believe  that  their  fury,  not  yet  satiated  upon  human  creatures,  was 


BOOK  X.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  175 

also  wreaked  upon  the  very  beasts  f  That  they  cut  out  the  tongues 
of  the  horses  and  cattle,  and  left  them  to  wander  in  the  midst  of 
those  fields  lately  so  luxuriant,  and  now  in  desolation,  seeming  to 
enjoy  the  torments  of  their  lingering  death  ? 

We  have  long  hesitated  whether  we  ou^ht  to  relate  particular 
instances  of  this  demoniac  cruelty  ;  the  bare  remembrance  of  them 
makes  us  shudder.  But  on  reflecting  that  these  examples  may 
deter  good  princes  from  war,  and  citizens  from  civil  discord,  we 
have  deemed  it  useful  to  record  them.  Captain  Bedlock,  having 
been  stripped  naked,  the  savages  stuck  sharp  pine  splinters  into  all 
parts  of  his  body  ;  and  then  a  heap  of  knots  of  the  same  wood  being 
piled  round  him,  the  whole  was  set  on  fire,  and  his  two  companions, 
the  captains  Ranson  and  Durgee,  thrown  alive  into  the  flames.  The 
tories  appeared  to  vie  with,  and  even,  to  surpass,  the  savages  in  bar- 
barity. One  of  them,  whose  mother  had  married  a  second  husband, 
butchered  her  with  his  own  hand,  and  afterwards  massacred  his 
father-in-law,  his  own  sisters,  and  their  infants  in  the  cradle.  Ano- 
ther killed  his  own  father,  and  exterminated  all  his  family.  A  third 
imbrued  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  his  brothers,  his  sisters,  his  brother- 
in-law,  and  his  father-in-law. 

These  were  a  part  only  of  the  horrors  perpetrated  by  the  loyalists 
and  Indians,  at  the  excision  of  Wyoming.  Other  atrocities,  if  possi- 
ble, still  more  abominable,  we  leave  in  silence. 

Those  who  had  survived  the  massacres  were  no  less  worthy  of 
commiseration  ;  they  were  women  and  children,  who  had  escaped 
to  the  woods  at  the  time  their  husbands  and  fathers  expired  under 
the  blows  of  the  barbarians.  Dispersed  and  wandering  in  the  forests, 
as  chance  and  fear  directed  their  steps,  without  clothes,  without  food, 
without  guide,  these  defenceless  fugitives  suffered  every  degree  of 
distress.  Several  of  the  women  were  delivered  alone  in  the  woods, 
at  a  great  distance  from  every  possibility  of  relief.  The  most  robust 
and  resolute  alone  escaped  ;  the  others  perished  ;  their  bodies  and 
those  of  their  hapless  infants  became  the  prey  of  wild  beasts.  Thus 
the  most  flourishing  colony  then  existing  in  America  was  totally 
erased. 

The  destruction  of  Wyoming,  and  the  cruelties  which  accompa- 
nied it,  filled  all  the  inhabitants  of  America  with  horror,  with  com- 
passion, and  with  indignant  fury.  They  fully  purposed  on  a  future 
day  to  exact  a  condign  vengeance  ;  but,  in  the  present  state  of  the 
war,  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  execute  their  intent  immediately. 
They  undertook,  however,  this  year,  some  expeditions  against  the 
Indians.  Without  being  of  decisive  importance,  they  deserve  to  be 
remarked  for  the  courage  and  ability 'with  which  they  were  exe- 
cuted. Colonel  Clarke,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment,  marched 
from  Virginia  against  the  settlements  established  by  the  Canadians 
on  the  upper  Mississippi,  in  the  country  of  the  Illinois. 


176  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Xi 

He  purposed  also  to  chastise,  even  in  their  most  sequestered 
receptacles,  this  ruthless  race.  Having  descended  the  Ohio,  he 
directed  his  march  northward,  towards  Kaskaskias,  the  principal 
village  of  the  Canadian  establishments.  The  republicans  came  upon 
the  inhabitants  in  sleep,  and  met  with  very  little  resistance.  They 
afterwards  scoured  the  adjacent  country,  and  seized  other  places  of 
the  settlement.  Filled  with  dismay,  the  inhabitants  hastened  to 
swear  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  Thence,  colonel  Clarke 
marched  against  the  barbarian  tribes  ;  he  penetrated  into  their 
inmost  retreats  and  most  secret  recesses,  and  put  all  to  sword  and 
fire. 

The  savages  experienced  in  their  own  huts  and  families  those 
calamities  which  they  had  so  frequently  carried  borne  to  others. 
This  castigation  rendered  them,  for  a  while,  more  timid  in  their 
excursions,  and  encouraged  the  Americans  to  defend  themselves. 

A  similar  expedition  was  undertaken,  some  time  after,  by  another 
colonel  Butler,  against  the  tories  and  Indians  of  the  banks  of  the 
Susquehanna  ;  the  same  who  had  been  the  authors  of  the  ruin  of 
Wyoming.  He  ravaged  and  burned  several  villages,  the  houses, 
barns,  harvests,  mills,  every  thing  was  laid  in  ashes  and  desolation. 
The  inhabitants  had  been  apprised  in  season,  and  had  made  their 
escape,  else  they  would  doubtless  have  paid  dearly  for  Wyoming. 
The  Americans  having  accomplished  their  object,  retired  within  their 
limits,  but  not  without  having  encountered  excessive  fatigues  and  no 
little  peril.  Thus  terminated  the  Indian  war  of  this  year.  The 
republicans  had  not  only  to  combat  the  English  in  front,  and  to  repel 
the  savages  and  refugees  who  assailed  them  in  rear  ;  they  were  also 
not  a  little  infested  by  the  disaffected  within  the  country.  Of  this 
class  none  were  more  animated  than  the  Quakers.  At  first,  they 
had  embraced,  or  at  least  appeared  to  embrace,  the  principles  of  the 
revolution,  and  even  still  there  existed  among  them  several  of  the 
most  distinguished  patriots,  such  as  generals  Greene  and  MifiTin. 
Nevertheless,  the  greater  numbec  inclined  for  England,  whether 
because  they  were  weary  of  the  length  of  the  war,  or  that  they  had 
merely  desired  the  reformation  of  the  laws,  and  not  independence. 
Perhaps  too,  they  had  persuaded  themselves,  that  after  the  conquest 
of  Philadelphia,  all  America  would  be  reduced,  without  difficulty, 
and  that  therefore  it  was  useful  to  their  interests  to  appease  the 
victor  by  a  prompt  submission,  in  order  to  obtain  favors  from  the 
British  government,  which  would  be  refused  to  the  more  obstinate. 
They  at  least  showed  themselves  forward  to  serve  the  English,  as 
guides  and  as  spies.  Several  of  them,  as  we  have  related,  had  been 
sent  out  of  the  state,  or  imprisoned.  Some  had  even  suffered  at 
Philadelphia  the  penalties  denounced  against  those  who  conspired 
against  liberty,  and  held  correspondence  with  the  enemy.  The 
republicans  hoped,  by  these  examples,  to  cure  the  restless  spirit  of 


BOOK  X. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  177 


the  opposite  party.  The  efforts  of  the  discontented  were  not  how- 
lever  greatly  to  be  feared  ;  the  open  assurance  and  consent  of  the 
friends  of  the  revolution  easi4y  triumphed  over  the  secret  artifices  of 
j  their  adversaries. 

In  the  meantime,  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  desiring  to  serve  his 
kins:  in  the  war,  which  he  doubted  not  was  about  to  break  out  in 
Europe,  and  hoping  also  to  promote  by  his  representations  the  cause 
of  the  United  States  with  the  French  government,  requested  of  Con- 
gress permission  to  repass  the  Atlantic. 

Washington,  who  bore  him  a  sincere  affection,  and  who  considered, 
besides,  the  importance  of  his  name,  was  desirous  that  only  a  tempo- 
rary leave  might  be  granted  him,  without  the  discontinuance  of  his 
appointments.  He  wrote  to  Congress,  accordingly,  and  they  readily 
acceded  to  his  views;  they,  moreover,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  mar- 
quis, returning  him  their  thanks  for  the  disinterested  zeal  which  led 
him  to  America,  and  for  the  services  he  had  rendered  to  the  United 
States,  by  the  exertion  of  his  courage  and  abilities  on  so  many  signal 
occasions.  They  also  directed  doctor  Franklin  to  present  him  with 
a  sword  decorated  with  devices  commemorative  of  his  achievements. 
Finally,  they  recommended  him  strongly  to  the  most  Christian  king. 
The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  took  leave  of  Congress,  and  sailed  for 
Europe,  with  the  intention  of  returning  as  soon  as  possible.  On  his 
arrival  in  France,  he  was  received  equally  well  by  the  king  and  by 
the  people.  Franklin  delivered  him  the  sword,  engraved  with  the 
emblems  of  his  brilliant  exploits.  He  was  represented  wounding  the 
British  lion,  and  receiving  a  branch  of  laurel  from  the  hands  of  Ame- 
rica, released  from  her  chains.  America  herself  was  figured  by  a 
crescent,  with  these  words  ;  Crescam,  ut  prosim.  On  the  other  side 
was  inscribed,  Cur  non  ?  the  motto  which  M.  de  la  Fayette  had 
chosen  at  his  departure  from  France.  This  masterpiece  of  art  ap- 
peared a  recompense  worthy  of  the  valiant  defender  of  America. 

The  count  d'  Estaing  still  lay  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Boston, 
where  he  was  occupied  in  victualling  his  fleet.  This  operation  would 
have  been  of  very  difficult  accomplishment,  from  the  scarcity  of  wheat 
experienced  by  the  northern  colonies  since  the  interruption  of  their 
commerce  with  those  of  the  south,  if  the  privateers  of  New  England 
had  not  made  so  considerable  a  number  of  prizes,  that  not  only  the 
fleet,  but  also  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  were 
thereby  abundantly  supplied.  Admiral  Byron  was  no  sooner  arrived 
at  New  York,  than  he  applied  himself  with  the  utmost  diligence  to 
refitting  his  ships,  in  order  to  resume  the  sea.  The  moment  he  was 
prepared  for  it,  he  got  under  sail,  and  stood  for  Boston,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  observing  the  motions  of  the  French  squadron.  But  the 
adverse  fortune  which  attended  him  frorri  Europe  to  America,  seem- 
ed still  to  pursue  him  on  these  shores.  A  furious  tempest  having 
driven  him  off  the  coast,  his  ships  were  again  so  damaged  and  shat- 


178  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  X. 

lered,  that  he  was  constrained  to  take  shelter  in  Rhode  Island.  The; 
count  d'  Estaiug  embraced  this  opportunity  of  quitting  the  harbor  of 
Bnston  unmolested,  and  sailed  the  third  of  November  for  the  West 
Indies;  where  he  was  called  by  the  orders  of  his  sovereign,  and  the 
events  of  the  war.  The  English,  well  knowing  his  designs,  and  the 
weakness  of  the  garrisons  in  the  islands  of  their  dependency,  com- 
modore Hot  ham  departed  the  same  day  from  Sandy  Hook,  and  also 
shaped  his  course  for  the  West  Indies,  with  six  ships  of  war.  They 
had  on  board  five  thousand  land  troops,  commanded  by  major-gene- 
ral Grant.  Admiral  Byron  followed  him  the  fourteenth  of  Decem- 
ber, wiih  all  his  fleet. 

About  the  same  time  colonel  Campbell  embarked  at  New  York, 
with  a  strong  corps  of  English  and  Germans,  upon  an  expedition 
against  Georgia.  He  was  convoyed  by  commodore  Hyde  Parker, 
with  a  squadron  of  a  few  ships.  Thus  the  theatre  of  the  war,  after 
several  campaigns  in  the  provinces  of  the  north  and  of 'he  centre, 
was  all  at  once  transported  into  the  islands  and  states  of  the  south. 


END    OF    BOOK    TENTH. 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  179 


BOOK    ELEVENTH. 

1778.  D' ESTAING  and  Hotham,.  were  not  yet  arrived  in  the 
West  Indies,  when  commodore  Evans  had  made  a  descent  upon  the 
two  islands  of  St.  Pierre  and  Miquelon,  both  very  favorahly  situated 
for  the  fishery  of  Newfoundland.  Being  almost  without  defence,  he 
occupied  them  easily  ;  and,  as  if  he  had  wished  to  efface  every  ves- 
tige of  the  French  domination,  he  imitated  the  conduct  of  barbarians, 
and  utterly  destroyed  (he  habitations,  storehouses,  and  scaffoldings 
which  hud  been  constructed  for  the  use  of  the  fishery.  He  after- 
wards embarked  all  the  inhabitants,  who,  with  the  garrisons,  amount- 
ed to  two  thousand  souls,  and  sent  them  to  Europe. 

The  French  made  themselves  ample  amends  for  this  loss,  by  seiz- 
ing, as  they  did  soon'  after,  the  island  of  Dominica  ;  which  being 
situated  between  Guadeloupe  and  Martinico,  was  of  ihe  iasi  ron&e- 
quence  to  the  future  operations  in  that  part.  Of  this  the  British 
government  was  not  ignorant,  and  therefore  had  fortified  it  with  dili- 
gence, and  furnished  it  with  a  formidable  artillery.  But,  neither  the 
garrison  nor  the  munitions  corresponded  to  the  importance  of  its  local 
position  ;  the  public  magazines  were  nearly  empty,  and  all  the  sol- 
diers in  the  island  scarcely  amounted  to  five  hundred  ;  the  greater 
part  militia.  For  a  long  time,  the  members  of  the  opposition  in  par- 
liament, and  the  merchants  of  London,  had  complained  aloud  that 
the  islands  of  the  West  Indies  were  left  without  sufficient  garrisons, 
and,  as  it  were,  abandoned  to  the  discretion  of  the  enemy.  But  all 
these  remonstrances  had  been  vain  ;  whether  the  war  of  America  had 
absorbed  all  the  cares  of  the  ministers,  or  that  it  had  deprived  them 
of  the  means  of  sending  troops  into  those  islands.  The  French,  on 
the  contrary,  were  in  such  force  in  their  colonies,  as  to  be  in  a  con- 
dition not  only  to  defend  themselves,  but  also  to  attack  their  neigh- 
bors. Moreover,  they  had  been  the  first  to  receive  the  news  of  the 
declaration  of  war  in  Europe.  The  English  frigates  despatched  to 
announce  it,  had  fallen  into  the  power  of  the  French,  upon  the  coasts 
of  St.  Domingo  ;  so  that  admiral  Barrmgton,  who  was  stationed  at 
Barbadoes  with  two  ships  of  the  line  and  two  frigates,  was  first 
informed  of  the  state  of  affairs  from  the  manifesto  published  at  Mar- 
tinico, by  the  marquis  cle  Bouille,  governor  of  that  island.  The 
capture  of  the  frigates  had  likewise  apprised  him,  that  war  was  not 
only  declared,  but  commenced.  This  admiral  showed  himself  very 
undecided  with  respect  to  the  course  he  had  to  pursue  ;  not  having 
new  instructions,  he  felt  bound  to  adhere  to  the  old,  which  required 
him  to  continue  in  the  station  of  Barbadoes. 

The  marquis  de  Bouille,  an  active  man,  and  prompt  in  taking  his 
resolutions,  willing  to  avail  himself  of  the  uncertainty  and  weakness 


THE    AMERICAN    WAIl.  BOOK    XI. 

of  the  English,  determined  to  commence  his  operations  with  an 
enterprise  of  importance.  Having  embarked  with  two  thousand  land 
troops  in  eighteen  transports,  under  convoy  of  the  frigates  Tourterelle, 
Diiigente,  and  Amphitrite,  he  arrived  at  the  island  of  Dominica,  the 
seventh  of  September,  about  daybreak.  He  immediately  put  all  his 
forces  on  shore.  M.  de  Fonteneau,  protected  by*  the  fire  of  the 
Diligente,  pushed  forward  to  Fort  Cachac,  and  seized  it  without 
resistance.  The  English  cannonaded  briskly  from  Fort  Roseau,  and 
the  battery  of  Lubieres.  Nevertheless,  M.  de  la  Chaise,  at  the  head 
of  the  rangers  of  the  Auxerrese  regiment,  advanced  impetuously  up 
to  the  battery  ;  the  French  soldiers  entered  by  the  embrasures,  and, 
grappling  the  mouths  of  the  cannon,  made  themselves  masters  of  them. 
During  this  time,  the  viscount  de  Damas  had  gained  the  heights 
which  commanded  Fort  Roseau,  and  the  marquis  de  Bouille,  with 
the  main  body  of  his  troops,  had  entered  the  suburbs.  The  frigate 
Tourterelle  also  battered  the  fort  on  her^part;  the  English,  however, 
defended  themselves  with  vigor.  But  at  length,  governor  Stuart, 
seeing  his  forces  so  inferior,  and  the  French  about  to  scale  for  the 
assault,  demanded  to  capitulate.  The  marquis  de  Bouille,  whether 
with  intent  to  engage  by  his  moderation  the  governors  of  other  Eng- 
lish islands  to  surrender  more  easily,  or  because  he  feared  the  arrival 
of  Barrington,  who  was  very  near,  or,  as  it  should  be  presumed, 
merely  consulting  the  generosity  of  his  own  character,  granted  the 
most  honorable  conditions  to  the  enemy.  The  garrison  were  treated 
with  all  the  honors  of  war,  and  the  inhabitants  secured  in  the  posses- 
sion of  all  their  property  ;  no  change  was  to  be  made  in  the  laws  or 
the  administration  of  justice.  If,  at  the  termination  of  the  war,  the 
island  should  be  ceded  to  France,  they  were  to  have  the  option  of 
retaining  their  present  system  of  government,  or  of  conforming  to  that 
established  in  the  French  islands.  They  were  also  to  be  at  liberty,  in 
such  case,  to  retire  with  all  their  property,  wherever  they  might  see 
fit;  those  who  should  remain,  were  not  to  be  bound  to  any  duty  to 
the  king  of  France,  more  than  what  they  had  owed  to  their  natural 
sovereign. 

The  French  found  on  the  fortifications  and  in  the  magazines  an 
hundred  and  sixty-four  pieces  of  excellent  cannon,  and  twenty-four 
mortars,  besides  a  certain  quantity  of  military  stores.  The  privateers 
that  were  found  in  the  ports  of  the  island,  Were  either  destroyed  or 
carried  away.  The  capitulation  was  observed  with  the  strictest  fide- 
lity ;  no  kind  of  plunder  or  irregularity  was  permitted.  As  a  recom- 
pense for  their  services  upon  this  occasion,  the  general  distributed 
among  his  soldiers  a  pecuniary  gratification.  He  remained  but  a 
short  time  at  Dominica,  and  having  left  the  marquis  Duchilleau  for 
governor,  with  a  garrison  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  he  returned  to  Mar-  ' 
tinico.  But  if  the  moderation  and  generosity  of  the  marquis  de 
Bouille  were  deserving  of  the  highest  encomium,  the  conduct  of 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  181 

Duchilleau  wns  no  less  memorable  for  its  violence  and  inhumanity. 
He  countenanced  the  unbridled  licentiousness  of  his  troops,  and  thus 
abandoned,  as  it  were,  the  vanquished  to  the  discretion  of  the  victors. 
Such  are  the  deplorable  effects  of  national  hatred  !  The  inhabitants 
of  Dominica  were  not  delivered  from  the  rigorous  domination  of 
Duchilleau  until  peace  was  reestablished  between  the  two  states. 

As  soon  as  he  was  informed  of  the  attack  upon  Dominica,  admi- 
ral Barrington,  deeming  the  importance  of  the  occurrence  as  para- 
mount to  his  instructions,  sailed  with  all  possible  speed  to  its  assistance, 
in  order,  if  not  too  late,  to  frustrate  the  attempt  of  the  enemy.  But 
he  did  not  arrive  until  the  marquis  de  Bouille  was  already  in  safety 
under  the  cannon  of  Martinico.  His  presence,  however,  contributed 
much  to  reassure  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  English  islands, 
whom  the  fate  of  Dominica  and  their  own  defenceless  condition,  had 
filled  with  consternation. 

But  this  expedition  was  only  the  prelude  to  more  important  events, 
which  succeeded  soon  after.  The  count  d'  Estaing  and  commodore 
Hotham  had  taken  their  departure  for  the  West  Indies,  as  we  have 
related,  on  the  same  day;  the  first  for  Martinico,  the  second  for 
Barbadoes.  The  two  fleets  sailed  in  a  parallel  direction  during  great 
part  of  the  voyage,  and  very  near  each  other,  but  without  knowing 
any  thing  of  their  proximity  ;  the  English,  however,  suspecting  the 
danger,  were  extremely  careful  to  keep  their  squadron  as  close  and 
collected  as  possible.  Jf  it  consisted  of  smaller  vessels  than  those 
of  the  French,  it  was  also  much  more  numerous.  The  count 
d'  Estaing,  if  he  had  been  at  all  aware  of  the  real  state  of  things,  might 
have  profited  of  his  great  superiority  to  overwhelm  the  British  fleet, 
and  especially  its  numerous  vessels  of  transport,  which  carried  out 
the  land  forces,  wherein  consisted  the  only  means  of  preserving  to 
the  British  crown  its  rich  possessions  in  those  seas.  A  violent  storm, 
however,  having  dispersed  the  two  fleets,  three  English  vessels  fell 
in  with  those  of  the  French,  and  were  taken.  This  incident  apprised 
d'  Estaing  of  what  had  fallen  out ;  but  from  the  dispersion  of  his 
squadron  he  was  unable  to  give  chase.  He  determined,  nevertheless, 
to  change  his  course ;  and,  instead  of  continuing  to  stand  for  Martinico, 
he  steered  in  the  direction  of  Antigua,  under  the  persuasion  that  the 
British  were  bound  for  that  island,  and  not  to  Barbadoes.  He  hoped 
to  be  able  to  arrive  there  before  they  were  landed,  or  even  anchored 
in  the  ports,  and  consequently  to  prostrate  at  a  single  blow  their  whole 
force  by  sea  and  land.  This  stroke  would  have  been  alm-jst  without 
remedy  for  .England  ;  so  complete  a  victory  would  have  enabled  the 
count  d7  Estaing  to  annihilate  her  domination  in  the  West  Indies. 
But  fortune  had  decided  otherwise.  The  English  shaped  their  course 
directly  for  Barbadoes,  and  reached  it  safely  the  tenth  of  December, 
Hoiham  there  made  his  junction  with  Barrington,  who  was  already 
returned. 

VOL.  n.  24 


182  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  XI. 


The  French  admiral,  having  arrived  very  promptly  in  the  waters 
of  Antigua,  remained  cruising  there  for  several  days ;  but  at  length, 
not  seeing  the  enemy  appear,  and  concluding  that  they  had  taken 
another  direction,  he  changed  his  own,  and  stood  for  Martinico. 

The  English  generals  having  no  suspicion  of  the  vicinity  of  so 
formidable  an  enemy,  determined  without  delay  to  attack  St.  Lucia. 
Its  position  in  the  front  of  Martinico,  its  natural  strength,  and  its 
works  rendered  this  post  of  extreme  importance  for  the  operations 
of  the  war.  Admiral  Harrington  having  taken  on  board  his  squadron 
a  corps  of  four  thousand  selected  troops,  sailed  for  St.  Lucia,  and 
arrived  there  the  thirteenth  of  December.  General  Meadows  land- 
ed at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment,  and  advanced  with  celerity 
to  gain  the  heights  which  command  the  north  shore  of  the  bay  of 
Grand  Cul  de  Sac.  They  were  occupied  by  the  chevalier  de  Micou, 
the  commandant  of  the  island,  with  some  few  regulars,  and  the  mili- 
tia of  the  country.  He  made  the  most  of  a  few  pieces  of  artillery 
to  annoy  the  debarkation  of  the  English,  and  their  march  towards 
the  hills.  But  unable  with  so  small  a  force  to  prolong  the  valiant 
resistance  he  opposed  at  first,  he  fell  back  upon  the  capital,  called 
Morne  Fortune.  The  English  took  possession  of  the  heights.  At 
the  same  time,  general  Prescott  had  landed  with  five  regiments,  and 
had  occupied  all  the  positions  contiguous  to  the  bay.  The  next 
morning,  Meadows  forming  the  van  and  Prescott  the  rear,  the  Eng- 
lish marched  against  the  town  of  Morne  Fortune.  Overpowered  by 
number,  the  chevalier  Micou  was  forced  to  abandon  it  to  the  enemy. 
He  retired  into  the  more  rough  and  difficult  parts  of  the  island,  where 
he  was  also  protected  by  his  artillery.  As  fast  as  he  fell  back, 
Prescott  took  care  to  occupy  the  posts  with  troops  and  artillery. 
But  general  Meadows  thought  it  essential  to  make  himself  master  of 
Careenage  harbor,  situated  three  miles  to  the  north  of  Grand  Cul 
de  Sac  bay ;  the  French  might,  in  fact,  have  landed  succours  there, 
and  attacked  the  British  in  flank.  In  defiance  of  the  difficulty  of  the 
places,  and  the  heat  of  a  burning  sun,  he  pressed  forward  to  seize 
the  height  called  de  la  Vierge,  which  rises  on  the  north  side  of 
Careenage  harbor,  and  completely  commands  its  entrance.  Ano- 
ther detachment  occupied  the  south  point  of  the  harbor,  and  erected 
a  battery  upon  it.  General  Calder,  with  the  rest  of  the  troops,  took 
position  on  the  south  side  of  Grand  Cul  de  Sac  bay,  so  that  from 
this  point  to  the  northern  shore  of  the  Careenage,  all  the  posts  fell 
into  the  power  of  the  English.  The  squadron  of  Barrington  lay  at 
anchor  in  Grand  Cul  de  Sac  bay,  his  vessels  of  war  at  the  entrance, 
and  those  of  transport  within.  The  chevalier  de  Micou  continued 
still  to  occupy  a  very  strong  fort  upon  the  crest  of  the  mountains. 
The  English  might  already  consider  themselves  as  sure  of  success, 
and  the  French  had  no  hope  left  but  in  the  immediate  succour  of  the 
count  d'  Estaing,  when  this  admiral  all  at  once  appeared  in  view  of 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  183 

the  island,  with  his  original  squadron  of  twelve  sail  of  the  line, 
accompanied  by  a  numerous  fleet  of  frigates,  privateers  and  trans- 
ports, which  brought  a  land  force  of  nine  thousand  men.  He  had 
received  early  intelligence  of  the  attack  on  St.  Lucia ;  an  event 
which  he  considered  as  the  most  fortunate  that  could  have  happened, 
it  seeming  to  afford  the  means  of  destroying  at  a  single  blow,  and 
from  his  great  superiority  almost  without  risk,  the  British  power  in 
the  West  Indies.  Accordingly,  he  had  not  delayed  a  moment  to 
embark  in  order  to  pounce  upon  an  enemy  that  did  not  expject  him. 
And  in  truth,  if  he  had  arrived  twenty-four  hours  sooner,  his  hopes 
must  have  been  realised.  But  the  English  were  already  in  posses- 
sion of  the  principal  posts,  and  had  fortified  themselves  therein  ; 
moreover,  the  day  was  far  advanced,  when  the  French  armament 
appeared  ;  it  was  necessary  to  defer  the  attack  until  the  ensuing 
morning.  Admiral  Barrington  profited  of  the  night,  to  make  his 
dispositions  for  sustaining  it.  He  caused  the  transports  to  be  removed 
into  the  bottom  of  the  Grand  Cul  de  Sac,  to  be  as  remote  from 
danger  as  possible  ;  the  ships  of  war  he  placed  in  their  respective 
stations,  so  as  to  form  a  line  across  its  entrance,  and  repel  the  efforts 
of  the  enemy  to  the  most  advantage.  His  force  consisted  only  of 
his  own  ship,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  of  seventy-four  guns,  the  Boyne 
of  seventy,  St.  Albans  and  Nonesuch  of  sixty-four,  the  Centurion 
and  Isis,  of  fifty  each,  and  three  frigates. 

The  count  d'  Estaing,  not  mistrusting  that  Careenage  harbor  was 
already  occupied  by  the  enemy,  stood  in  for  it  with  his  whole  fleet, 
on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth.  His  purpose  was  to  take  land  there 
and  hasten  to  attack  the  right  flank  of  the  English,  who,  as  he  had 
observed  himself,  occupied  the  Grand  Cul  de  Sac.  But  no  sooner 
had  he  presented  himself  before  the  entrance  of  the  Careenage  than 
the  English  batteries  erected  upon  the  two  points  opened  a  heavy 
fire,  which  damaged  several  of  his  vessels,  and  particularly  his  own 
ship  the  Languedoc.  Convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  operating  a 
descent  in  this  part,  he  bore  down  with  ten  sail  of  the  line  on  the 
British  admiral,  with  intent  to  force  the  passage,  and  penetrate  into 
the  bay,  which  must  have  proved  the  utter  ruin  of  the  English.  A 
warm  engagement  ensued  ;  but,  supported  by  the  batteries  from  the 
shore,  the  British  valiantly  sustained  the  attack  of  an  enemy  so 
superior.  D'  Estaing  drew  off  a  little  ;  but,  towards  evening,  he 
renewed  the  battle  with  twelve  ships.  His  efforts  were  still  more 
impetuous;  he  directed  the  fire  of  his  artillery  principally  against 
the  left  of  the  British  line.  But  neither  the  reenforcement  he  had 
received,  nor  the  singular  firmness  and  gallantry  displayed  by  all  his 
people,  were  capable  of  rendering  this  attack  more  successful  than 
the  former.  The  English  made  so  vigorous  and  so  well  supported  a 
defence,  that  d'  Estaing  was  again  compelled  to  retire,  with  his  ships 
severely  damaged,  and  in  no  little  confusion.  Admiral  Barrington 


184  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI, 

acquired  imperishable  glory  ;  he  secured  to  his  country  the  possession 
of  an  island  which,  only  twenty-four  hours  after  its  conquest,  had 
been  upon  the  point  of  falling  anew  under  the  dominion  of  its  ancient 
masters.  But  d'  Estaing,  finding  that  fortune  was  disposed  to  frown 
on  his  maritime  attacks,  resorted  to  his  land  forces,  which  were  very 
considerable.  Accordingly,  in  the  night  of  the  sixteenth  and  the 
following  morning,  he  landed  his  troops  in  Choc  Bay,  which  lies 
between  Gros  Islet  and  the  Careenage.  His  intention  was  to  attack 
general  Meadows,  who,  with  a  corps  of  thirteen  hundred  men,  was 
encamped  in  the  little  peninsula  de  la  Vierge,  situated  between  the 
Careenage  and  the  above  named  Choc  Bay.  He  had  great  hopes 
of  being  able  to  surprise  and  cut  him  off  entirely,  as  well  by  reason 
of  the  difficulty  of  the  places  which  separated  this  corps  from  all  the 
others,  as  from  the  diversion  which  he  purposed  to  make  by  threaten- 
ing several  points  at  once.  In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  he  advanced 
from  Choc  Bay  towards  the  peninsula,  with  five  thousand  of  his  best 
troops,  in  order  to  attack  the  lines  of  Meadows,  which  were  drawn 
across  the  isthmus  that  joins  it  to  the  main  land.  He  had  formed 
three  columns  ;  the  right  was  commanded  by  himself,  the  centre  by 
the  count  de  Leowendal,  and  the  left  by  the  marquis  de  Bouille. 
The  French  moved  at  first  with  admirable  order,  but  as  they 
approached,  their  position  became  extremely  critical.  They  found 
themselves  severely  enfiladed  by  the  artillery  of  Morne  Fortune, 
which  the  chevalier  de  Micou,  on  evacuating  that  fort,  had  neglected 
to  spike.  But  notwithstanding  this  impediment,  they  rushed  on  to 
the  charge  with  incredible  impetuosity.  The  English  expected  their 
approach  with  equal  coolness ;  they  suffered  them  to  advance  to  the 
intrenchments  without  opposition ;  when,  after  firing  once,  they 
received  them  on  the  bayonet.  That  fire  had,  of  course,  a  dreadful 
effect;  but  the  French,  notwithstanding,  supported  the  conflict  with 
undaunted  resolution.  Already  seventy  of  them  had  leapt  within 
the  intrenchment,  where  they  acquitted  themselves  strenuously ; 
but  the  English  enveloped  them,  and  soon  they  were  all  victims  of 
their  temerity.  Nevertheless,  the  assailants  recovered  their  breath, 
and  returned  to  the  charge  with  no  less  eagerness  arid  fury  than  at 
first.  The  English  encountered  them  with  the  same  intrepidity,  and 
a  second  time  compelled  them  to  withdraw.  But  d'  Estaing,  in  the 
transport  of  his  ardor,  unable  to  endure  that  so  feeble  a  detachment 
should  baffle  the  efforts  of  his  numerous  veterans,  ordered  a  third 
attack.  He  was  promptly  obeyed.  But  the  soldiers  being  much 
exhausted  by  their  exertions  in  the  two  first,  no  longer  displayed  the 
same  vigor.  They  were  totally  broken  and  obliged  to  retreat,  leaving 
their  dead  and  wounded  in  the  power  of  the  victors.  It  was,  how- 
ever, agreed  soon  after,  that  the  French  should  be  permitted  to  bury 
the  one,  and  to  carry  off  the  other ;  d'  Estaing  having  rendered 
himself  accountable  for  the  wounded  as  prisoners  of  war.  General 


BOOK   XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  185 

[Meadows  manifested  in  this  affair,  equal  ability  and  valor;  though 
wounded   in  the  very  commencement  of  the  action,  no  persuasions 
i  could  induce  him  to  quit  the  field  until  it  was  decided.     The  loss  of 
ithe  French  was  serious.     Four  hundred  were  killed  on  the   spot; 
[five  hundred  were  so  severely  wounded  as  to  be  rendered  incapable 
!of  service  ;  five  hundred  others  were  wounded  slightly.     The  loss  of 
jthe  English,  in  consequence  of  the  advantage  of  their  position,  was 
i  inconsiderable.     The  count  d'  Estaing  left  his  troops  on  shore  still, 
jfbr   several   days   after   the   battle;    during   this   time  he  continued 
islanding  off  and  on  with  his  fleet,  in  sight  of  the  island,  hoping  that 
:  some  occasion  might  present  itself  of  operating  more  effectively.   But 
at  length  he  embarked  his  troops,  in  the  night  of  the  twenty-eighth, 
and    sailed   to  Martinico  the   following   day,  having   abandoned  the 
enterprise  of  St.  Vincent  and  Grenada,  which  islands  he  had   pur- 
posed  to   attack.     The  day   after   his  departure,  the  chevalier  de 
Micou  capitulated  ;  his  garrison  consisted  of  only  an  hundred  men. 
He  obtained  the  most  favorable  conditions.     He  marched  out  with 
all  the  honors  of  war  ;  his  soldiers  retained  their   baggage,  but  not 
their  arms.     The  inhabitants,  and   especially  the  curates,  were  pro- 
tected in  their  persons,  property,  and   religion.     They  were  to  pay 
to  the   king  of  Great  Britain   the  same   taxes   only,  that  they   were 
accustomed  to  pay  to  the  king  of  France  ;  finally,  they  were  not  to 
be  compelled  to  bear  arms  against  their  late  sovereign. 

The  English  found  in  the  forts  fifty-nine  pieces  of  cannon,  a  great 
number  of  muskets,  and  an  immense  quantity  of  military  stores. 
Thus  fell  into  the  power  of  the  English  the  island  of  St.  Lucia  ;  it 
was  an  acquisition  of  extreme  importance  to  them.  They  made  of 
it  a  place  of  arms  for  all  their  forces  in  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
repository  of  all  their  munitions.  From  its  proximity  to  Martinico, 
they  were  enabled,  without  risk,  to  watch  all  the  movements  of  the 
French  in  the  bay  of  Fort  Royal,  and  to  intercept  the  reenforce- 
ments  and  convoys  that  might  approach  it  by  the  channel  of  St. 
Lucia.  They  strengthened  it  with  many  new  works,  and  constantly 
maintained  in  it  a  numerous  garrison,  notwithstanding  the  great  loss 
of  men  it  cost  them  from  the  insalubrity  of  the  climate. 

A  few  days  after  the  retreat  of  the  count  d'  Estaing,  admiral 
Byron  arrived  in  that  part  with  nine  sail  of  the  line,  and  came  to 
anchor  at  St.  Lucia. 

There  resulted  from  it  a  sort  of  tacit  truce  between  the  two 
parties  ;  the  English  having  too  decided  a  superiority  of  naval,  and 
the  French  of  land  forces.  This  armistice,  which  lasted  five  months, 
was  not  interrupted  until  the  squadron  of  commodore  Rawley  had 
joined  the  fleet  of  Byron,  and  the  count  d'  Estaing  l]ad  been  reen- 
forced  by  that  of  the  chevalier  de  la  Motte  Piquet  and  of  the  count 
de  Grasse.  These  several  reenforceruents  were  despatched  from 
Europe  to  the  West  Indies  about  the  close  of  the  year ;  the  two 


186  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK.  XI. 

governments  having  reflected  at  the  same  time  how  important  it  was 
to  have  formidable  maritime  forces  in  the  midst  of  these  rich  islands, 
situated  at  little  distance  one  from  the  other,  and  intermingled,  as  it 
were,  with  those  of  the  enemy. 

It  is  time  to  return  upon  the  American  continent.  The  British 
ministers  and  generals  had  taken  the  determination  to  direct  their 
greatest  efforts  towards  the  southern  parts  of  the  confederation. 
Under  the  persuasion  that  the  inhabitants  of  these  provinces  sup- 
ported with  repugnance  the  yoke  of  the  republicans,  they  hoped  to 
find  in  the  loyalists  an  efficacious  cooperation  for  the  reestablishment 
of  the  royal  authority.  Other,  and  no  less  powerful  motives,  con- 
duced to  decide  them  for  this  expedition.  The  provinces  of  the 
south,  and  especially  Georgia  and  Carolina,  abound  in  fertile  lands, 
which  produce  copious  crops  of  wheat,  and  particularly  of  rice,  than 
which  nothing  could  be  more  essential  to  the  support  of  a  fleet  and 
army,  at  so  great  a  distance  from  their  principal  sources  of  supply. 
The  parts  of  the  American  territory  which  had  hitherto  fallen  into 
the  power  of.  the  English,  had  offered  them  but  a  feeble  resource, 
and  they  were  obliged  to  draw  the  greatest  part  of  their  provisions 
from  Europe,  through  all  the  perils  of  the  sea,  and  the  swarms  of 
American  privateers  which  continually  preyed  on  their  convoys.  It 
is,  besides,  to  be  observed,  that  the  rice  of  Georgia  and  South  Caro- 
lina served  to  nourish  the  French  fleets,  and  the  troops  that  formed 
the  garrisons  of  their  islands  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  quiet  and  security  which  these  provinces  had  hitherto  enjoy- 
ed, admitted  so  vigorous  a  cultivation,  that  the  products  of  it  not 
only  furnished  an  inexhaustible  resource  to  the  allies  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, but,  being  exported  to  the  markets  of  Europe,  constituted  the 
material  of  a  commerce,  by  which  they  received  those  supplies 
which  were  necessary  as  well  to  the  support  of  the  war,  as  to  the 
conducting  of  the  common  business  and  affairs  of  life.  The  English 
also,  reflected  that,  as  Georgia  borders  upon  East  Florida,  the  latter 
was  exposed  to  constant  alarms  and  incursions  on  the  part  of  the 
republicans  ;  and  they  were  convinced  that  there  existed  no  effectual 
means  of  securing  the  quiet  of  that  province,  short  of  compelling  the 
troops  of  Congress  to  evacuate  Georgia  -and  the  Carolinas.  The 
conquest  of  the  first  of  these  provinces,  they  had  little  doubt,  would 
ensure  them  that  of  the  two  others  ;  and  they  promised  themselves 
with  full  assurance  the  possession  of  Charleston,  a  rich  and  populous 
city,  and  of  extreme  importance,  both  for  its  situation  and  port. 
Such  were  the  advantages  the  English  expected-  to  derive  from  their 
expedition  against  the  southern  provinces. 

To  these  considerations  was  added  another  ;  the  severity  of  the 
season  no  longer  admitted  operations  in  the  mountainous  provinces 
of  the  north.  Accordingly,  general  Clinton,  as  we  have  related  in 
the  preceding  book,  had  embarked  for  Georgia,  under  convoy  of 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


187 


commodore  Hyde   Parker,   a   detachment  of  twenty-five   hundred 
men,  consisting  of  English,  Hessians  and  refugees.     He  hoped,  by 
the  assistance  of  these  last,  and  their  partisans,  to  find  easy  admis- 
sion  into  that  province.     This  corps  was  under  the   command  of 
colonel  Campbell,   an   officer  of  distinguished   valor  and   capacity. 
Clinton,  at  the  same  time,  had  ordered  general  Prevost,  who  com- 
manded in  the  Floridas,to  collect  all  the  troops  that  could  be  spared 
from   the   defence  of  those  provinces,   and   to   march   also   against 
Georgia,  in  order  that  it  might  be  attacked  at  once  in  front,  on  the 
part  of  the  sea  by  Campbell,  and  in  flank,  on   the   banks  of  the 
Savannah    river   by    Prevost.     The    plan    of  this    expedition    thus 
arranged,  commodore  Hyde  Parker  and   colonel  Campbell   arrived 
towards  the  close  of  December  at  the  isle  of  Tybee,  situated  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Savannah.     The  transports  had   little  difficulty  in 
passing  the  bar  and  entering  into  that  river.     They  were  followed  a 
few  days  after  by  the  ships  of  war,  so  that  all  the  fleet  lay  together 
at  anchor  in  its  waters  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  December,  ready  to 
execute  the  orders  of  the  commanders  for  the  invasion  of  the  pro- 
vince.    The  latter,  not  knowing  what  were  the  forces,  the  measures 
of  defence,   and   the  intentions  of  the  republicans,  detached   some 
light  infantry  to  scour  the  adjacent  banks.     They  took  two  Georgi- 
ans, from   whom   it  was   understood  that   no   intimation    had    been 
received  in  the  province  of  the  project  of  the  royalists  ;  that  conse- 
quently no  preparations  for  defence   had  been  made  ;  that  the  bat- 
teries which  protected  the  entrance  of  the  rivers  were  out  of  condi- 
tion, and   that  the   armed   gallies  were   so  placed  that  they  might 
easily  be  surprised.     It  was  also  learned  that  the  garrison  of  Savan- 
nah, the  capital  of  the  province,  was  very  feeble,  but  that  it  was  soon 
to  be  reenforced.     Upon  this  intelligence,  the  British  commander  no 
longer  delayed  to  commence  his  operations. 

The  whole  country  on  the  two  banks  of  the  Savannah,  from  its 
mouth  to  a  considerable  distance  above,  being  a  continued  tract  of 
deep  marsh,  intersected  by  the  extensive  creeks  of  St.  Augustine  and 
Tybee,  it  offers  no  point  capable  of  serving  as  a  place  of  debarkation. 
The  English  were  therefore  under  the  necessity  of  moving  higher  up 
in  order  to  reach  the  usual  landingplace,  at  which  commences  a  very 
narrow  causeway  that  leads  to  the  city.  This  post,  extremely  dif 
cult  of  itself,  might  have  been  vigorously  defended  by  the  Americans. 
But,  surprised  by  an  unexpected  attack,  or  destitute  of  sufficient 
force,  they  made  no  opposition  to  the  descent  of  the  English,  who 
landed  at  first  their  light  troops.  The  causeway  leads  through  a  rice 
swamp,  and  is  flanked  on  each  side  by  a  deep  ditch.  Six  hundred 
yards  above  the  landingplace,  and  at  the  head  of  the  causeway,  rises 
an  abrupt  eminence,  upon  which  was  situated  the  house  of  a  certain 
Gerridoe.  It  was  occupied  by  a  detachment  of  republicans.  As 
soon  as  the  light  infantry,  the  greater  part  Scotch  Highlanders,  had 


188  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

landed  under  the  command  of  captain  Cameron,  they  formed,  and 
pushed  forward  along  the  dike  to  attack  the  post  of  the  Americans. 
The  latter  received  them  with  a  smart  fire  of  musketry  ;  Cameron 
was  mortally  wounded.  Incensed  at  the  loss  of  their  captain,  the 
Highlanders  advanced  with  such  rapidity,  that  the  Americans  had 
no  time  for  charging  again,  and  instantly  fled.  The  English  seized 
the  height ;  colonel  Campbell  having  ascended  it,  in  order  to  view 
the  country,  discovered  the  army  of  the  enemy  drawn  up  about  half 
a  mile  east  of  the  town  of  Savannah.  It  was  commanded  by  major- 
general  Robert  Howe,  and  appeared  disposed  to  make  a  firm  stand 
to  cover  the  capital  of  the  province.  It  consisted  in  a  strong  corps 
of  continental  troops,  and  the  militia  of  the  country.  It  was  so  dis- 
posed that  its  two  wings  extended  on  the  two  sides  of  the  great  road 
leading  to  Savannah.  The  right,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Eu- 
gee,  "and  composed  of  Carolinians,  was  to  the  south,  having  its  flank 
towards  the  country  protected  by  a  wooded  swamp  and  by  the  houses 
of  Tatnal.  The  left,  having  the  road  on  its  right  flank,  was  covered 
on  the  left  by  rice  swamps.  It  consisted  for  the  most  part  of  Geor- 
gians, under  the  orders  of  colonel  Elbert.  One  piece  of  cannon  was 
planted  at  each  extremity  of  the  American  line,  and  two  pieces 
occupied  the  traverse,  across  the  great  road  in  the  centre.  About 
one  hundred  yards  in  front  of  this  traverse,  at  a  critical  point  between 
two  swamps,  a  trench  was  cut  across  the  road,  and  about  one  hun- 
dred yards  in  front  of  the  trench,  ran  a  marshy  rivulet,  the  bridge 
OV---T  which  had  been  destroyed.  Lastly,  the  Americans  had  on 
their  rear  the  town  of  Savannah  itself,  which  was  surrounded  by  a 
moat. 

The  British  commander,  having  left  a  detachment  to  guard  the 
landingplace,  and  another  to  secure  a  neighboring  cross  road,  to 
cover  his  rear,  advanced  directly  towards  the  enemy.  He  endea- 
vored to  devise  the  most  expedient  mode  of  attacking  them  in  the 
strong  position  they  occupied.  By  the  movements  of  the  Americans, 
he  was  not  long  in  perceiving  that  they  expected  and  even  desired 
that  he  should  engage  their  left  wing  ;  he  accordingly  omitted  no 
means  in  use  on  similar  occasions,  with  experienced  commander?, 
that  could  serve  to  cherish  that  opinion  and  continue  its  delusion. 
He  drew  off  a  part  of  his  forces  to  form  on  his  right,  where  he  also 
displayed  his  light  infantry.  His  intention,  however,  was. to  attack  the 
right  wing  of  the  Americans.  While  making  his  dispositions,  chance 
threw  into  his  hands  a  negro,  by  whom  he  was  informed  of  a  private 
path  through  the  wooded  swamp  on  the  enemy's  right,  which  led  to 
their  rear.  The  negro  offered  to  show  the  way,  and  promised 
infallible  success.  Colonel  Campbell  resolved  to  profit  of  the  occa- 
sion which  fortune  seemed  to  have  provided  him.  He  accordingly 
directed  Sir  James  Baird  to  pursue  with  his  light  infantry  the  indi- 
cated path,  turn  the  right  of  the  Americans,  and  fall  in  by  surprise 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  189 

upon  their  rear.  The  New  York  volunteers  under  colonel  Tumbull, 
were  ordered  to  support  the  light  infantry.  While  Baird  and  Turn- 
bull,  guided  by  the  negro,  proceeded  to  execute  this  movement, 
Campbell  posted  his  artillery  in  a  field  on  the  left  of  the  road, 
concealed  from  the  enemy  by  a  swell  of  ground  in  the  front.  It  was 
destined  to  bear  upon  the  Carolinians,  and  to  cannonade  any  body 
of  troops  in  flank,  which  they  might  detach  into  the  wood  to  retard 
the  progress  of  Baird's  light  infantry.  Meanwhile,  the  republicans 
continued  to  ply  their  artillery  with  great  animation  ;  the  royalists 
were  motionless  ;  a  circumstance  which  doubtless  would  have  excited 
alarm  if  their  enemies  had  been  either  more  experienced,  or  less 
sanguine.  At  length,  when  Campbell  conceived  that  Baird  had 
reached  his  position,  he  suddenly  unmasked  his  artillery,  and  marched 
briskly  on  to  the  enemy,  who  were  still  totally  blind  to  their  danger. 
The  charge  of  the  English  and  Hessians  was  so  impetuous  that  the 
Americans,  unable  to  withstand  its  shock,  immediately  fell  into  con- 
fusion and  dispersed.  The  victors  pursued  them.  During  this  time, 
the  light  infantry  of  Baird  had  gained  the  rear  of  the  American  right. 
They  fell  in  with  a  body  of  Georgian  militia,  who  were  stationed 
to  guard  the  great  road  from  Ogeeche,  and  routed  them  at  the 
first  onset.  As  they  were  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  on  their  way  to 
fail  upon  the  main  body  of  the  Americans,  the  latter,  already  dis- 
comfited, came  running  across  the  plain  full  in  their  front.  The 
disorder  and  dismay  that  now  ensued,  were  past  all  remedy  ;  the 
victory  of  the  English  was  complete.  Thirty-eight  commissioned 
officers,  upwards  of  four  hundred  noncommissioned  and  privates, 
forty-eight  pieces  of  cannon,  twenty-three  mortars,  the  fort  with  its 
ammunition  and  stores,  the  shipping  in  the  river,  a  large  quantity  of 
provisions,  with  the  capital  of  Georgia,  were  all  in  the  hands  of  the 
conquerors  before  dark.  The  loss  of  the  Americans,  owing  to  their 
prompt  flight,  was  very  small.  Only  about  four  score  fell  in  the 
action  and  pursuit,  and  about  thirty  more  perished  in  their  attempts 
to  escape  through  the  swamp.  The  English  lost  perhaps  not  twenty 
men  in  dead  and  wounded.  This  singular  good  fortune  was  the  fruit 
of  the  excellent  dispositions  of  colonel  Campbell.  He  distinguished 
himself  no  less  by  an  humanity  the  more  deserving  of  praise,  as  he 
could  not  have  forgotten  the  harsh  treatment  he  had  received  in  the 
prisons  of  Boston.  Not  only  was  the  town  of  Savannah  preserved 
from  pillage,  but  such  was  the  excellent  discipline  observed,  that 
though  the  English  entered  it  with  the  fugitives,  as  into  a  city  taken 
by  storm,  not  a  single  person  suffered  who  had  not  arms  in  his  hand, 
and  who  was  not  besides  in  the  act  either  of  flight  or  resistance.  A 
strong  circumstantial  testimony,  that  those  enormities  so  frequently 
committed  in  time  of  war,  should  with  more  justice  be  charged  to  the 
negligence  or  immediate  participation  of  the  chiefs,  than  to  the  un- 
governable license  of  the  soldiers. 
VOL.  n.  25 


190  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XI. 

.,  1779.  Having  thus  made  themselves  masters  of  the  capital,  the 
British  troops  soon  overran  the  whole  province  of  Georgia.  Their 
commander  issued  a  proclamation,  by  which  he  offered  pardon  to 
deserters,  and  exhorted  the  friends  of  the  English  name  to  repair  to 
the  royal  standard,  promising  them  assistance  and  protection  ;  this 
step  was  not  altogether  fruitless.  A  considerable  number  presented 
themselves;  they  were  formed  into  a  regiment  of  light  dragoons. 
But  the  more  determined  republicans  preferring  exile  to  submission, 
withdrew  into  South  Carolina. 

The  English  also  employed  all  their  address  to  induce  the  repub- 
lican soldiers  they  had  made  prisoners  to  enlist  in  the  service  of  the 
king  ;  but  their  efforts  were  nearly  fruitless.  They  were,  therefore, 
crowded  on  board  vessels,  where,  from  the  heat  of  the  weather  in  the 
following  summer,  and  the  bad  air  concomitant  with  their  mode  of 
confinement,  the  greater  part  perished.  The  officers  were  sent  on 
parole  to  Sunbury,  the  only  town  in  the  province  which  still  held  for 
the  Congress  ;  but  Moses  Allen,  the  chaplain  of  the  Georgians,  was 
retained,  and  thrust,  a  prisoner  on  board  the  vessels,  amongst  the 
common  soldiers.  This  minister  of  religion  had  not  contented  him- 
self with  exciting  the  people  to  assert  their  independence  in  his 
discourses  from  the  pulpit,  he  appeared  also,  with  arms  in  hand, 
on  the  field  of  battle,  exhibiting  in  his  own  person  an  admirable 
example  of  valor,  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  country. 

Weary  of  the  protracted  rigors  of  his  captivity,  he  one  day  threw 
himself  into  the  river,  hoping  to  escape,  by  swimming,  to  a  neigh- 
boring island  ;  but  he  was  drowned,  to  the  great  regret  of  all  his 
fellow-citizens,  who  venerated  his  virtues,  and  justly  appreciated  his 
intrepidity.  The  Americans,  too  much  enfeebled  to  keep  the  field, 
passed  the  Savannah  at  Zubly,  and  retreated  into  South  Carolina. 
The  English,  on  the  contrary,  now  masters  of  the  greater  part  of 
Georgia,  frequently  scoured  the  banks  of  the  river,  in  order  to  dis- 
quiet the  enemy,  who  was  still  in  possession  of  the  countries  situated 
on  the  left  bank. 

In  the  meantime,  general  Prevost  had  put  himself  on  the  march 
from  East  Florida,  to  execute  the  orders  of  general  Clinton.  He 
had  to  struggle  with  the  most'  formidable  impediments,  as  well  from 
the  difficulty  of  the  places  as  from  the  want  of  provisions.  At  length, 
after  excessive  fatigues  and  hardships,  being  arrived  in  Georgia,  he 
attacked  the  fort  of  Sunbury.  The  garrison,  consisting  of  about  two 
hundred  men,  made  some  show  of  defence  ;  and  gave  him  the 
trouble  of  opening  trenches.  But,  although  they  were  supported  by 
some  armed  vessels  and  gallies,  yet  all  hope  of  relief  being  now 
totally  cut  off  by  the  reduction  of  the  rest  of  the  province,  they  found 
it  necessary  to  surrender  at  discretion.  They  were  treated  humanely. 
This  happened  just  at  the  time  when  colonel  Campbell  had  already 
set  out  on  an  expedition  for  the  reduction  of  Sunbury.  The  two 


.' 


BOOK    XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  191 

English  corps  made  their  junction  with  reciprocal  felicitations. 
General  Prevost  repaired  to  Savannah,  where  he  took  the  command 
of  all  the  British  troops  that,  coming  from  New  York  and  from  St. 
Augustine,  had  conquered  to  the  king  the  entire  province  of  Georgia. 
After  such  brilliant  success,  the  British  commanders  deliberated 
upon  what  they  had  to  do  next.  They  were  perfectly  aware  that 
their  forces  were  not  sufficient  to  act  in  a  decisive  manner  against 
Carolina,  a  powerful  province,  animated  with  the  same  spirit,  espe- 
cially in  the  maritime  parts,  and  governed  by  men  endowed  with  the 
best  talents,  and  exercising  a  great  influence  over  the  multitude. 
The  reduction  of  Georgia  was,  in  truth,  the  only  object  which  gene- 
ral Clinton  had  as  yet  proposed  to  himself.  He  had  purposed  to 
defer  the  invasion  of  Carolina  until  the  arrival  of  the  reenlbrcements 
which  admiral  Arbuthnot  was  to  bring  him  from  England.  Never- 
theless, considering  the  importance  to  the  success  of  future  operations 
of  continuing  offensive  war,  rather  than  halting  upon  the  defensive,  it 
was  determined  to  make  several  excursions  into  Carolina,  in  order  to 
keep  alive  in  that  province  the  terror  of  the  royal  arms,  and  to 
reanimate  the  hopes  of  the  loyalists.  Major-general  Gardner  was 
accordingly  detached  with  a  numerous  corps,  to  take  possession  of 
Port  Royal.  But  this  expedition  had  the  most  disastrous  issue  ; 
the  Carolinians  fell  vigorously  upon  the  English,  and  expelled  them 
from  the  island  with  severe  loss,  both  in  officers  and  soldiers. 

On  the  failure  of  this  project,  the  British  generals  endeavored  to 
excite  a  movement  among  the  adversaries  of  Congress.  They  in- 
habited, as  we  have  related,  in  very  considerable  number,  the  back 
parts  of  Georgia  and  the  two  Carolines.  The  hope  placed  in  them 
was  one  of  the  principal  causes  that  had  occasioned  the  invasion  of 
the  southern  provinces  to  be  undertaken.  Of  these  loyalists  there 
were  several  sorts  ;  some,  more  violent  and  rancorous,  had  not  only 
abandoned  their  country,  but  had  attached  themselves  to  the  Indians, 
in  order  to  inflict  all  possible  mischief  on  their  fellow-citizens,  in  the 
incursions  on  the  frontiers.  Others  lived  solitary  and  wandering 
upon  the  extreme  confines  of  the  Carolines,  watching  with  the  most 
eager  attention  for  any  favorable  occasion  that  might  offer  itself,  for 
the  recovery  of  their  settlements.  Others,  finally,  either  less  bitter 
or  more  politic,  continued  to  reside  in  the  midst  of  the  republicans, 
feigning  an  acquiesence  in  the  will  of  the  majority.  Though  they 
had  quitted  arms  for  the  labors  of  agriculture,  they  were  still  always 
ready  to  resume  them,  whenever  the  possibility  of  a  new  change 
should  become  perceptible.  In  the  meantime,  they  had  recourse  to 
artifice,  and  exerted  their  utmost  diligence  to  keep  their  outlawed 
friends  advised  of  all  that  passed  within  the  country,  and  especially 
of  all  the  movements  of  the  republicans  ;  of  this,  the  generals  of  the 
king  were  not  ignorant. 


192  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

In  order,  therefore,  to  encourage  and  support  the  loyalists,  they 
moved  up  the  Savannah  as  far  as  Augusta.  As  soon  as  they  were 
in  possession  of  that  post,  they  left  no  means  unattempted  that  could 
reanimate  their  partisans,  and  excite  them  to  assemble  in  arms. 
They  sent  among  them  numerous  emissaries,  who  exaggerated  to 
them  the  might  of  the  royal  forces.  They  assured  them  that  if  they 
would  but  unite,  they  would  become  incomparably  superior  to  their 
enemies  ;  they  were  prodigal  of  promises  and  presents ;  they  exas- 
perated minds  already  imtmtered  by  flaming  pictures  of  the  cruelties 
committed  by  the  republicans.  Such  were  the  opinions  propagated 
by  the  British  generals  among  the  friends  of  the  king.  Their  insti- 
gations produced  the  intended  effect  ;  the  loyalists  took  arms,  and 
putting  themselves  under  the  command  of  colonel  Boyd,  one  of  their 
chiefs,  they  descended  along  the  western  frontiers  of  Carolina  in 
order  to  join  the  royal  army.  More  properly  robbers  than  soldiers, 
they  continually  deviated  from  their  route,  in  order  to  indulge  their 
passion  for  pillage.  What  they  could  neither  consume  nor  carry  off, 
they  consigned  to  the  flames.  They  had  already  passed  the  Savan- 
nah and  were  near  the  British  posts,  when  they  were  encountered  by 
colonel  Pickins,  who  headed  a  strong  detachment  of  Carolinians, 
levied  in  the  district  of  Ninety- Six.  Instantly,  the  action  was  engaged 
with  all  the  fury  excited  by  civil  rancor,  and  all  the  desperation 
inspired  by  the  fear  of  those  evils  which  the  vanquished  would  have 
to  suffer  at  the  hands  of  the  victors.  The  battle  lasted  for  a  full 
hour.  At  length  the  loyalists  were  broken  and  completely  routed. 
Boyd  remained  dead  upon  the  field  ;  all  were  dispersed,  many  fell 
into  the  power  of  the  republicans.  Seventy  were  condemned  to 
death,  only  five,  however,  were  executed.  This  success  made  a 
deep  impression  throughout  Georgia,  where  the  disaffected  were 
already  on  the  point  of  arming  against  the  Congress.  The  incur- 
sions of  the  loyalists  were  repressed,  and  the  republicans  could 
proceed  with  greater  security  in  their  preparations  for  defence 
against  the  royal  arms.  Another  consequence  of  it  was,  that  the 
English  evacuated  Augusta,  and,  retiring  lower  down,  concentred 
their  force  in  the  environs  of  Savannah. 

This  measure  was  the  more  prudent  on  their  part,  as  general  Lin- 
coln, to  whom  Congress  had  intrusted  the  command  of  all  the  troops 
in  the  southern  provinces,  was  already  arrived,  and  had  encamped  at 
Black  Swamp,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Savannah,  at  no  great  distance 
from  Augusta.  This  general,  born  in  Massachusetts,  having  distin- 
guished himself  in  the  campaigns  of  the  north,  had  been  proposed  to 
the  Congress  by  the  Carolinians  themselves,  on  their  first  receiving 
intelligence  of  the  projects  of  the  enemy  against  the  southern  pro- 
vinces. The  Congress  had  yielded  the  more  readily  to  their  recom- 
mendation, as  they  had  themselves  a  high  opinion  of  the  talents  of 
general  Lincoln,  and  were  not  ignorant  how  essential  it  is  to  the. sue- 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  193 

cess  of  operations,  that  soldiers  should  have  perfect  confidence  in 
their  chiefs.     The  president,  Lowndes,  employed  all  the  means  in  his 
power  to  inflame  the  ardor  of  the  inhabitants  of  South  Carolina,  and 
to  excite  them  to  take   arms  in   defence  of  country.     In  private,  as 
well  as  in  public,  he  addressed  them   the  most  stimulating  exhorta- 
tions ;  he  directed  that  all  the  cattle  of  the  islands  and  towns  situated 
upon  the  coast,  should  be  withdrawn  into  the  interior  of  the  country. 
The  militia  assembled  and  joined  the  continental  troops.     The  same 
zeal  for  the  public  cause   broke   forth   at  the  approach  of  danger  in 
North  Carolina  ;  in  a  few  days,  two  thousand  of  its  militia  were  irn- 
bodied  under  the  generals  Ashe  and  Rutherford.     If  this  corps  could 
have  been  furnished  with  arms  as  promptly  as  the  conjuncture  requir- 
ed, it  would  have   made   its  junction   in  time  with  that  of  general 
Howe,  and  perhaps   might   have  decided    in  his  favor  the  fortune  of 
the   day  of  Savannah.     The   enthusiasm  of  the  Carolinian  patriots 
was  then   at  its  height  5  every  day  added  to  the  strength  of  their 
army.     They  had  indeed  great  efforts  to  make.     Washington  was  far 
from  them,  and  before  succours  could   arrive,  they  were  exposed  to 
the   most  fatal  reverses.     Moreover,   the   commander-in-chief  was 
himself  much  occupied  with  the  guard  of  the  passes  of  the  mountains, 
and  his  forces  were  continually  mined   by  a  pest  which  was  still  but 
imperfectly  remedied  ;    the  shortness  of   engagements.     It  was  not 
to  be  expected  then,  that  he  should  strip  himself  in  order  to  reenforce 
the  army  of  the  south  ;  yet  more,  the   same  intestine  disease  which 
enfeebled  the  army  of  Washington,  was  also  the  cause  that  little  reli- 
ance could  be  placed  in  that  of  Lincoln,  although  it  was  already  com- 
bined  with  the    relics  of  the   corps  of   Robert  Howe.     With   the 
exception  of  six  hundred  continental  troops,  the   rest  were   militia, 
little  accustomed  to  war,  and  bound  only  to  a  few  months  of  service. 
General   Lincoln,  however,  not  in  the  least   discouraged,  found  re- 
sources even  in  his  own  ardor.     In  order  at  first  to  show  himself  to 
the  enemy,  he  had   repaired  to  Black  Swamp,  on   the  north  side  of 
the  Savannah.     This  movement,  together  with  the  recent  discomfi- 
ture of  the  loyalists,  had  induced  the  British   general  to  retire  down 
the  river,  leaving,  however,  an  advanced  post  at  Hudson's  Ferry.  But 
Lincoln   extended    his   views   farther  ;  he  purposed  to   restrict  the 
enemy  still  more,  and  to  press  him  close  upon  the  coast,  in  order  to 
deprive  him  of  the  resources  he  would  find  in  those  fertile  countries, 
and  to  put  an  end  to  the  intercourse,  whether  open  or  secret,  which 
he  kept  up  with  the  loyalists  of  the  upper  parts.     He   accordingly 
ordered  general   Ashe  to  leave  his  baggage  behind,  and  passing  the 
Savannah,  to  take  post  on  a  little  river  called  Briar  Creek.     This 
order  was  executed  with  diligence,  and  the  camp  seated  in  a  very 
strong  position.     It  was   covered   in   front  by  the  creek,  which   for 
several  miles  above  was  too  deep  to  be  forded  ;  on  the  left  by  the 
Savannah  and  a  deep  morass ;  the  right  was  secured   by  a  corps  of 
cavalry.     General  Ashe  had  with  him  about  two  thousand  men. 


194  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI- 

Notwithstanding  the  strength  of  his  encampment,  the  English 
resolved  to  attack  him.  Colonel  Prevost,  who  was  posted  at  Hud- 
son's Ferry,  set  out  on  this  expedition.  Having  divided  his  force  in 
two  columns,  he  advanced  the  right,  with  two  pieces  of  cannon, 
towards  Briar  Creek,  with  an  apparent  view  of  intending  to  pass  it, 
in  order  to  take  up  the  attention  of  the  republicans.  The  left,  con- 
sisting of  nine  hundred  men,  among  which  were  grenadiers,  light 
infantry  and  horse,  he  led  himself  a  circuitous  march  of  about  fifty 
miles,  in  order  to  cross  Briar  Creek,  and  thereby  turning  the  right, 
to  fall  unexpectedly  upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy.  At  the  same  time, 
general  Prevost  made  such  dispositions  and  movements  on  the  bor- 
ders of  the  river,  between  Savannah  and  Ebenezer,  as  were  likely 
to  divert  general  Lincoln  from  thinking  of  Ashe.  This  general,  who, 
in  such  a  proximity  of  the  enemy,  should  have  redoubled  his  watch- 
fulness, instead  of  having  the  country  scoured  by  his  cavalry,  had 
detached  it  upon  some  distant  and  unprofitable  expedition.  The 
English,  therefore,  arrived  so  unexpectedly,  though  in  open  daylight, 
that  the  Americans  received  the  .first  notice  of  danger  from  the  havoc 
which  the  assailants  made  in  their  camp.  The  militia  were  panic 
struck,  and  fled  without  firing  a  shot.  But  many  of  them  encountered 
iii  flight  that  death  which  they  might  have  avoided  by  a  gallant 
resistance.  Their  cowardice  did  not  shield  them  ;  the  deep  marsh 
and  the  river,  which  should  have  afforded  security,  became  now  the 
instruments  of  their  destruction.  Blinded  by  their  flight  and  terror, 
they  were  swallowed  up  in  the  one,  or  drowned  in  the  other.  The 
regular  troops  of  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas,  commanded  and  ani- 
mated by  general  Elbert,  made  a  brave  resistance  ;  but,  abandoned 
by  the  militia,  and  overwhelmed  by  number,  they  were  also  compelled 
to  retreat.  This  rout  of  Briar  Creek,  took  place  the  third  of  March. 
The  Americans  lost  seven  pieces  of  cannon,  all  their  arms  and 
ammunition,  with  not  a  few  killed  and  prisoners.  The  number  of 
the  drowned  and  wounded  is  not  known ;  but  it  appears  that  more 
perished  in  the  water  than  by  wounds.  Of  all  the  corps  of  general 
Ashe,  scarcely  four  hundred  soldiers  rejoined  general  Lincoln,  who. 
in  consequence  of  this  disaster,  found  his  forces  diminished  more 
than  a  fourth  part.  This  victory  rendered  the  royal  troops  again 
masters  of  all  Georgia.  It  opened  them  communications  with  the 
loyalists  in  the  back  parts  of  this  province  and  the  two  Carolinas. 
Those  who  were  not  yet  recovered  of  the  terror  inspired  by  their 
recent  defeat,  took  fresh  courage ;  there  was  nothing  now  to  prevent 
their  going  to  reenforce  the  royal  army. 

The  Carolinians,  though  deeply  affected  at  so  severe  a  check, 
were  not,  however,  disheartened  ;  and,  in  order  to  prevent  the  victo- 
rious enemy  from  overrunning  their  fertile  territory,  they  made  every 
exertion  to  assemble  their  militia,  and  to  reanimate  their  ardor. 
Rigorous  penalties  were  decreed  against  those  who  should  refuse  to 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  195 

march  when  called  out,  or  to  obey  their  commanders  ;  high  bounties  " 
were  promised  ;  regiments  of  horse  were  organised  ;  the  officers 
were  chosen  among  the  most  leading  men  of  the  country.  John 
Rutledge,  a  man  of  extensive  influence,  was  elected  governor  of 
the  province,  and  empowered  to  do  whatever  he  should  judge  neces- 
sary to  the  public  welfare.  Animated  by  the  love  of  country,  and 
stimulated  by  the  prospect  of  those  evils  which  would  be  their  portion 
if  the  English  should  gain  possession  of  the  province,  the  republicans 
displayed  so  much  zeal  and  activity  in  their  preparations  for  defence, 
that  by  the  middle  of  April,  general  Lincoln  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  more  than  five  thousand  fighting  men. 

While  these  preparations  were  in  process  in  the  Carolinas,  general 
Prevost  busied  himself  in  Georgia,  in  reorganising  all  those  parts  of 
the  service  which  had  suffered  by  the  war.  He  established  an  inter- 
nal administration  in  the  province,  and  strenuously  urged  the  loyalists 
to  rally  around  him.  He  did  not  immediately  attempt  to  cross  the 
Savannah,  because  it  was  extremely  svvoln  by  the  rains  ;  and,  besides, 
he  had  not  a  sufficient  force  to  attack  lower  Carolina,  where  there 
were  none  but  patriots;  and  general  Lincoln,  notwithstanding  the 
rout  of  Briar  Creek,  still  maintained  his  position  on  the  left  bank, 
ready  to  oppose  him.  if  he  inclined  to  pass.  Not,  however,  that  the 
American  general  was  in  a  condition  to  act  offensively  before  he  was 
reenforced  ;  he  might  even  have  deemed  himself  extremely  fortunate 
in  not  being  attacked.  But  as  soon  as  he  found  his  force  augmented, 
as  we  have  just  seen,  he  made  a  movement  which  provoked  another 
of  extreme  importance  on  the  part  of  his  adversary.  He  marched, 
about  the  beginning  of  May,  towards  Augusta,  whether  to  protect  an 
assembly  of  the  deputies  of  the  province,  which  was  to  convene  in 
that  town,  or  for  the  purpose  of  taking  a  strong  position  in  upper 
Georgia,  in  order  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  confederation  in 
that  part,  and  to  interrupt  the  transmission  of  provisions  and  recruits 
which  the  loyalists  furnished  to  the  British.  He  was  already  arrived 
in  Georgia,  and  all  his  measures  were  taken  for  the  execution  of  his 
design.  He  had  left  general  Moultrie,  with  fifteen  hundred  men,  in 
front  of  general  Prevost,  in  order  to  dispute  his  passage  across  the 
Savannah.  He  considered  this  corps  the  more  sufficient  for  the 
defence  of  the  left  bank  and  the  approaches  of  Charleston,  the 
capital  of  South  Carolina,  inasmuch  as  the  breadth  of  the  river,  the 
marshes  which  border  it  on  the  north  side,  and  the  numerous  creeks 
which  intersect  that  province,  appeared  to  him  obstacles  capable  by 
themselves  of  arresting  the  enemy. 

But  general  Prevost  saw  his  position  in  a  different  light.  His  army 
was  increased  by  the  junction  of  the  loyalists.  He  hoped  that  his 
presence  in  Carolina  would  excite  some  movements  there  ;  he  wanted 
provisions,  which  he  was  sure  of  finding  in  abundance  in  that  pro- 
vince ;  and  lastly,  he  calculated  that  the  effect  of  his  invasion  would 


196  THE    AMERICAN    WAll.  BOOK  XI- 

be  to  recall  Lincoln  from  Georgia,  and  perhaps  to  afford  an  opportu- 
nity of  engaging  him  with  advantage.  Determined  by  these  consi- 
derations, he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  three  thousand 
men,  among  English,  loyalists  and  Indians,  and  passed  the  Savannah 
with  its  adjacent  marshes,  though  not  without  excessive  difficulties. 
The  militia  under  Moultrie,  surprised  and  dismayed  at  such  intrepi- 
dity, gave  way,  and  after  a  feeble  resistance  fell  back  upon  Charles- 
ton. Moultrie,  with  the  handful  he  had  left,  and  the  light  horse  of 
Pulaski,  exerted  his  utmost  efforts  to  retard  the  enemy ;  but  he  was 
soon  compelled  to  yield  to  force.  Astonished  himself  at  the  facility 
with  which  he  had  triumphed  over  the  natural  impediments  of  the 
country,  and  the  resistance  of  the  republicans,  Prevost  extended  his 
views  to  objects  of  greater  moment.  The  drift  of  his  expedition 
was  at  first  merely  to  forage  ;  he  was  disposed  to  give  it  a  nobler 
aim,  and  ventured  to  meditate  an  attack  upon  the  important  city  of 
Charleston.  He  promised  himself  that  it  would  soon  fall  into  his 
power,  when  he  should  have  acquired  the  control  of  the  open 
country. 

The  loyalists,  in  the  eagerness  of  their  hopes  and  wishes,  which 
they  too  frequently  substituted  for  realities,  failed  not  to  improve  this 
disposition,  which  was  so  favorable  to  them.  They  assured  Prevost 
that  they  had  correspondence  with  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  and  that  the  moment  the  royal  standard  should  be  descried  from 
its  battlements,  their  adherents  would  rise  and  throw  open  its  gates. 
Moreover,  they  offered  to  serve  as  guides  to  the  army,  and  to  furnish 
all  the  information  that  could  be  desired  respecting  the  nature  of  the 
country.  Another  consideration  came  to  the  support  of  their  repre- 
sentations ;  though  general  Lincoln  could  not  but  know  the  British 
had  crossed  the  Savannah,  and  menaced  the  capital,  yet  he  manifest- 
ed no  intention  of  moving  to  its  relief;  so  fully  was  he  persuaded 
that  the  royalists  designed  nothing  more  than  to  pillage  the  country. 
General  Prevost,  therefore,  pursued  his  march  towards  Charleston 
in  great  security,  hoping  in  the  consternation  at  his  sudden  appear- 
ance to  enter  it  without  opposition.  Meanwhile,  when  Lincoln  was 
convinced  by  the  continual  approaches  of  the  enemy  of  the  reality 
of  his  designs,  he  immediately  detached  a  body  of  infantry,  mounted 
on  horseback,  for  the  greater  expedition,  to  the  defence  of  the  capi- 
tal, and  collecting  the  militia  of  the  upper  country,  returned  with  his 
whole  force  to  act  as  circumstances  might  offer  for  its  relief.  The 
English  had  arrived  at  Ashley  river,  which  bathes  the  walls  of 
Charleston  on  the  south  ;  they  passed  it  immediately,  and  took  post 
within  little  more  than  cannon  shot  of  that  city,  between  the  river 
Ashley  and  another  called  the  Cooper,  which  flows  a  little  to  the 
north  of  it.  The  Carolinians  had  made  all  the  preparations  for 
defence  which  the  shortness  of  time  admitted.  They  had  burnt  the 
suburbs,  and  cut  a  trench  in  the  rear  of  the  city  from  one  river  to 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  197 

the  other.  The  fortifications  had  heen  repaired,  and  batteries  erected 
upon  all  the  chain  of  works  which  formed  the  cincture  of  the  town. 
Governor  Rutledge  had  arrived  there  two  days  before,  with  five 
hundred  militia,  as  well  as  colonel  Harris,  who  had  brought  the 
succour  sent  by  general  Lincoln,  after  a  forced  march  of  more  than 
forty  miles  at  every  stage.  The  count  Pulaski  was  also  come  to 
reenforce  the  garrison  with  the  dragoons  of  his  legion,  which  was 
called  the  American  Legion.  The  presence  of  all  these  troops 
reassured  the  inhabitants ;  they  would  have  thought  themselves 
fortunate  in  obtaining  an  honorable  capitulation  if  this  succour  had 
not  reached  them,  or  if  the  English,  instead  of  suspending  their 
march,  as  they  did,  had  made  their  appearance  two  days  sooner. 
The  garrison  passed  the  whole  night  under  arms  ;  the  houses,  and 
the  entire  circuit  of  the  walls,  were  illuminated.  On  the  following 
morning,  the  British  general  summoned  the  town,  offering  very  favor- 
able conditions.  The  Americans  sent  out  their  commissioners  to 
negotiate,  and  the  conference  was  opened.  But  they  neglected 
nothing  that  could  draw  it  into  length  as  soon  as  they  discovered 
that  the  besiegers  were  not  in  force  sufficient  to  carry  the  place 
before,  in  all  probability,  general  Lincoln  would  arrive  to  its  deliver- 
ance. Accordingly,  they  proposed  that  their  province  should  remain 
neuter  during  the  war  ;  and  that  at  the  conclusion  of  peace,  it  should 
be  decided  whether  Charleston  was  to  belong  to  the  United  States 
or  to  Great  Britain. 

The  English  answered  that  their  generals  had  not  come  there  with 
legislative  powers,  and  that  since  the  garrison  were  armed,  they  must 
surrender  prisoners  of  war.  Other  proposals  were  made  on  both 
sides,  which  were  not  accepted,  and  the  English  lost  the  whole  day 
in  this  negotiation,  which  was  not  broken  off  till  in  the  evening. 
The  inhabitants,  expecting  to  be  attacked  during  the  night,  made 
every  preparation  for  a  vigorous  defence.  Finding  himself  totally 
disappointed  in  every  hope  that  had  been  held  out  to  him  relative  to 
Charleston,  general  Prevost  began  to  reflect  that  the  ramparts  were 
furnished  with  a  formidable  artillery,  and  flanked  by  a  flotilla  of 
armed  shipping  and  gallies  ;  that  the  garrison  was  even  more  nume- 
rous than  his  own  army  ;  that  he  had  neither  battering  artillery,  nor 
a  naval  force  to  cooperate  with  his  land  forces ;  that  the  vanguard  of 
the  army  of  Lincoln  had  already  appeared,  and  that  himself  was  fast 
approaching  ;  and  lastly,  that  if  he  were  repulsed  with  any  consider- 
able loss,  which  was  much  to  be  apprehended,  his  situation,  involved 
as  he  was  in  a  labyrinth  of  rivers  and  creeks,  surrounded  on  all  sides 
by  a  superior  enemy,  seemed  scarcely  to  admit  of  a  hope  that  any 
part  of  his  army  could  have  been  preserved.  Under  these  con- 
siderations, he  profited  of  the  obscurity  of  night,  and  directed  his 
retreat  towards  Georgia.  But  instead  of  taking  the  way  of  the  land, 
which  was  too  dangerous,  he  passed  his  troops  into  the  islands  of  St. 
VOL.  IT.  26 


198  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI? 

James  and  St.  John,  which  lie  to  the  southward  of  Charleston,  and 
whose  cultivation  and  fertility  offered  abundant  resources.  As  from 
Charleston  to  Savannah  there  extends  along  the  coast  a  continued 
succession  of  little  contiguous  islands,  so  separated  from  the  continent 
as  to  afford  both  navigable  channels  and  excellent  harbors,  Prevost 
could  be  at  no  loss  about  the  means  of  repairing  to  the  latter  city. 

His  immediate  design  was  to  establish  his  camp  in  the  island  of 
Port  Royal,  situated  near  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah,  and  no  less 
remarkable  for  its  salubrity  than  fruitfulness.  These  quarters  were 
the  more  desirable  as  the  sickly  and  almost  pestilential  season  already- 
approached  in  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  and  the  British  troops, 
not  yet  accustomed  to  the  climate,  were  peculiarly  exposed  to  its 
mortal  influence. 

While  Prevost  was  engaged  in  massing  his  troops  from  one  island 
to  another,  general  Lincoln,  who  by  the  main  land  had  followed 
the  movements  of  the  enemy,  thought  it  a  proper  opportunity  to 
attack  colonel  Maitland,  who  with  a  corps  of  English,  Hessians  and 
Carolinian  loyalists,  was  encamped  at  the  pass  of  Stono  Ferry,  on 
the  inlet  between  the  continent  and  the  island  of  St.  John  ;  this 
post,  besides  its  natural  advantages,  was  well  covered  with  redoubts, 
an  abattis,  and  artillery.  The  Americans  attacked  with  vigor,  but 
they  found  a  no  less  obstinate  resistance.  At  length,  overwhelmed 
by  the  enemy's  artillery,  and  unable  with  their  field  pieces  to  make 
any  impression  on  his  fortifications,  they  retired  at  the  approach  of  a 
reenforcement  which  came  to  the  support  of  Maitland.  The  Eng- 
lish, after  establishing  posts  upon  the  most  important  points,  proceeded 
to  occupy  their  cantonments  in  the  island  of  Port  Royal.  The 
Americans  returned,  for  the  most  part,  into  theirs  ;  and  the  unhealth- 
iness  of  the  season  put  a  stop  to  all  further  operations  of  either  party, 
The  English  thus  remained  in  peaceable/ possession  of  the  whole 
province  of  Georgia  ;  and  the  Americans  found  some  consolation  in 
having  raised  the  siege  of  Charleston,  though  the  vicinity  of  the 
enemy  still  left  them  in  apprehension  of  a  new  invasion  in  South 
Carolina.  The  incursion  of  which  this  rich  and  flourishing  province 
had  just  been  the  theatre,  so  far  from  serving  the  interests  of  the 
king,  was  highly  prejudicial  to  his  cause.  If  it  enriched  his  officers 
and  soldiers,  it  caused  the  ruin  of  a  great  number  of  inhabitants. 
The  royal  troops  were  not  satisfied  with  pillasring ;  they  spared 
neither  women,  nor  children,  nor  sick.  Herein  they  had  the  negroes 
for  spies  and  campanions,  who  being  very  numerous  in  all  the  places 
they  traversed,  flocked  upon  their  route  in  the  hope  of  obtaining 
liberty.  To  recommend  themselves  to  the  English,  they  put  every 
thing  to  sack,  and  if  their  masters  had  concealed  any  valuable  effects, 
they  hastened  to  discover  them  to  their  insatiable  spoilers.  Such 
was  the  rapacity  of  these  robbers,  that  not  content  with  stripping 
houses  of  their  richest  furniture,  and  individuals  of  their  most  pre- 


JBOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  199 

cious  ornaments,  they  violated  even  the  sanctuary  of  the  dead,  and, 
gasping  for  gold,  went  rummaging  among  the  tombs. 

Whatever  they  could  not  carry  off,  they  destroyed.  How  many 
delightful  gardens  were  ravaged  !  What  magnificent  habitations  were 
devoted  to  the  flames  !  Every  where  ruins  and  ashes.  The  very 
cattle,  whatever  was  their  utility,  found  no  quarter  with  these  barba- 
rians. Vain  would  be  the  attempt  to  paint  the  brutal  fury  of  this 
lawless  soldiery,  and  especially  of  those  exasperated  and  ferocious 
Africans.  But  the  heaviest  loss  which  the  planters  of  Carolina  had 
to  sustain,  was  that  of  these  very  slaves.  Upwards  of  four  thousand 
were  taken  from  them  ;  some  were  carried  to  the  English  islands, 
others  perished  of  hunger  in  the  woods,  or  by  a  pestilential  disease 
which  broke  out  among  them  soon  after. 

And  here  should  be  recollected  the  barbarous  manifesto  published 
by  the  British  commissioners  on  quitting  America,  after  the  failure  of 
their  negotiations ;  their  abominable  threats  were  but  too  faithfully 
executed  in  Carolina.  A  cry  of  horror  arose  throughout  the  civilised 
world  against  the  ferocity  of  the  British  armies.  Such  also  was  the 
disordered  state  of  things  to  which  Georgia,  by  various  progressive 
steps,  was  at  length  reduced. 

About  the  same  time,  general  Clinton  meditated,  in  his  camp  at 
New  York,  a  project  whose  execution  appeared  to  him  to  corres- 
pond with  the  views  of  the  ministry,  or,  at  least,  proper  to  second 
the  expedition  of  Carolina.  He  expected  to  insure  its  success  by 
keeping  Virginia  in  continual  alarm  by  cruel  but  useless  devastations 
upon  the  coasts  of  that  opulent  province.  Having  assembled  a  suit- 
able number  of  ships,  under  the  command  of  commodore  Collier,  he 
embarked  a  corps  of  two  thousand  men,  conducted  by  general  Mat- 
thews. They  proceeded  to  the  Chesapeake,  and  leaving  a  sufficient 
force  in  Hampton  Road  to  block  up  that  port  and  the  entrance  of  the 
river  James,  went  to  take  land  on  the  banks  of  Elizabeth  river.  The 
British  immediately  pushed  forward  against  the  town  of  Portsmouth, 
and  entered  it  without  resistance.  Fort  Nelson  was  also  abandoned 
to  them  at  the  first  rumor  of  their  approach.  They  found  it  equally 
easy  to  occupy  the  town,  or  rather  the  ruins  of  the  town  of  Norfolk, 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  Pursuing  their  march  with  the 
same  celerity,  they  made  themselves  masters  of  Suffolk,  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Nansemond  river.  In  all  these  places,  as  well  as  at 
Kempers  Landing.  Shepherds,  Gosport,  Tanners  Creek,  in  a  word, 
throughout  the  extent  of  territory  into  which  they  penetrated,  their 
passage  was  marked  by  cruelty  and  devastation.  They  demolished 
the  magazines,  brought  off  or  destroyed  the  provisions,  and  burned  or 
took  away  an  immense  quantity  of  shipping.  Several  thousand  barrels 
of  salted  provisions,  which  had  been  prepared  for  Washington's  army, 
and  a  great  quantity  of  stores,  also  fell  into  their  power.  Their  booty 
in  tobacco  even  surpassed  their  hope ;  in  brief,  this  rich  and  fertile 


200  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XI, 

country  was  converted  in  a  few  days  into  one  vast  scene  of  smoking 
ruins.  In  their  indignation,  the  Virginians  sent  to  ask  the  English 
what  sort  of  war  this  was?  They  answered,  that  they  were  com- 
manded to  visit  the  same  treatment  upon  all  those  who  refused  to  obey 
the  king.  Listening  to  the  insinuations  of  the  refugees,  who  inces- 
santly affirmed  that  Virginia  contained  a  host  of  loyalists,  that  were 
only  waiting  for  a  rallying  point  to  raise  the  province  in  revolt,  the 
British  commanders  were  much  inclined  to  prolong  their  stay  in  it ; 
and  thought  of  .fortifying  themselves  in  Portsmouth,  in  order  to  make 
it  their  place  of  arms.  They  wrote  accordingly  to  general  Clinton, 
demanding  his  orders.  But  Clinton,  weary  of  this  piratical  war,  and 
less  eager  than  commodore  Collier  to  swallow  the  brilliant  delusions 
of  the  refugees,  did  not  approve  the  plan  proposed.  On  the  contrary, 
he  directed  the  chiefs  of  the  expedition,  after  securing  their  prizes, 
to  rejoin  him  at  New  York.  He  needed  this  force  himself  for  an 
enterprise  of  no  little  importance,  which  he  was  upon  the  point  of 
undertaking  up  the  Hudson.  Virginia,  therefore,  ceased  for  that 
time  to  be  the  theatre  of  these  barbarous  depredations. 

The  Americans  had  constructed,  at  great  labor  and  expense,  very 
strong  works  at  the  posts  of  Verplanks  Neck,  and  Stony  Point,  situ- 
ated on  nearly  opposite  points  of  land,  the  first  on  the  east,  and  the 
ether  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson.  They  defended  the  much 
frequented  pass  called  Kings  Ferry,  which  could  not  fall  into  the 
power  of  the  English  without  compelling  the  Americans  to  take  a 
circuit  of  ninety  miles  up  the  river  in  order  to  communicate  between 
the  northern  and  southern  provinces.  General  Clinton  had  there- 
fore resolved  to  seize  these  two  positions.  Washington,  who  lay  with 
his  army  at  Middlebrook,  was  at  too  great  a  distance  to  interrupt 
the  execution  of  the  design. 

The  English,  accordingly,  set  out  upon  this  expedition  about  the  last 
of  May.  Commodore  Collier  conducted  the  squadron  that  ascended 
the  river,  general  Vaughan  the  column  of  the  right,  which  landed  on 
the  eastern  bank,  a  little  below  Verplanks,  and  Clinton  in  person,  the 
column  of  the  left,  with  which  he  disembarked  on  the  western  bank, 
below  Stony  Point.  The  Americans,  rinding  the  enemy  so  near,  and 
not  being  prepared  to  receive  him,  evacuated  Stony  Point,  where 
they  were  soon  replaced  by  the  royal  troops.  But  at  Verplanks  there 
was  more  resistance  ;  the  republicans  had  erected  on  this  point  a 
small,  but  strong  and  complete  work,  which  they  called  Fort  la  Fay- 
ette ;  this  was  defended  by  artillery  and  a  small  garrison.  It  was 
unfortunately  commanded  by  the  heights  of  Stony  Point,  upon  which 
the  English,  by  their  exertions  during  the  night,  had  planted  a  battery 
of  heavy  cannon,  and  another  of  mortars.  Early  on  the  following 
morning,  they  opened  a  tempest  of  fire  upon  Fort  la  Fayette.  The 
attack  was  supported  in  front  by  commodore  Collier,  who  advanced 
with  his  gallies  and  gun  boats  within  reach  of  the  fort ;  and  general 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  20] 

Vaughan  having  made  a  circuit  through  the  hills,  was  at  length  arriv- 
ed, and  had  closely  invested  it  on  the  land  side.  The  garrison, 
seeing  that  all  possibility  of  relief  was  now  cut  off,  and  that  their  fire 
was  totally  overpowered  and  lost  in  the  magnitude  of  that  which  they 
received,  surrendered  at  discretion  the  following  morning.  Thry 
were  treated  humanely.  General  Clinton  gave  direction  for  com- 
pleting the  works  of  Stony  Point ;  and  with  a  view  to  the  ulterior 
operations  of  the  campaign,  encamped  his  army  at  Philipsburgh,  about 
half  way  between  Verplanks  and  the  city  of  New  York.  But  neither 
Clinton  nor  Washington  were  disposed  to  run  the  hazard  of  a  battle; 
they  both  expected  reenforcements,  the  one  from  England,  the  other 
from  the  allies  of  the  United  States.  Such  was  the  cause  of  the 
inaction  of  the  belligerent  parties,  during  this  campaign  in  the  middle 
provinces. 

In  defect  of  conquests,  the  British  generals  were  disposed,  at  least, 
to  rid  themselves  of  the  priyateers  that  tormented  them,  and  to  re- 
sume the  war  of  devastation. 

The  coasts  of  Connecticut  which  border  the  sound,  afforded  shel- 
ter to  a  multitude  of  extremely  enterprising  privateersmen,  who  inter- 
cepted whatever  made  its  appearance  in  their  waters,  to  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  commerce  of  New  York  by  the  sound,  and  conse- 
quently to  the  infinite  prejudice  of  the  British  fleet  and  army,  which 
had  been  accustomed  to  draw  the  greater  part  of  their  -provisions 
from  that  part.  With  a  view  of  curing  the  evil,  Clinton  ordered 
governor  Tryon  to  embark  for  Connecticut  with  a  strong  detachment. 
He  accordingly  proceeded  to  make  a  descent  at  New  Haven,  where 
he  dislodged  the  militia,  after  some  irregular  resistance,  and  destroyed 
whatever  he  found  in  the  port.  Thence  he  advanced  to  Fairfield, 
which  he  devoted  to  the  flames.  Norwalk  and  Greenfield  were  in  like 
manner  laid  in  ashes.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  prodigious;  be- 
sides that  of  their  houses  and  effects,  a  considerable  number  of  ships, 
either  finished  or  on  the  stocks,  with  a  still  greater  of  whale  boats  and 
small  craft,  with  stores  and  merchandise  to  an  immense  amount,  were 
all  destroyed.  Tryon,  far  from  blushing  at  such  shameful  excesses; 
even  boasted  of  them,  insisting  that  he  had  thereby  rendered  import- 
ant services  to  the  king.  Could  he  have  thought  that  in  a  war  against 
an  entire  people,  it  was  rather  his  duty  to  desolate  than  to  conquer  ? 
And  what  other  name  can  be  given  to  ravages  and  conflagrations 
which  conduce  to  no  decisive  result,  but  that  of  gratuitous  enormities? 
But,  if  this  mental  obliquity,  if  this  cruel  frenzy  in  an  individual,  who 
was  not  a  stranger  to  civilisation,  have  but  too  many  examples  in  the 
history  of  men,  still,  is  it  not  astonishing,  that  he  should  have  per- 
suaded himself  that  by  such  means  he  could  induce  the  Americans  to 
replace  themselves  under  the  royal  standard?  It  is  worthy  of  remark 
in  effect,  that  in  the  midst  of  ravage  and  combustion,  he 'issued  a 
proclamation,  by  which  he  exhorted  the  inhabitants  to  return  to  their 


202  THE    AMERICAN    WAll.  BOOK    XI. 

ancient  duty  and  allegiance.  But  whether  this  mode  of  operation 
was  displeasing  to  Clinton,  who  perhaps  had  only  desired  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  shipping,  and  not  that  of  houses  and  temples,  or  from  what- 
ever other  more  real  motive,  he  orderd  Tryon  to  cease  hostilities,  and 
to  rejoin  him  immediately  at  New  York.  But  the  melancholy  vesti- 
ges of  the  rage  of  the  English  were  not  effaced  by  his  retreat,  and 
these  piratical  invasions  redoubled  the  abhorrence  attached  to  their 
name. 

While  the  coasts  of  Connecticut  were  thus  desolated  by  the 
British  arms,  the  Americans  undertook  an  expedition  which  afforded 
a  brilliant  demonstration  that,  so  far  from  wanting  courage,  they 
could  vie  in  boldness  with  the  most  celebrated  nations  of  Europe. 
The  English  had  labored  with  such  industry  in  finishing  the  works 
at  Stony  Point,  that  they  had  already  reduced  that  rock  to  the  con- 
dition of  a  real  fortress.  They  had  furnished  it  with  a  numerous  and 
selected  garrison.  The  stores  were  abundant,  the  defensive  prepa- 
rations formidable.  These  considerations  could  not,  however,  dis- 
courage Washington,  who,  on  hearing  of  the  capture  of  Stony  Point 
and  Verplanks,  had  advanced  and  taken  post  on  the  brow  of  the 
mountains  of  the  Hudson,  from  forming  the  design  to  surprise  and 
attempt  both  those  forts  by  assault.  He  charged  general  Wayne 
with  the  attack  of  Stony  Point,  and  general  Howe  with  that  of  Ver- 
planks. He  provided  the  first  with  a  strong  detachment  of  the  most 
enterprising  and  veteran  infantry  in  all  his  army. 

These  troops  set  out  on  their  expedition  the  fifteenth  of  July,  and 
having  accomplished  their  march  over  high  mountains,  through  deep 
morasses,  difficult  defiles,  and  roads  exceedingly  bad  and  narrow, 
arrived  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  within  a  mile  of  Stony 
Point.  General  Wayne  then  halted  to  reconnoitre  the  works,  and  to 
observe  the  situation  of  the  garrison.  The  English,  however,  did 
not  perceive  him.  He  formed  his  corps  in  two  columns,  and  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  right.  It  was  preceded  by  a  vanguard  of 
an  hundred  and  fifty  picked  men,  commanded  by  that  brave  and 
adventurous  Frenchman,  lieutenant-colonel  Fleury.  This  vanguard 
was  itself  guided  by  a  forlorn  hope  of  about  twenty,  led  by  lieutenant 
Gibbon.  The  column  on  the  left,  conducted  by  major  Stewart,  had 
a  similar  vanguard,  also  preceded  by  a  forlorn  hope  under  lieute- 
nant Knox.  These  forlorn  hopes,  among  other  offices,  were  particu- 
larly intended  to  remove  the  abattis  and  other  obstructions,  which 
lay  in  the  way  of  the  succeeding  troops.  General  Wayne  directed 
both  columns  to  march  in  order  and  silence,  with  unloaded  muskets 
and  fixed  bayonets.  At  midnight  they  arrived  under  the  walls  of 
the  fort.  The  two  columns  attacked  upon  the  flanks,  while  major 
Murfee  engaged  the  attention  of  the  garrison  by  a  feint  in  their  front. 
An  unexpected  obstacle  presented  itself;  the  deep  morass  which 
covered  the  works,  was  at  this  time  overflowed  by  the  tide.  The 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  203 

English  opened  a  most  tremendous  fire  of  musketry,  and  of  cannon 
loaded  with  grape-shot ;  but  neither  the  inundated  morass,  nor  a 
double  palisade,  nor  the  bastioned  ramparts,  nor  the  storm  of  fire 
that  was  poured  from  them,  could  arrest  the  impetuosity  of  the 
Americans  ;  they  opened  their  way  with  the  bayonet,  prostrated 
whatever  opposed  them,  scaled  the  fort,  and  the  two  columns  met  in 
the  centre  of  the  works.  General  Wayne  received  a  contusion  in 
the  head,  by  a  musket  ball,  as  he  passed  the  last  abattis  ;  colonel 
Fleury  struck  with  his  own  hand  the  royal  standard  that  waved  upon 
the  walls.  Of  the  forlorn  hope  of  Gibbon,  seventeen  out  of  the 
twenty  perished  in  the  attack.  The  English  lost  upwards  of  six 
hundred  men  in  killed  and  prisoners.  The  conquerors  abstained 
from  pillage  and  from  all  disorder  ;  a  conduct  the  more  worthy  to  be 
commended,  as  they  had  still  present  in  mind  the  ravages  and  butch- 
eries which  their  enemies  had  so  recently  committed  in  Carolina,  in 
Connecticut,  and  in.  Virginia.  Humanity  imparted  new  effulgence 
to  the  viciory  which  valor  had  obtained. 

The  attack  meditated  against  Verplanks,  had  not  the  same  suc- 
cess ;  general  Howe  encountered  insurmountable  obstacles.  Mean- 
while, Clinton  had  received  intelligence  of  the  capture  of  Stony 
Point ;  and,  being  resolved  not  to  suffer  the  enemy  to  establish 
themselves  in  that  position,  he  instantly  detached  a  corps  of  cavalry 
and  light  infantry  to  dislodge  them.  But  Washington  had  attained 
his  object  ;  he  had  originally  intended  nothing  more  than  to  make 
himself  master  of  the  artillery  and  stores  of  the  fort,  to  destroy  the 
works,  and  to  bring  off  the  garrison.  It  was  absolutely  inconsistent 
with  his  views  to  risk  a  general  action,  in  order  to  favor  a  partial 
operation,  he  therefore  ordered  general  Wayne  to  retire  ;  which  he 
/did  successfully,  after  having  dismantled  the  fortifications.  This 
^'expedition,  so  glorious  for  the  American  arms,  was  celebrated  with 
rapture  in  all  parts  of  the  confederation.  The  Congress  decreed 
their  acknowledgments  to  Washington  and  to  Wayne,  to  Fleury, 
Stewart,  Gibbon  and  Knox.  They  presented  general  Wayne  with 
a  medal  of  gold,  which  represented  this  brilliant  achievement. 
Fleury  and  Stewart  received  a  similar  medal  of  silver.  Not  willing 
to  leave  the  bravery  of  their  soldiers  without  its  retribution,  they 
ordered  an  estimate  of  the  military  stores  taken  at  Stony  Point,  and 
the  value  thereof  to  be  shared  among  them. 

Rendered  more  daring  and  adventurous  by  the  success  of  this 
enterprise,  the  republicans  frequently  harassed  the  outposts  of  the 
royal  army.  The  continual  skirmishes  that  followed  were  alternate- 
ly advantageous  or  disastrous  to  the  two  parties.  One  of  the  most 
considerable  was  engaged  at  Paulus  Hook,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Hudson,  opposite  to  New  York  ;  the  Americans  were  treated  rather 
roughly  in  it. 


204  THE    AMEBICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI* 

An  expedition  of  much  more  importance  took  place  on  the  river 
Penobscot,  near  the  eastern  confines  of  New  England,  on  the  side 
of  Nova  Scotia.  Colonel  Maclean  had  embarked  from  Halifax  with 
a  strong  division  of  regulars,  with  a  view  of  establishing  a  post,  at 
the  mouth  of  that  river,  in  the  county  of  Lincoln.  On  his  arrival  in 
the  Penobscot,  he  took  possession  of  an  advantageous  situation,  and 
proceeded  to  fortify  himself.  From  that  position  he  purposed  to 
annoy  the  eastern  frontiers  of  the  confederation  ;  and  by  this  diver- 
sion in  Massachusetts,  he  hoped  to  prevent  the  inhabitants  of  that 
province  from  sending  reenforcements  to  the  army  of  Washington. 
This  movement  occasioned  an  unusual  alarm  at  Boston,  and  it  was 
determined  to  make  all  possible  efforts  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  a 
post  which  smoothed  his  way  to  more  considerable  enterprises.  An 
armament  was  fitted  out  with  extraordinary  despatch  ;  and  in  order 
to  secure  vessels  of  transport  as  well  as  sailors,  an  embargo  of  forty 
days  was  laid  on  all  their  shipping.  The  crews  and  the  troops  were 
assembled  with  equal  promptitude,  and  all  the  preparations  for  the 
expedition  were  soon  completed.  The  squadron  was  under  the 
conduct  of  commodore  Saltonstall,  and  the  land  troops  were  com- 
manded by  general  Lovell.  They  sailed  for  the  mouth  of  the 
Penobscot. 

Colonel  Maclean  had  received  at  first  rumors,  and  afterwards 
undoubted  intelligence,  of  the  preparations  that  were  making  at 
Boston.  He  employed  all  the  means  which  the  shortness  of  notice 
left  at  his  disposal,  to  secure  his  defence.  The  republicans  appear- 
ed ;  their  first  attempts  to  land,  were  rendered  vain  by  the  intrepid 
resistance  of  the  royal  troops  ;  they  redoubled  their  efforts,  and  at 
length  succeeded  in  effecting  that  object.  General. Lovell,  instead 
of  attacking  immediately,  which  would  have  ensured  him  victory,  set 
about  entrenching  himself.  The  English  resumed  courage.  There 
was  a  continual  firing  of  artillery  for  fifteen  days.  Finally,  the  works 
which  covered  the  position  of  the  English  being  partly  ruined,  the 
Americans  resolved  to  proceed  to  the  assault.  Colonel  Maclean 
was  informed  of  their  design,  and  prepared  himself  to  receive 
them. 

In  the  morning  he  was  under  arms*;  but  a  profound  silence  pre- 
vailed in  the  camp  of  the  besiegers  ;  their  stillness  and  immobility 
appeared  inexplicable.  The  colonel  sent  to  reconnoitre,  and  he 
soon  learns,  to  his  extreme  surprise,  that  the  enemy's  lines  are 
totally  evacuated,  that  he  has  not  left  even  a  guard,  and  that  he  has 
.reembarked  his  troops,  arms  and  stores.  The  cause  of  so  abrupt  a 
resolution  was  not  long  in  disclosing  itself.  Commodore  Collier  had 
suddenly  made  his  appearance  at  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot.  He 
had  been  apprised  of  the  critical  situation  of  Maclean,  and  had 
immediately  departed  from  Sandy  Hook,  with  a  sufficient  squadron. 
His  manoeuvres  now  indicated  the  design  to  attack  the  flotilla  of 


BOOK    XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  205 

Massachusetts  ;  the  republicans  fell  into  confusion,  and  the  royalists 
completed  their  discomfiture  without  difficulty.  The  vessels  of  war 
and  of  transport  were  ail  taken  or  blown  up,  to  the  incalculable  detri- 
ment of  the  Bostonians,  who  had  taken  on  themselves  the  whole 
burthen  of  this  expedition.  The  soldiers  and  sailors,  to  escape  the 
conqueror,  were  forced  to  penetrate  the  most  dismal  solitudes  and 
pathless  forests,  where  the  extremes  of  hardship  attended  their 
retreat.  Sahonstall  and  Lovell,  but  especially  the  first,  became  the 
object  of  public  execration.  They  were  every  where  loaded  with 
the  reproaches  of  stupidity  and  cowardice.  The  fatal  issue  of  the 
enterprise  of  Penobscot,  was  calculated  to  teach  the  inhabitants  of 
Massachusetts  a  truth,  which  it  cost  them  much  to  learn,  namely? 
that  in  confederate  states,  nothing  is  more  imprudent  than  to  operate 
partially.  For,  it  appears  that  their  leaders  in  this  affair,  far  from 
concerting  with  the  generals  of  Congress,  did  not  even  acquaint 
them  with  their  designs.  Thus,  with  the  exception  of  the  conquest 
of  Georgia,  the  operations  of  this  campaign  were  conducted  with  a 
sort  of  langor,  and  produced  no  results  of  any  considerable  import- 
ance. The  month  of  July  was,  however,  sufficiently  remarkable 
for  the  terrible  reprisals  which  the  Americans,  under  the  conduct  of 
general  Sullivan,  exercised  aejainst  the  Indians.  The  expeditions 
undertaken  against  them  the  preceding  year,  by  the,  colonels  Butler 
and  Clarke,  had  not  completely  satisfied  the  Congress;  they  were 
still  animated  with  desire  to  exact  an  exemplary  vengeance  for  the 
enormities  of  Wyoming.  Moreover,  they  deemed  it  indispensably 
necessary  to  repress  the  incursions  of  these  savages,  who,  rendered 
more  daring  by  impunity,  and  excited  by  the  presents  of  British 
emissaries,  incessantly  desolated  the  frontiers  of  the  confederation. 
But  by  far  the  most  formidable  of  all  the  Indian  nations,  were  the 
Six  Tribes,  who  derived  a  degree  of  power  from  the  league  con- 
tracted between  them,  from  a  scheme  of  polity  more  resembling  that 
of  civilised  states,  and,  especially,  from  the  great  number  of  Euro- 
pean adventurers  who  had  established  themselves  among  them,  and 
had  taught  them  to  wield  their  arms,  and  to  make  war  with  more 
dexterity.  Interlinked  wiih  these,  were  other  savage  tribes  of 
inferior  note.  The  Oneidas;  however,  should  be  excepted,  who 
observed  a  perfect  neutrality  towards  the  Congress.  The  American 
government,  therefore,  resolved  a  decisive. stroke,  to  deliver  itself 
forever  from  this  cruel  scourge,  and  at  the  same  time  to  visit  upon 
the  heads  of  these  barbarians  the  innocent  blood  of  Wyoming.  Cir- 
cumstances appeared  to  favor  the  execution  of  this -design,  since  the 
war,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  become  strangely  torpid  in  the 
maritime  parts.  Agreeably  to  the  plan  of  the  expedition,  general 
Sullivan,  who  was  charged  with  its  execution,  proceeded  up  the 
Susqnehanna,  with  a  corps  of  about  three  thousand  men,  as  far  as 
Wyoming,  where  he  waited  the  arrival  of  general  James  Clinton, 
VOL.  ii.  27 


206  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  XI, 


who  joined  him  from  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk,  at  the  head  of  six- 
teen hundred  soldiers.  He  was  followed  by  a  great  number  of 
pioneers,  sumpter-men,  carters,  and  other  species  of  workmen,  to 
open  the  roads,  transport  provisions,  and  ravage  the  country.  The 
stock  of  provisions  was  considerable,  but  not  so  abundant  as  general 
Sullivan  could  have  wished.  The  army  had  to  traverse  an  immense 
tract  of  country,  where  no  supplies  were  to  be  expected.  The 
horses  were  sufficient  in  number,  and  the  artillery  consisted  of  six 
field  pieces  with  two  howitzers.  The  two  generals  made  their  junc- 
tion at  Wyoming,  the  twenty-first  of  August.  They  immediately 
set  out  for  the  upper  parts  of  the  Susquehanna.  Upon  the  rumor  of 
their  destination,  the  Indians  had  made  all  the  preparations  in  their 
power,  to  avert  from  their  country  the  impending  perdition.  Under 
the  conduct  of  the  same  Johnson,  Butler,  and  Brandt,  who  have 
been  mentioned  in  the  preceding  book,  they  had  assembled  in  great 
number,  and  had  been  joined  by  two  hundred  and  fifty  loyalists. 
Full  of  confidence  in  their  strength,  they  had  advanced  as  far  as 
Newtovvn,  a  village  which  lay  upon  the  route  of  Sullivan.  Here, 
while  waiting  his  approach,  they  threw  up  a  very  extensive  entrench- 
ment, which  they  strengthened  with  a  palisade,  and  some  imperfect 
redoubts  after  the  European  manner.  As  soon  as  Sullivan  arrived, 
he  ordered  the  attack.  The  Indians  defended  themselves  with  great 
vigor  for  more  than  two  hours,  though  they  had  no  artillery.  To 
dislodge  them  more  easily  from  their  lines,  the  American  comman- 
der ordered  general  Poor  to  draw  off  to  the  right,  and  turn  their 
position.  At  sight  of  this  movement,  which  had  not  slackened  the 
attack  in  front,  the  Indians  lost  their  courage,  and  fled  in  disorder. 
Few  were  killed,  however,  and  none  fell  into  the  power  of  the 
victors.  The  Americans  took  possession  of  Newtown.  The  terror- 
struck  savages  made  no  other  stand.  Sullivan  had,  therefore,  no 
further  obstacle  to  contend  with  in  overrunning  their  country,  except 
the  excessive  difficulty  of  the  ways,  and  the  embarrassment  of  sub- 
sistence. His  patience  and  dexterity  triumphed  over  both.  He 
guided  his  troops  into  the  very  heart  of  the  settlements,  whose  inha- 
bitants, men,  women,  and  children,  had  already  escaped  to  the 
deserts,  and  buried  themselves  in  the  most  inaccessible  forests.  The 
habitations  were  burned,  the  crops  were  ravaged,  the  fruit  trees  cut 
down.  The  officers  charged  with  the  execution  of  these  devasta- 
tions, were  themselves  ashamed  of  them  ;  some  even  ventured  to 
remonstrate  that  they  were  not  accustomed  to  exercise  the  vocation 
of  banditti.  But  Sullivan,  being  himself  controlled  by  superior 
orders,  was  inexorable.  His  soldiers  served  him  with  ardor ;  the 
remembrance  of  Wyoming  was  fuel  to  their  rage.  They  burned  an 
immense  quantity  of  grain.*  They  utterly  destroyed  forty  villages, 

'"  One  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  bushels  of  corn  were  destroyed. 


BOOK  XI.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  20? 

and  left  no  single  trace  of  vegetation  upon  the  surface  of  the  ground. 
All  the  cattle  which  had  not  been  removed  by  the  Indians,  were 
brought  off,  or  killed  upon  the  spot.  None  of  the  bounties  of  nature, 
none  of  the  products  of  human  industry,  escaped  the  fury  of  the 
Americans. 

This  expedition  was  not  only  remarkable  for  the  rigor  with  which 
it  was  executed,  but  also  for  the  light  it  threw  upon  the  condition'  of 
these  savage  tribes.  They  were  found  more  advanced  in  civilisation 
than  was  believed,  or  even  than  could  have  been  reasonably  sup- 
posed. Their  houses  were  placed  in  the  most  pleasant  and  healthy 
situations  ;  they  were  roomy,  neat,  and  not  without  a  sort  of  elegance, 
so  that  little  mere  could  have  been  wished.  Their  fields,  covered 
with  luxuriant  harvests,  attested  that  the  art  of  culture  was  not  un- 
known to  them.  The  antiquity  and  marvellous  beauty  of  their  fruit 
trees,  with  the  number  of  their  orchards,  were  incontestable  indica- 
tions that  it  was  no  little  time  since  they  were  arrived  at  this  degree 
of  civil  improvement.  The  sowing  of  grain  and  planting  of  trees 
being  an  incontrovertible  proof  that  man  looks  forward  to  the  future, 
it  is  manifest  how  erroneous  was  the  opinion,  which  had  hitherto 
been  maintained,  that  the  savages  were  totally  devoid  of  forecast. 
Their  progress  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  increase  of  their  population, 
to  their  intercourse  with  Europeans,  and  particularly  to  the  efforts  of 
missionaries,  who,  in  times  past,  and  even  perhaps  at  this  epoch,  had 
lived,  or  were  living  among  them.  The  catastrophe  of  which  they 
were  now  the  victims,  so  filled  them  with  consternation,  that  they 
never  after  made  any  remarkable  movement.  General  Sullivan, 
having  accomplished  his  mission,  returned  to  Easton,  in  Pennsylvania. 
His  officers  and  soldiers  addressed  him  letters  of  thanks  and  felicita- 
tion, which  were  also  made  public  by  means  of  the  press  ;  whether 
they  did  this  of  their  own  motion,  or  in  compliance  with  the  insinu- 
ations of  Sullivan,  who  was  rather  a  light  man,  and  exceedingly  vain 
withal.  A  short  time  after,  alleging  the  derangement  of  health,  he 
requested  leave  to  resign,  and  obtained  it  easily  ;  the  members  of 
Congress  were  weary  of  his  continual  ostentation,  no  less  than  of  the 
habitual  asperity  of  his  language  with  respect  to  themselves. 

Having  related  the  events  which  took  place  upon  the  American 
continent,  between  the  royalists  and  republicans,  and  between  the 
latter  and  the  savages,  the  order  of  this  history  requires  that  we  should 
pass  to  the  recital  of  the  operations  of  the  English  and  French  in 
the  West  Indies,  after  the  first  had  been  reenforced  by  the  squadron 
of  commodore  Ravvley,  and  the  second  by  that  of  the  count  de 
Grasse.  By  the  addition  of  these  new  forces,  the  strength  of  the 
hostile  fleets  was  rendered  nearly  equal.  The  English  were  strongly 
desirous  of  a  naval  battle  ;  but  the  count  d'  Estaing,  being  much 
superior  in  land  forces  to  admiral  Byron,  had  principally  in  view  the 
conquest  of  the  neighboring  English  islands.  He  declined  a  general 


208  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XI. 

engagement,  which,  if  unsuccessful,  would  render  his  superiority  by 
land  of  no  avail.  Fie  therefore  lay  quietly  at  anchor  in  Fort  Royal 
of  Martinico,  waiting;  a  favorable  occasion  to  attempt  some  enter- 
prise of  moment  for  the  service  of  his  sovereign.  Fortune  delayed 
not  Ion?;  to  offer  it;  admiral  Byron  had  sailed  the  sixth  of  June  from 
St.  Lucia,  for  the  island  of  St.  Christophers,  where  the  West  India 
fleet  of  merchantmen  had  assembled,  to  wait  for  convoy.  His  inten- 
tion was  to  escort  them  with  his  whole  squadron,  for  some  con- 
siderable part  of  their  voyage  to  Europe.  He  reflected  that  he 
could  not  leave  a  part  of  it  in  any  of  the  ports  of  those  islands,  without 
exposing  it  to  the  attacks  of  an  enemy  greatly  superior  in  force  ;  he 
knew,  besides,  that  M.  cle  la  Motte  Piquet  was  then  on  his  way  from 
France  with  a  strong  reenforcement  to  d'  Estaing  ;  and  it  was  plain, 
that  no  ordinary  convoy  would  have  been  sufficient  for  the  protection 
of  the  British  merchant  fleet,  in  case  of  its  falling  in  with  that  squa- 
dron. No  sooner  was  Byron  departed  from  St.  Lucia,  than  the 
French  hastened  to  profit  of  his  absence.  D'  Estaing  detached  the 
chevalier  de  St.  Rumain,  with  five  ships  and  four  hundred  land 
troops,  between  regulars  and  militia,  to  attack  the  island  of  St.  Vin- 
cents. This  officer  fully  answered  the  confidence  of  the  admiral ; 
notwithstanding  the  currents  which  drifted  him  out  of  his  course,  and 
the  loss  of  one  ship,  he  at  length  effected  his  landing.  He  immedi- 
ately occupied,  sword  in  hand,  the  heights  which  command  Kingston, 
the  capital  of  the  island.  The  Caribbs,  or  Aborigines,  an  intrepid 
and  warlike  race,  came  in  multitude  to  join  the  assailants.  Governor 
Morris,  though  he  had  more  troops  to  defend  himself  than  de  Rumain 
had  to  attack  him,  perhaps  through  fear  of  the  Caribbs,  whom  the 
avarice  and  cruelty  of  the  English  had  greatly  exasperated,  surren- 
dered upon  terms.  The  capitulation  was  honorable,  and  similar  to 
that  which  the  governor  of  Dominica  had  obtained,  when  that  island 
fell  into  the  power  of  the  French. 

In  the  meantime,  the  count  d'  Estaing  was  reenforced  by  the 
arrival  of  the  squadron  commanded  by  M.  de  la  Motte  Piquet.  His 
fleet  now  consisted  of  twenty-five  sail  of  the  line,  among  which  were 
two  of  eighty  guns  and  eleven  of  seventy-four. 

This  increase  of  force  rendered  him  superior  to  Byron,  who  had 
only  nineteen  sail  of  the  line,  of  which  one  of  ninety  guns,  and  eleven 
of  seventy-four  ;  the  others  of  inferior  rate.  La  Motte  Piquet  had 
also  brought  a  reenforcement  of  regular  troops,  with  a  copious  supply 
of  naval  and  military  stores  and  provisions.  The  count  d'  Estaing, 
with  such  means  at  his  disposal,  was  encouraged  to  extend  the  scale 
of  his  projects. 

The  conquest  of  Grenada  was  the  immediate  object  of  his  enter- 
prise. The  natural  strength  of  that  island  presented  great  difficulties  ; 
but  iis  situation  and  products  rendered  it  highly  important.  He  had 
long  thought  of  this  expedition,  but  had  chosen  to  defer  its  execution 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  209 

until  he  should  become  possessed  of  a  superiority  by  sea.  The 
junction  of  la  JVlotie  Piquet  having  therefore  decided  him,  he  sailed 
the  thirtieth  of  June  from  Martinico,  and  the  second  of  July  came  to 
anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Molinier.  He  immediately  landed  twenty- 
three  hundred  men,  for  the  most  part  Irish,  in  the  service  of  France, 
under  the  conduct  of  colonel  Dillon.  They  rapidly  occupied  the 
adjacent  posts.  The  governor  of  the  island  was  lord  Macartney, 
and  its  garrison  consisted  of  two  hundred  regulars  with  six  hundred 
•militia.  They  were  posted  upon  a  height,  called  jMorne  de  /'  Hopi- 
tal,  which,  besides,  being  naturally  very  steep,  the  English  bad  ren- 
dered still  more  difficult  of  access  by  rude  walls  of  stone,  erected 
from  distance  to  distance  up  the  ascent.  They  had  also  fortified  its 
declevity  with  a  strong  palisade,  and,  above  it,  with  three  intrench- 
ments,  towering  in  gradation.  This  hill  commands  the  town  of  St. 
George,  the  fortress  and  harbor.  D'  Estaing  sent  to  summon  Ma- 
cartney. He  answered,  in  truth  he  did  not  know  the  force  of  the 
French,  but  that  he  well  knew  his  own,  and  was  determined  to  defend 
himself.  The  French  commander  was  not  ignorant  that  the  principal 
hope  of  success  lay  in  the  celerity  of  his  operations.  He  was  fully 
persuaded  that,  if  he  delayed  his  attack,  he  should  be  interrupted  by 
the  arrival  of  Byron,  to  the  relief  of  the  island.  He,  therefore,  gave 
orders  for  the  assault,  without  hesitation.  The  following  night  the 
French  approached  the  hill,  and  by  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  they 
had  invested  it  on  every  side.  To  divide  the  attention  of  the  enemy, 
they  were  formed  in  three  columns,  the  right  commanded  by  the 
viscount  de  Noailles,  the  left  by  Dillon,  and  that  of  the  centre  by  the 
count  u"  Estaing  in  person,  who  had  intrepidly  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  grenadiers.  The  artillery,  not  having  cannon  to  serve, 
requested  and  were  permitted  to  form  the  van.  The  action  was 
commenced  by  a  false  attack  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  on  the  part  of 
the  river  St.  John.  At  this  signal,  the  three  columns,  with  great 
order  and  greater  resolution,  pressed  up  the  hill  to  the  assault.  The 
besieged  sustained  their  onset  with  much  firmness,  and  for  an  instant 
the  success  appeared  doubtful.  The  English  even  pretend  to  have 
repulsed  the  assailants.  But  animated  by  their  chiefs,  they  returned 
to  the  charge  with  irresistible  impetuosity.  The  soldiers  supported 
and  impelled  one  another.  Neither  the  palisades,  nor  the  steepness 
of  the  acclivity,  nor  the  parapets,  nor  the  most  violent  fire  could 
arrest  the  French  ;  their  victory  was  complete.  D'  Estaing,  with 
his  grenadiers,  sprung  the  first  into  the  English  intrenchments.  The 
others  followed.  In  a  moment  all  the  works  were  inundated  with 
eqfimies.  The  English  demanded  quarter,  the  French  granted  it. 
Tl%  darkness  of  the  night  had  increased  the  horror  of  the  combat, 
and  even  the  glory  of  the  victors.  They  seized  eleven  cannon,  of 
different  sizes,  and  six  mortars.  At  break  of  day  they  turned  this 
artillery  against  the  fort,  which  was  still  in  the  power  of  the  English. 


210  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  BOOK  XI. 

At  the  first  discharge,  Macartney  sent  a  flag,  with  an  offer  to  capiti 
late.     D'  Estaing  granted   him  an   hour  and   a  half  for  framing  hij 
proposals  ;  those,  which  at  the  end- of  this  time  he  presented,  wei 
rejected.     The  French  general  then   framed  some   terms  himsell 
with  which  he  required  immediate  compliance,  without  the  smalles 
deviation  on  either  side,  or  relaxation  on  his.     But  these  were 
unexampled  and  extraordinary,  that  Macartney  and   the  inhabitant 
thought  it  better  to  abandon  themselves,  without  any  condition,  to  the 
discretion  of  the  conquerors,  than  to  accept  them  ;  and  accordingly 
did  so.     If  the  French  in  this  assault  displayed  a  valor  deserving  of 
eternal  memory,  the  moderation  and  humanity  which  they  manifested 
after  the   victory,  merit 'no   inferior  encomium.     The  capital   was 
preserved  from  pillage,  to  which  it  was  liable  by  the  ordinary  rules 
of  war.     The  inhabitants  were  protected   in   their  persons  and  pro- 
perties.    Dillon,  in  particular,  distinguished  himself  by  the  generosity 
of  his  behavior.     The  French  found  in  the  fort  an  hundred  pieces 
of  cannon  and  sixteen  mortars ;  they  made  seven  hundred  prisoners. 
They  also  seized  thirty  merchant  vessels,  with  rich  cargoes,  that  lay 
in  the  harbor.     Their  loss,  in  killed  and  wounded,  amounted  to  little 
more  than  a  hundred  men. 

The  count  d'  Estaing  had  soon  occasion  to  felicitate  himself  upon 
the  promptitude  with  which  he  had  prosecuted  his  enterprise  of  Gre- 
nada. For,  on  the  sixth  of  July,  Byron,  with  all  his  fleet,  appeared 
in  view  of  St.  Georges  harbor.  It  was  accompanied  by  a  great 
number  of  transports,  filled  with  troops,  drawn  from  St.  Lucia. 
This  admiral,  after  accompanying  the  homeward  bound  West  India 
fleet  till  out  of  danger,  and  appointing  them  a  convoy  to  see  them 
safe  home,  had  returned  with  eighteen  ships  of  the  line  and  one 
frigate  to  St.  Lucia.  On  being  apprised  of  the  reduction  of  St. 
Vincent,  he  sailed  immediately  with  a  body  of  troops  under  general 
Grant  for  its  recovery.  They  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they 
were  informed  that  the  count  d}  Estaing  had  attacked  Grenada.  On 
this  intelligence  they  directly  changed  their  course,  and  made  the 
best  of  their  way  for  its  relief.  The  French  admiral  had  been 
apprised,  by  the  frigates  he  had  sent  out  upon  discovery,  of  the 
approach  of  the  British  fleet.  He  immediately  ordered  the  captains 
of  his  ships  to  get  under  sail,  and  form  their  line  well  off  the  coast. 
Some  had  already  obeyed,  and  the  others  were  preparing  to  follow 
them,  when  the  British  armament  came  up,  all  sail  out,  and  offered 
battle  to  the  count  d'  Estaing.  The  winds  blew  from  the  east  and 
east  northeast,  and  were  consequently  favorable  to  a  squadron  com- 
ing from  St.  Lucia  towards  Grenada.  ,*- 

Upon  sight  of  the  British  fleet,  the  French  admiral  orderecHnose 
ships  which  had  not  yet  hoisted  their  anchors,  to  slip  their  cables 
and  proceed  to  take  their  stations  with  the  others  in  order  of  battle. 
But  as  the  British  approached  with  rapidity,  these  vessels  placed 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  211 

themselves  in  the  line  wherever  they  could  the  soonest,  without  hav- 
ing regard  to  their  ordinary  posts.  The  English  had  the  advantage  of 
the  wind,  and  were  standing  for  Grenada,  under  the  persuasion  that 
Macartney  still  held  out.  Their  transports  were  far  astern  of  their 
rear.  The  French  were,  under  the  wind,  and  standing  upon  the 
opposite  tack.  The  British  admiral  was  eager  to  come  to  close  action, 
from  a  confidence  that  he  could  thus  put  the  French  fleet  to  rout, 
and  recover  the  island.  On  the  other  hand,  the  count  d'  Estaing, 
who  by  the  reduction  of  Grenada  had  attained  his  principal  object, 
was  in  no  disposition  to  hazard  anew  a  point  already  decided.  His 
intention  was,  therefore,  to  avoid  a  decisive  engagement,  and  to  con- 
fine himself  to  the  preservation  of  his  new  acquisition.  With  these 
different  views,  the  two  admirals  advanced  to  the  encounter.  Only 
fifteen  of  the  French  ships  were  able  at  first  to  take  part  in  the  ac- 
tion, the  others  having  been  forced  to  leeward  by  the  violence  of  the 
currents.  Vice-admiral  Barrington,  who  commanded  the  British 
rear,  advanced  with  three  ships,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  Boyne  and 
the  Sultan,  and  closed  with  the  van  of  the  enemy.  A  warm  engage- 
ment ensued,  but  the  three  English  ships,  not  being  supported  in 
time  by  the  rest  of  their  division,  and  having  to  contend  with  a  much 
superior  force,  were  extremely  damaged,  especially  in  their  sails 
and  rigging. 

Such  is  the  ordinary  effect  of  the  manner  of  firing  of  the  French 
in  naval  battles ;  and  in  this,  they  levelled  from  a  good  distance  and 
under  the  wind,  which  also  contributed  to  raise  their  shot  higher. 
Barrington  was  wounded.  Meanwhile,  the  rest  of  the  British  squa- 
dron joined  him  ;  and  on  his  part,  d'  Estaing  had  rallied  those  of  his 
ships  which  had  not  been  able  at  first  to  form  in  a  line  with  the  fifteen 
that  commenced  the  action.  The  English  still  continued  to  push 
their  way  towards  Grenada,  while  their  transports  kept  on  their  left 
towards  the  open  sea,  their  line  of  battle  covering  them  from  the 
French  fleet.  The  two  armaments  being  thus  drawn  out  on 
opposite  tacks,  the  battle  continued  till  they  were  entirely  passed 
each  other.  But  the  English  ships  having  arrived  in  chase,  and 
consequently  rather  in  disorder,  whereas  the  French,  as  later  from 
port,  and  in  better  condition,  had  more  command  of  their  move- 
ments, and  had  kept  their  distances  better,  it  followed  that  some  of 
the  first  had  to  endure  the  whole  weight  of  fire  from  many  or  from 
all  of  the  second.  Among  those  that  suffered  the  most  were  the 
Grafton,  the  Cornwall,  and  the  Lion.  The  last  was  so  shattered  as 
to  be  very  near  going  to  the  bottom  ;  and  the  Monmouth,  having 
veato^ed  singly  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  French  van,  in  order  to 
brinpfci  a  close  action,  had  been  left  little  better  than  a  wreck. 
Meanwhile,  the  head  of  the  British  van,  continuing  its  course,  was 
arrived  at  the  mouth  of  St.  George's  harbor.  But  the  French 
colors  that  waved  on  the  fort,  and  the  fire  of  the  batteries,  no  longer 


'212  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

permitted  admiral  Byron  to  doubt  of  the  capture  of  the  island. 
Convinced,  that  in  the  present  state  of  his  fleet  he  could  not  hope 
for  success  against  so  great  a  superiority  of  force,  he  directed  captain 
Barker,  who  had  charge  of  the  transports,  to  alter  his  course  and 
make  the  best  of  his  way  to  Antigua  or  St.  Christophers.  In  order 
to  protect  him  from  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  he  stood  with  his  fleet 
to  the  northward.  But  the  three  ships,  the  Grafton,  Cornwall  nnd 
Lion,  from  their  dfsabled  condition,  not  only  remained  far  astern,  but 
fell  so  fast  to  the  leeward  that  it  was  to  be  feared  they  would  be  cut 
off  by  the  French.  The  count  d'  Estaing,  having  observed  their  situa- 
tion, had  in  effect  put  his  ships  about  and  steered  to  the  south,  in  order 
to  effect  what  Byron  apprehended,  that  is,  to  intercept  them.  But,  to 
defeat  this  design,  the  British  admiral  instantly  changed  his  tack,  and 
steered  again  to  the  southward.  While  the  hostile  fleets  thus  manoeu- 
vred in  sight  of  each  other,  the  Lion  bore  away,  with  what  sail  she 
had  left,  to  the  west,  and  in  a  few  days  arrived  at  Jamaica.  D; 
Estaing  might  easily  have  seized  her;  but  he  chose  not  to  disperse 
his  fleet,  for  fear  of  falling  to  leeward  of  Grenada,  whether  it  was 
his  intent  to  return  for  moorings.  The  Grafton  and  Cornwall  found 
means  to  rejoin  their  admiral  before  the  French  could  reach  them. 
The  Monmouth,  no  longer  able  to  .keep  the  sea,  was  sent  with  all 
despatch  to  Antigua.  The  two  fleets  continued  in  si^ht  the  one  of 
the  other,  till  night,  the  English  still  plying  to  windward,  kj  order  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  the  transports.  The  inferiority  of  their  force, 
and  the  condition  of  their  ships,  deterred  them  from  renewing  the 
engagement.  The  French  remained  to  leeward,  without  attempting 
to  disquiet  them,  whether  by  reason  of  this  position,  or  because  their 
admiral  thought  it  imprudent  to  run  new  risks.  He  might  claim  a 
victory  for  what  he  had  already  achieved,  and  he  had  probably  mo- 
tives for  avoiding  decisive  actions.  The  following  morning  he  came 
to  anchor  in  the  road  of  -St.  Georges,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the 
soldiers  and  of  the  French  inhabitants,  who  had  been  spectator  of 
the  action.  The  British  transports,  one  only  excepted,  which  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  all  arrived  in  safety  at  St.  Christophers. 
Admiral  Byron,  after  remaining  a  few  days  longer  at  sea,  repaired 
to  the  same  island,  for  the  purpose  of  refitting  his  ships,  which  were 
grievously  damaged. 

The  British  lost  in  this  engagement  one  hundred  and  eighty-three 
killed,  and  three  hundred  and  forty-six  wounded.  The  loss  of  the 
French  was  more  considerable,  owing  as  well  to  the  mode  of  firing 
of  the  English,  as  to  the  great  number  both  of  sailors  and  land  forces 
With  which  their  ships  were  crowded.  Besides  many  o 
note,  they  had  about  two  hundred  men  killed,  and  the  nu 
their  wounded  amounted  to  nearly  eight  hundred. 

The  news  of  the  battle  of  Grenada  was  welcomed  in  France  with 
great  demonstrations  of  joy.      According  to  the  usage  observed  on 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  213 

occasion  of  important  victories,  the  king  wrote  to  the  archbishop  of 
Paris,  directing  that  a  Te  Deum  should  be  sung  in  the  metropolitan 
church.  The  count  d'  Estaing  pretended,  in  effect,  to  have  been 
victorious  ;  lie  alleged  in  his  favor  that  he  had  kept  his  lights  burning 
during  all  the  nights  subsequent  to  the  engagement;  that  Byron  had 
for  several  hours  refused  to  renew  it,  though  all  the  while  he-  had  the 
advantage  of  the  wind  ;  that  the  British  had  made  no  movement  to 
preserve  the  Lion,  when  retiring  with  difficulty  towards  the  west ;  that 
the  French  fleet,  had  captured  one  of  the  enemy's  ships,  conquered 
Grenada,  and  baffled  the  project  of  Byron  for  its  recovery  ;  and, 
finally,  that  it  had  secured  the  empire  of  the  sea  in  the  West  Indies. 
It  is  indeed  true,  that  the  British  admiral,  in  consequence  of  the  dis- 
abled condition  of  his  fleet,  had  found  it  necessary  to  take  shelter  at 
St.  Christophers,  where  he  was  decided  to  remain  until  the  enemy 
should  become  weaker,  or  himself  stronger.  His  retreat  spread  con- 
sternation among  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  British  islands,  who  had  not 
for  a  long  time,  nor  perhaps  ever  befoie,  seen  the  French  masters  at 
sea.  A  short  time  after  the  action,  d'  Ebiaing,  having  repaired  his 
ships,  set  sail  afresh,  and  paraded  with  his  whole  force  in  sight  of  St. 
Christophers.  Byron  lay  safely  moored  in  the  harbor  of  Basse 
Terre  ;  the  French  admiral  sought  in  vain  to  draw  him  out  to  com- 
bat. Finding  him  obstinate  in  his  immobility,  he  shaped  his  course 
for  St.  Domingo,  where  he  assembled  the  merchantmen  of  the  dif- 
ferent islands,  and  despatched  them  for  Europe,  under  convoy  of 
three  ships  of  the  line  and  three  frigates. 

In  this  state  of  things,  there  being  much  of  the  season  for  opera- 
tions still  unexpired,  the  count  d'  Estaing  deliberated  upon  the  course 
to  be  pursued,  with  most  advantage  to  the  interests  of  his  sovereign. 
But  in  the  meantime,  he  received  letters  from  America,  advising  him 
of  the  extreme  dissatisfaction  with  which  the  republicans  observed 
that  the  alliance  with  "France  had  hitherto  produced  nothing,  upon 
<he  American  continent,  that  corresponded  either  to  the  greatness  of 
their  ally,  or  to  the  general  expectation  of  the  Americans.  It  was 
represented  to  the  French  admiral  that  the  enormous  expenses  incur- 
red in  the  expedition  of  Rhode  Island,  had  been  worse  than  fruit- 
less;  that  the  zeal  with  which  the  French  fleet  had  been  equipped 
and  victualled  by  the  Bostonians,  had  produced  no  better  effect  than 
its  immediate  desertion  of  their  coasts  upon  distant  expeditions  ;  that 
the  benefits  of  the  alliance  were  a  nullity  for  the  Americans,  since  the 
loss  of  Savannah  and  all  Georgia,  which  had  resulted  from  the  retire- 
ment of  the  French,  was  not  compensated  by  the  recovery  of  Phila- 
d^^ia,  even  throwing  that  event  into  the  scale,  as  an  indirect 
cowP|uence  of  their  cooperation,  and  supposing  that  the  American 
arms  would  not  otherwise  have  compelled  the  British  to  abandon  that 
capital ;  that  the  occupation  of  Georgia  by  the  enemy  vyas  fraught 
with  consequences  still  more  alarming,  since  it  opened  him  an  easy 
ii.  28 


214  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

entrance  into  the  Carolines ;  that  he  was  already  established  in  the 
heart  of  America,  and  drew  his  sustenance  thence  ;  that  meanwhile, 
the  French  commanders  were  cruising  the  West  Indian  seas,  enriching 
themselves  with  the  conquest  of  British  possessions,  and  leaving  the 
Americans  to  sustain  by  themselves  the  whole  burthen  of  this  despe- 
rate war ;  that  it  ought  not  therefore,  to  be  wondered  at,  if  the  num- 
ber of  the  discontented  increased  every  day  in  proportion  to  the  rapid 
diminution  of  the  partisans  of  France.  These  complaints  were  con- 
cluded with  the  most  earnest  instances  and  obsecrations  that  he  would 
not  abandon  a  faithful  ally  in  the  midst  of  surrounding  perils. 

The  count  d'  Estaing  could  not  but  listen  to  these  representations, 
although  he  had  received  instructions  from  his  court,  to  return  imme- 
diately to  Europe  .with  the  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  four  frigates 
which  composed  the  fleet  of  Toulon.  He  was  directed  by  the  same 
instructions,  to  detach  three  sail  of  the  line  and  two  frigates,  under 
the  conduct  of  La  Motte  Piquet,  for  the  station  of  St.  Domingo,  and 
to  leave  eight  other  ships  of  the  line  to  winter  at  Martinico,  under  the 
command  of  the  count  de  Grasse,  who  was  to  cooperate  with  the 
marquis  de  Bouille,  for  the  reduction  of  other  English  islands.  Such 
were  then  the  intentions  of  the  French  ministers;  their  negotiations 
with  the  court  of  Spain  were  in  full  activity,  and  they  wished  the 
Americans  to  feel  all  their  distress,  in  order  to  obtain  in  the  treaty 
they  were  about  forming  with  his  catholic  majesty,  more  favorable 
stipulations  for  each  member  of  the  family  compact.  But  d'  Estaing 
thought  it  better  to  obey  the  generous  impulses  of  his  heart,  than  the 
orders  of  the  ministry.  To  deprive  the  Americans  of  all  pretext 
for  doubting  the  sincerity  of  his  good  dispositions  towards  them,  ho 
set  sail  with  twenty-two  sail  of  the  line  and  eight  frigates.  He  bad 
two  objects  in  contemplation,  both  of  the  highest  importance  ;  but  he 
could  come  to  no  decision  until  he  had  first  advised  with  the  generals 
of  Congress.  The  first  was  the  destruction  of  the  force  under  gene- 
ral Prevost,  and  thus  freeing  the  province  of  Georgia  from  the  pre- 
sence of  the  English,  and  South  Carolina  from  the  danger  of  their 
vicinity.  The  second  was  more  decisive,  and  likely  to  be  attended 
with  more  difficulties;  and  that  was,  to  attack,  conjointly  with  Wash- 
ington, the  British  force  at  New  York,  by  sea  and  land  at  the  same 
time.  The  success  of  these  two  enterprises  would  have  sufficed  to 
put  an  end  to  the  war  upon  the  American  continent. 

It  was  on  the  first  of  September  that  the  count  d'  Estaing  made 
his  appearance  upon  the  coasts  of  Georgia,  with  twenty  ships  of  the 
line.  He  had  detached  two  to  Charleston  of  South  Carolina,  to  give 
notice  of  his  arrival  in  those  waters.  It  was  totally  unexpecUgfc) 
the  English  ;  their  ship,  the  Experiment,  of  fifty  guns,  comml^Kd 
by  captain  Wallace,  was  obliged,  after  a  stubborn  resistance,  to  sur- 
render to  the  French.  Three  British  frigates  shared  the  lilfe  fate,  as 
well  as  five  transports  loaded  with  provisions.  This  prize  was  highly 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  215 

acceptable  to  the  victors,  who  were  much  in  want  of  supplies.  Gene- 
ral Prevost  was  then  at  Savannah,  with  only  a  part  of  his  troops;  the 
remainder  were  still  in  their  cantonments,  on  the  island  of  Port  Royal, 
near  the  coast  of  Carolina.  At  sight  of  so  pressing  a  danger,  he  sent 
orders  by  express  to  colonel  Maitland,  who  commanded  in  that  island, 
to  rejoin  him  with  all  possible  celerity.  He  likewise  recalled  the 
detachment  that  occupied  Sunbury.  The  vessels  at  anchor  in  the 
Savannah  were  removed  higher  up,  to  secure  them  from  the  fire  of 
the  enemy,  or  sunk  to  obstruct  his  passage.  Other  impediments  for 
the  same  purpose  were  planted  in  the  river.  The  British  also  de- 
stroyed the  batteries  they  had  erected  in  the  island  of  Tybee,  and 
compelled  the  blacks  to  work  without  intermission  at  the  fortifications. 
The  seamen,  who  had  been  put  ashore,  joined  the  land  troops,  and 
were  especially  employed  for  the  service  of  the  artillery. 

The  news  of  d'  Estaing's  arrival  excited  transports  of  exultation  at 
Charleston.  General  Lincoln  immediately  commenced  his  march 
for  Savannah  at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment.  A  great  number 
of  small  craft  were  despatched  to  the  French  admiral,  to  facilitate  the 
debarkation  of  troops  upon  the  coast,  which  large  vessels  cannot 
approach  very  near.  With  the  assistance  of  these  light  vessels,  d' 
Estaing,  who  had  anchored  off  the  bar  which  lies  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Savannah,  was  enabled  to  land  his  troops  at  Beaulieu,  about  thirteen 
miles  from  the  town  of  Savannah.  At  the  same  time  his  frigates  were 
occupied  in  taking  possession  of  the  lower  river,  and  of  the  different 
inlets  ;  approaching  as  near  to  the  town  and  lines  as  the  circumstan- 
ces of  water  and  defence  would  admit.  On  the  fifteenth  of  Septem- 
ber, the  French  appeared  under  the  walls  of  Savannah.  They  were 
accompanied  by  Pulaski's  legion,  who  had  made  a  forced  march 
to  join  them.  After  some  slight  skirmishes,  general  Prevost  con- 
tracted all  his  posts  within  the  cover  of  the  artillery  on  the  works. 
Colonel  Maitland  not  being  yet  arrived,  the  garrison,  far  from  being 
sufficient  for  acting  offensively,  were  scarcely  competent  to  the  de- 
fence of  the  works. 

D'  Estaing  imperiously  summoned  Prevost  to  surrender  the  place ; 
he  announced  in  high  language,  that  he  commanded  the  same  troops, 
a  detachment  of  whom  had  recently  taken  the  Hospital  Hill,  in  Gre- 
nada, by  storm  ;  that  he  owed  it  to  his  humanity  to  remind  him  of  it, 
after  which,  it  could  not  be  imputed  to  him,  if  he  should  not  be  able 
to  restrain  the  fury  of  his  soldiers,  in  the  event  of  a  fruitless  resist- 
ance. The  Americans  observed  with  extreme  displeasure  and  jea- 
lousy, that  the  summons  was  made  exclusively  in  the  name  of  the 
king  of  France. 

(general  Prevost  reflecting  that  his  reenforcements  had  not  yet 
joined  him,  and  that  his  lines  were  still  in  a  very  imperfect  state  of 
defence,"  thought  it  prudent  to  gain  all  the  lime  that  was  possible,  by 
pretending  a  willingness  to  negotiate  a  capitulation.  He  accordingly 


* 
216  THE    AMERICAN    \VAR.  BOOK  XI. 

answered  the  French  admiral,  that  he  neither  could  nor  should  surren- 
der without  being  first  made  acquainted  with  the  conditions,  and  that 
lie  begged  him  to  be  more  explicit  on  that  head.  Messages  passed 
backwards  and  forwards;  and  at  length,  so  shrewd  was  Prevost,  and 
so  simple  or  so  confident  was  d'  Estaing,  that  a  truce  of  twenty-four 
hours  was  agreed  upon,  to  afford  time  for  deliberation.  During  this 
interval,  colonel  Maitland  arrived  with  the  troops  from  Port  Royal, 
after  having  surmounted  a  variety  of  obstructions,  and  made  his  way 
through  almost  impassable  swamps  and  morasses.  On  the  junction 
of  this  reenforcement,  upon  which  depended,  in  truth,  the  principal 
hope  of  defence,  Prerosi  gave  the  French  admiral  to  understand,  that 
he  should  hold  out  to  the  last.  Two  days  before,  however,  general 
Lincoln  had  joined  the  camp  of  the  besiegers  with  about  three  thou- 
sand men,  among  regular  troops  and  militia.  The  French  amounted 
to  between  four  and  five  thousand.  The  garrison,  including  sailors 
and  loyalists,  consisted  of  about  three  thousand  men ;  the  French 
established  their  quarters  to  the  right,  and  the  Americans  to  the  left 
of  the  place.  After  the  refusal'of  the  British  commander  to  surren- 
der upon  the  first  summons,  the  allies  could  not  expect  that  a  mere 
assault  should  triumph  over  a  formidable  garrison,  intrenched  behind 
works  which  they  strengthened  every  day.  It  was,  therefore,  resolved 
to  commence  a  regular  siege.  The  trenches  were  opened  imme- 
diately, and  were  carried  on  with  so  much  vigor,  that  by  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  September,  a  sap  had  been  pushed  to  within  three  hundred 
yards  of  the  abaltis,  on  the  left  flank  of  the  town.  The  besieged  were 
active  in  their  endeavors  to  interrupt  the  works  ;  but  their  efforts  were 
ineffectual.  Finally,  the  trenches  being  completed,  and  the  batteries 
armed,  the  bombardment  commenced  in  the  night  of  the  third  of 
October ;  the  fire,  became  still  more  violent  at  daybreak  on  the 
morning  of  the  fourth,  when  thirty-seven  pieces  of  cannon  and  nine 
mortars  were  unmasked ;  while  sixteen  other  pieces  of  cannon 
enfiladed  the  works  from  the  shipping.  To  increase  the  terror,  the 
besiegers  lanched  carcasses  into  the  town,  which  burned  several 
houses.  Five  entire  days  of  this  tempestuous  fire  caused  infinite 
mischief  to  the  town,  but  made  little  impression  upon  the  fortifica- 
tions, which  the  besieged  repaired  with  diligence,  wherever  they  were 
at  all  damaged.  It  even  seemed,  that  amidst  the  storm  of  balls  and 
bombs,  they  daily  acquired  new  strength  and  solidity.  The  garrison, 
and  such  of  the  inhabitants  as  joined  the  troops  in  defending  the 
ramparts,  received  little  injury.  But  the  fate  of  the  women,  chil- 
dren, and  unarmed  multitude,  was  indeed  worthy  of  pity.  Their 
lives  were  continually  threatened  by  the  fall  of  their  burning  ro^fe. 
Many  perished,  others,  more  unfortunate,  were  miserably  crippled. 
Touched  by  their  distress,  general  Prevost  wrote  to  d'  Estaing,  re- 
questing permission  that  they  should  be  sent  aboard  ships  down  the 
river,  and  placed  under  the  protection  of  a  French  ship  of  war,  in 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  217 

which  stale  they  were  to  continue  until  the  business  oi%  the  siege  should 
he  decided.  At  the  same  time  acquainting  him,  that  his  own  wife 
and  family  should  he  among  the  first  to  profit  of  the  indulgence.  The 
anticipation  of  such  a  request  was  more  to  have  been  expected  from 
a  generous  enemy  than  its  refusal ;  since  the  reduction  of  the  place 
depended  on  force,  and  not  on  famine.  But  the  French  admiral, 
whether  he  acted  of  himself  or  at  the  instigation  of  general  Lincoln, 
who,  like  all  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  carried  the  spirit  of 
party  to  the  extreme,  after  a  delay  of  three  hours,  returned  a 
haughty  answer  to  this  demand.  He  objected  that  Prevost  had 
deceived  him  by  the  truce,  and  that  his  present  proposition  very 
probably  concealed  a  new  artifice.  He  suspected  him  of  intending 
by  this  stratagem  to  cover  the  rich  spoils  of  Carolina.  He  assured 
him,  finally,  that  he  sincerely  lamented  the  unhappy  condition  of  the 
individuals  for  whom  he  petitioned,  but  that  general  Prevosl  must 
impute  it  wholly  to  himself,  and  those  illusions  which  had  darkened 
his  understanding. 

Whatever  was  the  ability  of  the  British  engineers,  and  especially 
that  of  captain  Moncriefle,  who  rendered  eminent  services  in  this 
siege  ;  whatever  was  the  valor  with  which  the  garrison  defended  the 
breaches,  incessantly  repaired  by  their  exertions,  the  British  general 
could  have  had  little  hope  of  holding  out  Ions,  and  still  less  of  a 
successful  defence,  if  the  enemy  had  persevered  in  his  gradual  ap- 
proaches. But  d'  Eslaing  experienced  great  difficulties.  Far  from 
expecting  to  encounter  so  obstinate  a  resistance  under  the  walls  of 
Savannah,  he  had  calculated  with  such  confidence  on  a  prompt  sur- 
render, that  he  had  come  to  anchor  with  his  fleet  of  heavy  capital 
ships,  upon  an  inhospitable  coasi,  and  in  a  most  critical  season  of  the 
year.  He  had  even  signified  to  the  Americans,  .that  he  could  not 
remain  on  shore  more  than  eight  or  ten  days.  Twenty  were  already 
elapsed  since  the  siege  had  commenced,  and  still  there  appeared  no 
immediate  prospect  of  its  termination.  The  season  was  growing 
worse  every  day,  and  the  naval  officers  were  continually  representing 
to  their  admiral  the  perils  to  which  he  would  expose  the  ships  and 
troops  of  the  king,  if  he  persisted  any  longer  in  the  prosecution  of 
this  expedition.  It  might  also  happen,  that  a.  British  fleet  would 
arrive  with  every  advantage  united,  and  force  the  French  squadron 
to  engage,  at  a  moment  when  a  part  of  its  crews  and  artillery  were 
thus  employed  in  the  siege  of  Savannah.  Under  these  considera- 
tions, although  the  trenches  were  not  yet  carried  to  the  requisite 
perfection,  and  though  no  considerable  breach  had  been  opened,  the 
cotitt  d'  Estaing  resolved  to  attempt  the  assault.  Necessity  new 
urged  him  to  this  extreme  counsel,  after  having  delayed  to  embrace 
it  when  at  his  landing  he  had  found  the  works  not  yet  completed, 
and  the  garrison  not  yet  reenforced  by  colonel  Maitlaud. 


218  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

He  consulted  with  general  Lincoln  upon  the  plan  of  attack  ;  it  was 
determined  to  direct  it  against  the  right  flank  of  the  place.  On  this 
side,  a  swampy  hollow  way  might  bring  the  besiegers  under  cover  to 
within  fifty  yards  of  some  of  the  principal  works,  and,  at  some  points 
,':till  nearer. 

The  ninth  of  October,  before  day,  the  count  d'  Estaing  and  gene- 
ral Lincoln,  having  formed  the  flower  of  both  armies  in  three 
columns,  advanced  by  the  hollow  way  to  reconnoitre  the  point  of 
attack.  But  through  the  darkness,  they  took  a  greater  circuit  to  the 
left,  and  got  deeper  in  the  bog  than  they  needed  or  intended  to 
have  done  ;  a  circumstance  which,  besides  the  loss  of  time,  could 
scarcely  fail  of  producing  some  disorder  in  the  columns.  They, 
however,  soon  formed  anew,  approached  the  foot  of  the  walls,  and 
mounted  to  the  assault  with  incredible  spirit  and  audacity.  It  is  said, 
that  the  English  had  notice  of  it  the  preceding  evening,  and  that  they 
were,  consequently,  prepared.  It  is  certain,  at  least,  that  they  de- 
fended themselves  with  a  vigor  not  inferior  to  that  which  assailed 
them.  A  redoubt  on  the  Ebenezer  road  became  the  scene  of  the 
most  terrible  conflict.  But  every  where  the  same  courage  was  dis- 
played, and  no  where  could  it  be  conjectured  which  of  the  parties 
victory  was  disposed  to  crown.  D'  Estaing  and  Lincoln  were  at  the 
head  of  their  columns,  exposed  to  the  most  violent  fire.  Prevost, 
jMaitland  and  MoncriefFe,  displayed  an  equal  ardor  ;  they  continually 
stimulated  their  soldiers  to  repulse  from  their  walls,  to  exterminate 
these  rebels  to  the  king,  and  those  inveterate  enemies  of  the  British 
name.  The  combat  was  supported  for  above  an  hour  with  the  same 
fury.  But  little  by  little  the  assailants  became  exhausted  by  their 
eifcrts.  They  were  excessively  galled  by  the  artillery,  which  Mon- 
eriefFe  had  disposed  with  extreme  dexterity,  and  which  assailed  them 
in  almost  every  direction  with  a  deluge  of  balls  and  grape-shot.  The 
violence  of  the  attack  abated,  and  the  besieged  hailed  the  moment  in 
which  they  saw  their  safety  in  their  own  hands.  They  made  a  vigor- 
ous sally  ;  a  corps  of  grenadiers  and  marines  was  at  the  head  of  the 
column  which,  in  a  few  instants,  swept  the  ramparts  and  ditches. 
Not  content  with  this  first  success,  and  hurried  on  by  their  impetu- 
osity, the  English  pursued  their  enemies,  and  drove  them  in  the 
greatest  confusion  through  the  abattis  into  the  hollow  we  have  men- 
tioned. This  movement  was  executed  with  such  rapidity,  that  the 
reenforcements  which  Prevost  had  pushed  forward  could  not  arrive 
in  tirte  to  take  part  in  it.  Nor  should  it  be  omitted,  that  in  the 
height  of  the  assault,  the  count  Pulaski,  at  the  head  of  two  hundred 
li^ht  horse,  charging  at  full  speed,  attempted  to  penetrate  into  the 
town,  in  order  to  assail  the  British  in  rear.  But  he  received  a  mor- 
tal wound  ;  his  troop,  on  seeing  him  fall,  were  discouraged  and  fell 
back. 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  219 

When  the  fog  and  smoke  were  dissipated,  which  had  darkened 
the  air  during  the  combat,  horrible  was  the  spectacle  that  discovered 
itself.  Heaps  of  dead  and  dying  covered  the  ground,  and  particu- 
larly near  the  Ebenezer  redoubt ;  streams  of  blood  rilled  from  the 
wrecks;  lamentable  cries  arose  on  every  side.  The  allies  requested 
a  truce  with  leave  to  bury  the  dead,  and  carry  off  the  wounded ;  the 
first  was  granted,  but  a  restriction  laid  in  point  of  distance  as  to  the 
rest.  The  assault  of  Savannah  cost  the  allies  a  great  sacrifice  of 
men.  The  loss  of  the  French  in  killed  and  wounded  amounted  to 
upwards  of  seven  hundred  ;  more  than  forty  of  whom  were  officers. 
Among  the  wounded  were  d'  Estaing  himself,  the  viscounts  de  Fon- 
tange  and  de  Bethizy,  and  the  baron  de  Steding.  The  Americans 
lost  in  slain  and  wounded  about  four  hundred.  The  loss  on  the 
British  side,  as  they  fought  secure,  was  inconsiderable.  Great  civili- 
ties now  passed  between  the  French  camp  and  the  British  lines,  and 
many  apologies  were  made  for  the  answer  returned  general  Prevost 
with  respect  to  the  women  and  children.  They  were  now  pressed 
to  place  themselves  in  the  situation  which  they  had  then  requested ; 
the  Chimera,  commanded  by  the  chevalier  de  St.  Rumain,  was 
named  for  the  reception  of  the  general's  wife,  her  children  and 
company.  Prevost  answered  with  a  certain  bluntness,  that  what  had 
been  -once  refused,  and  that  in  terms  of  insult,  could  not  in  any 
circumstance  be  deemed  worth  the  acceptance. 

A  few  duys  after  died  the  count  Pulaski,  a  Pole  of  illustrious  birth. 
Finding  no  opportunity  in  his  own  country  to  employ  his  sword  in 
the-.defence  of  liberty,  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  most  zealous  par- 
tisans, he  took  the  generous  resolution  to  repair  to  the  succour  of  the 
cause  he  adored  in  America.  If  he  lost  life  there,  he  also  left  a 
name  revered  by  all  the  brave.  .  It  is  related,  that  when  his  death 
was  announced  to  the  king  of  Poland,  he  exclaimed  ;  '  Pulaski ! 
always  valiant,  but  always  foe  to  kings.'  It  cannot  be  denied  that 
king  Stanislaus  had  good  reason  to  complain  of  him.  The  Corytress 
decreed  him  a  monument. 

The  eighteenth  of  October,  the  allied  army  raised  the  siege  of 
Savannah  ;  its  retreat  was  effected  so  precipitately  that  it  was  im- 
possible for  the  English  to  pursue  it.  General  Lincoln  passed  his 
regular  troops  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Savannah,  the  militia  disbanded. 
The  French  reernbarked  with  all  their  troops,  artillery  and  stores. 
The  count  d'  Estaing  immediately  set  sail  to  clear  the  coasts  of 
America.  His  intention  was  to  return  to  Europe  with  a  part  of  his 
fleet,  and  to  send  the  remainder  to  the  West  Indies  ;  but  a  violent 
storm  dispersed  his  ships,  and  he  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  them 
together  again. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  count  d'  Estaing's  campaign  upon  the 
coasts  of  North  America,  of  that  campaign  in  which  the  allies  had 
placed  such  sanguine  hopes.  After  missing  the  expedition  of  the 


220  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

Delaware,  he  twice  abandoned  that  of  Newport  at  the  moment  fru- 
its accomplishment.  Finally,  under  the  walls  of  Savannah,  he 
showed  himself  at  first  too  circumspect  ;  he  delayed  the  attack,  and 
afterwards  precipitated  an  assault  which  resulted  in  discomfiture. 
He  conquered,  it  is  true,  two  important  islands  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  fought  with  no  little  glory  a  veteran  British  fleet,  commanded  hy 
the  most  able  seamen.  D'  Estaing  was  no  less  precipitate  in  counsel 
than  impetuous  in  execution.  Il  fortune,  as  the  friend  of  the  adven- 
turous, had  shown  herself  more  propitious  to  his  efforts,  or  to  the 
excellent  plans  which  had  been  framed  for  him  by  the  French  min- 
istry, he  would  indubitably  have  given  paralysing  strokes  to  the  naval 
power  of  England  ;  he  would  have  afforded  America  all  that  assist- 
ance on  which  she  had  founded  her  hope  of  promptly  terminating 
the  war. 

It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  if  the  cooperation  of  the  French 
-admiral  was  not  so  advantageous  to  the  Americans  as  they  might 
reasonably  have  expected,  it  was,  nevertheless,  far  from  being  with- 
out its  utility.  His  presence  was  a  check  upon  the  English,  and 
prevented  them  from  moving  so  soon  as  they  purposed  to  'have  done 
against  tho  southern  provinces.  Moreover,  the  British  ministers 
fearing  not  only  for  Rhode  Island,  but  even  for  New  York,  if  their 
troops  continued  dispersedly  to  occupy  both  these  provinces,  besides 
other  positions,  ordered  general  Clinton  to  evacuate  the  first.  He 
accordingly  did  so,  the  twenty-fifth  of  October,  and  withdrew  the 
garrison  to  New  York.  Thus  Rhode  Island,  which  had  fallen  with- 
out resistance  into  the  hands  of  the  royalists,  returned  peaceably  into 
the  power  of  the  republicans.  As  the  fleet  of  the  count  d'  Estaing 
was  then  upon  the  coasts  of  Georgia,  the  British  generals,  under  the 
apprehension  of  its  coming  suddenly  upon  Rhode  Island,  made  their 
retreat  from  Newport  with  so  much  precipitation,  that  ihey  left  be- 
hind them  all  their  heavy  artillery,  and  a  considerable  quantity  of  stores. 
The^Americans  took  possession  of  them  immediately.  They  kept  the 
British  colors  floating  on  the  ramparts  for  several  days  ;  this  strata- 
gem decoyed  into  their  power  many  of  the  king's  vessels,  which 
came  to  surrender  themselves  at  Newport. 

Having  related  the  military  operations  of  this  campaign,  as  well 
on  the  American  continent,  as  in  the  West  Indies,  it  is  not  without 
interest  to  cast  a  glance  upon  the  affairs  of  the  interior,  and  to  ex- 
amine what  was,  at  this  epoch,  the  state  of  the  finances,  what  were 
the  opinions  and  the  intrigues  of  the  different  parlies  which  agitated 
a  people  embarked  in  the  tumultuous  career  of  revolution.  If  the 
union  of  the  arms  of  France  with  those  of  the  Congress  had  procured 
real  advantages  to  the  Americans,  and  if  it  authorised  them  to  hope 
well  of  the  future,  it  cannot  be  denied,  on  the  other  hand,  that  it  had 
a  prejudicial  effect  upon  their  public  spirit.  This  powerful  protec- 
tion itself,  with  the  hopes  which  were  its  immediate  and  necessary 


UOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAS.  221 

result,  easily  persuaded  the  colonists  that  their  quarrel  approached 
its  decision,  that  England  would  soon  have  to  yield,  and  that  in  the 
meantime  they  might  take  their  ease  till  the  moment  of  deliverance 
should  arrive.  This  same  cause,  which  should  have  excited  their 
emulation  towards  their  great  ally,  and  stimulated  them  to  concur 
with  fresh  ardor  to  the  common  aim,  seemed,  on  the  contrary,  to 
have  ahated  their  courage.  They  were  impatient  to  enjoy  that  re- 
pose during  the  continuance  of  danger  which  they  ought  not  to  have 
desired  until  they  had  fully  attained  their  intent.  Amidst  the  bril- 
liant images'of  approaching  felicity  with  which  their  glowing  imagina- 
tions continually  regaled  them,  they  forgot  to  reflect  that  success 
might  still  elude  them  while  in  the  act  of  grasping  it.  France,  on 
seeing  their  torpor,  might  have  changed  her  counsels  ;  had  she  not 
in  their  indolence,  a  plausible  pretext  and  a  new  motive  for  a  policy 
which  never  hesitates  to  serve  itself  at  the  sacrifice  of  its  allies  ? 
Was  it  not  possible  even  that  Spain,  whose  accession  was  ardently 
desired  as  the  pledge  of  victory,  might  refuse  to  combat  for  a  cause 
so  frigidly  supported  by  its  own  defenders  f  The  Americans  seemed 
not  to  recollect,  that,  if  formidable  armies  hasten  the  final  decision  of 
wars,  they  only  also  can  render  the  conditions  of  peace  honorable. 
All  these  considerations  were  in  a  manner  slighted  by  the  bulk  of  the 
nation.  Content  with  what  they  had  hitherto  done,  and  placing 
great  reliaix'e  in  the  efficacy  of  French  succours,  they  seemed  in- 
clined to  leave  to  their  allies  the  care  of  settling  their  quarrel.  The 
indifference  which  had  infected  all  classes,  was  as  profound  as  the 
enthusiasm  of  former  years  had  been  intense.  There  could  not  have 
existed  a  more  sinister  augury  ;  experience  demonstrates  that  though 
it  be  but  too  easy  to  inflame  a  people  the  first  time,  nothing  is  more 
difficult  than  to  rekindle  its  ardor  when  once  extinct.  The  leading 
Americans,  and  Washington  in  particular,  were  too  enlightened  not  to 
take  alarm  at  this  state  of  things  ;  they  saw  the  evil  in  all  its  extent, 
and  spared  no  exertions  in  applying  such  remedies  as  they  could. 
They  had  recourse  to  exhortations,  to  the  remembrance  of  past  ex- 
ploits ;  they  represented  the  necessity  of  not  forfeiting  the  respect  of 
the  allies  ;  the  perils  that  still  impended  ;  the  power  and  the  intrigues 
of  England  ;  all  was  in  vain.  Irnbosomed  in  apathy,  these  reckless 
spirits  abandoned  to  chance  the  decision  of  their  dearest  interests ; 
nothing  could  rouse  them.  The  recruiting  of  the  army  progressed 
with  the  most  tedious  slowness.  The  soldiers  that  were  under  Wash- 
ington, some  because  they  had  completed  their  engagements,  others 
because  they  were  tired  of  serving,  deserted  their  colors,  and  retired 
to  their  homes.  And  by  what  means  were  they  to  be  replaced  ? 
Scarcely  a  few  individuals  were  found  who  would  engage  according 
to  the  regulations  of  Congress,  for  three  years  or  till  the  end  of  the 
war.  Engagements  for  a  shorter  term,  could  be  of  no  utility  to  the 
service,  and\he  backwardness  of  the  people  warranted  no  calculation 
VOL.  n.  29 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XL 

even  upon  that  resource.  To  draw  them  by  lot,  and  constrain  them 
to  march,  was  thought,  and  was,  in  fact,  too  dangerous  a  measure  to 
be  adopted  in  the  present  temper  of  minds.  The  same  lethargy 
seemed  to  have  overspread  the  army  itself.  It  was  well  for  it,  that 
the  English  were  so  little  enterprising. 

Such  was  the  real  origin  of  the  langor  that  characterised  all  the 
operations  of  this  year's  campaign.  Washington,  besides,  adhering 
to  his  uniform  purpose  of  never  coming  to  action,  except  with  every 
probability  of  success,  would  not  commit  to  the  hazard  of  battles  the 
fate  of  a  cause,  which  he  considered  as  already  gained.  Far  from 
challenging  the  enemy,  he  deemed  himself  extremely  fortunate  in 
not  being  attacked.  If  events  had  taken  the  direction  they  should 
have  done,  he  would  doubtless  have  found  some  opportunity  to  strike 
an  important  blow  for  the  service  and  glory  of  his  country.  Perhaps 
the  English  would  not  have  passed  the  year  so  quietly  as  they  did 
in  New  York  ;  and  perhaps  Rhode  Island  would  have  fallen  less 
tardily  under  the  domination  of  America. 

The  royal  troops,  in  effect,  had  been  much  weakened  in  the  first 
months  of  the  year,  by  the  detachments  they  were  obliged  to  make 
to  the  West  Indies  and  Georgia.  But  it  almost  always  happens  that 
the  most  propitious  occasions  are  lost  amidst  the  tumult  of  popular 
revolutions  ;  wherein  the  government,  as  being  new,  shows  itself  the 
more  feeble,  as  the  opinions  of  individuals  manifest  themselves  with 
less  restraint,  and  greater  violence  ;  and  public  opinion,  which  can 
only  originate  from  a  settled  order  of  things,  as  yet,  has  no  basis. 
If  sometimes  success  attend  the  enterprise,  it  must  more  frequently 
be  imputed  to  chance  than  to  calculation.  Such  was,  at  this  epoch, 
the  condition  of  the  people  of  America.  If  in  Georgia  and  Carolina 
some  efforts  were  made  to  repel  the  enemy,  it  was  principally  the 
work  of  the  militia  of  these  two  provinces,  whose  interest  was  then 
immediately  at  stake.  The  others  folded  their  arms,  or  contented 
themselves  with  the  adoption  of  spiritless  measures.  As  if  they  con- 
sidered themselves  released  from  the  ties  of  the  confederation,  they 
made  not  their  own  cause  of  the  danger  that  menaced  the  neighbor- 
ing provinces.  Nor  were  the  Americans  chargeable  only  with  Juke- 
warmness,  and  this  strange  indifference  to  the  fate  of  country  ;  there 
also  began  to  prevail  amongst  them  a  shameless  thirst  of  gain,  an 
unbridled  desire  of  riches,  no  matter  by  what  means  acquired.  The 
most  illicit,  the  most  disgraceful  ways,  were  no  obstacle  to  this 
devouring  passion.  As  it  happens  but  too  often  in  political  revolu- 
tions, there  had  sprung  up  a  race  of  men  who  sought  to  make  their 
private  advantage  of  the  public  distress.  Dependence  or  independ- 
ence, liberty  or  no  liberty,  were  all  one  to  them,  provided  they  could 
fatten  on  the  substance  of  the  state.  While  good  citizens  were 
wasting  themselves  in  camps,  or  in  the  discharge  of  the  most 
arduous  functions ;  while  they  were  devoting  to  their  country,  their 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  223 

time,  their  estates,  their  very  existence,  these  insatiable  robbers  were 
plundering,  and  sharing  out,  without  a  blush,  the  public  fortune,  and 
private  fortunes.  All  private  contracts  became  the  object  of  their 
usurious  interference  and  nefarious  gains  ;  all  army  supplies  enriched 
them  with  peculations ;  and  the  state  often  paid  dearly  for  what  it 
never  obtained.  Nor  let  any  imagine  that  the  most  sincere  and 
virtuous  friends  of  their  country  ever  made  so  pompous  a  parade  of 
their  zeal  !  To  hear  these  vile  beings,  they  only  were  animated  with 
a  genuine  and  glowing  patriotism.  Every  citizen  of  eminent  rank,  or 
invested  with  any  public  authority  whatever,  who  refused  to  connive 
at  their  rapines  was  immediately  denounced  as  lukewarm,  tory, 
royalist,  sold  to  England  ;  it  would  seem  that  the  first  duly  of  those 
who  governed  the  republic  in  times  of  such  distress,  was  to  fill  the 
coffers  of  these  flaming  patriots.  That  their  own  praises  should 
always  have  hung  upon  their  lips  is  not  to  be  wondered  at ;  for  there 
has  never  existed  a  robber,  who  had  not  been  first  a  cheat ;  but 
what  seems  really  strange,  and  almost  staggers  belief,  is  that  they 
could  have  found  partisans  and  dupes.  This  public  pest  spread 
wider  every  day  ;  it  had  already  gangrened  the  very  heart  of  the 
state.  The  good  were  silenced,  the  corrupt  plumed  themselves  upon 
their  effrontery  ;  every  thing  presaged  an  approaching  ruin  ;  it  was 
the  hope  of  England.  Shall  we  attempt  to  penetrate  the  causes  of 
so  great  a  change,  in  a  nation  once  so  distinguished  for  the  purity  of 
its  manners  ? 

It  will  be  found,  that  besides  the  general  relaxation,  which  war 
too  generally  produces  in  the  morals  of  the  people,  new  govern- 
ments, destitute  of  money,  are  constrained  to  procure  it,  and  all  their 
resources  at  the  hands  of  usurers.  The  example  is  contagious  ;  it 
rapidly  obtains  throughout  the  community.  These  same  govern- 
ments find  themselves  compelled  by  the  force  of  circumstances  to 
give  the  preference  and  yield  much  to  individuals  who  adhere,  or 
pretend  to  adhere  to  their  party.  They  accept  for  security  in  the 
most  important  transactions,  a  zeal  for  the  public  good,  whether  real 
or  feigned.  If  it  is  necessary  that  they  should  welcome  such  sort  of 
beings  when  they  present  themselves,  they  must,  for  the  same  rea- 
son, be  tender  in  punishing  when  they  detect  them  in  delinquency* 
Briefly,  in  such  an  order  of  things,  the  man  of  worth,  must,  of  neces- 
sity, make  room  for  the  man  of  naught.  Not  only  unpunished,  but 
tolerated,  but  employed,  but  encouraged,  the  species  rapidly  multi- 
plies. Like  pestilential  bodies,  whose  bare  contact  infects  those 
that  are  sound,  vice  soon  poisons  honesty  in  the  hearts  it  can  steal 
upon. 

But  one  of  the  first  and  most  operative  causes  of  so  deplorable  a 
change  in  American  morality,  unquestionably  lay  in  the  depreciation 
of  paper  money.  It  was  such  at  the  commencement  of  this  year, 
that  eight  dollars  in  bills  could  only  command  one  in  specie.  The 


224  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Xf. 

fall  of  this  paper  was  daily  accelerated,  as  well  from  the  continual 
emissions  by  the  Congress,  as  by  the  little  efficacy  of  the  French 
succours,  and  the  disasters  of  Georgia.  In  the  month  of  December, 
a  dollar  in  specie  could  hardly  be  obtained  with  forty  of  paper. * 
Nor  is  there  any  thing  surprising  in  this,  when  it  is  considered  that 
independent  of  the  dubious  stability  of  the  state,  there  was  in  the 
month  of  September,  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  dfty-nine  millions, 
nine  hundred  and  forty-eight  thousand,  eight  hundred  and  eighty-two 
dollars  of  the  paper  of  Congress  in  the  thirteen  United  States.  If  to 
this  mass  be  added  the  bills  emitted  by  the  particular  provinces,  it 
will  readily  be  seen  how  immeasurably  the  aggregate  amount  of  this 
sort  of  debt  surpassed  the  resources  of  the  new  republic.  The  rapid 
declension  of  this  currency  is  further  accounted  for  by  the  extreme 
activity  with  which  the  loyalists  and  English  employed  themselves  in 
counterfeiting  it.  T(iere  often  arrived  from  England  entire  chests  of 
those  spurious  bills,  and  so  perfectly  imitated  that  they  were  scarcely 
to  be  distinguished  from  the  genuine.  The  British  generals,  and 
especially  Clinton,  though  in  reluctant  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the 
ministry,  spared  no  pains  in  disseminating  them  throughout  the  con- 
tinent. It  cannot  be  doubted,  but  that  the  cabinet  of  St.  James 
considered  this  falsification  of  the  bills  of  credit,  as  a  most  effica- 
cious mean  for  the  recovery  of  its  colonies.  The  British  ministers 
were  perfectly  aware  that  it  was  the  only  pecuniary  resource  at  the 
disposal  of  Congress  for  the  support  of  the  war,  and  they  calculated 
by  draining  it  to  disarm  the  Americans.  Unquestionably  it  was 
neither  the  first  time  nor  the  last  that  this  mode  of  making  war  has 
been  resorted  to  ;  but  it  will  always,  nevertheless,  be  held  in  abhor- 
rence by  all  good  men.  For  public  faith  should  always  be  respected 
even  between  enemies  ;  and  of  all  perfidies  is  there  one  more  fright- 
ful, and  especially  more  vile  than  the  counterfeiting  of  money  ?  In 
addition  to  all  this,  the  commerce  which  the  Americans  had  been 
wont  to  carry  on  by  means  of  their  products,  with  England  and  other 
nations,  was  totally  interrupted  ;  and  as  their  soil  and  industry  fur- 
nished them  with  but  a  small  part  of  the  articles  essential  to  war, 
they  were  under  the  necessity  of  procuring  them  from  abroad,  and 
with  gold  and  silver.  Hence  it  resulted  that  specie,  which  even 
before  the  war  had  become  distressingly  scarce,  diminished  progres- 
sively, and  daily  advanced  in  price,  in  the  ratio  of  its  rarity.  The 
bills  proportionably  lost  their  value  in  public  estimation.  From  their 
alarming  depreciation  it  followed  not  only  that  all  purses  were  closed, 
and  that  the  markets,  scantily,  and  with  extreme  difficulty  supplied, 
became  the  object  of  the  continual  murmurs  of  the  people,  but  even 
that  the  faith  of  contracts  was  violated,  and  that  individual  probity 
was  every  where  relaxed.  With  little,  debtors  acquitted  themselves 

*  The  cost  of  a  simple  i*epastj  or  a  pair  of  shoes,  was  from  fqrty  to  fifty  dollars  of  this 
depreciated  paper. 


iiOOK   XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAH.  225 

of  much  towards  their  creditors.  Very  few,  at  first,  resorted  to  this 
unworthy  expedient ;  but  as  evil  propagates  itself  more  rapidly  than 
good,  a  multitude  of  citizens  stained  themselves  with  the  same  re- 
proach, and  the  contagion  became  general.  Herein  the  faithless 
and  avaricious  debtor  was  no  respecter  of  persons  ;  Washington  him- 
self experienced  this  odious  return  from  persons  he  had  generously 
succoured  in  their  necessities. 

The  distress  of  the  times  had  likewise  given  birth  to  another  race 
of  men,  who  devoted  themselves  to  the  business  of  speculating  upon 
the  depreciation  of  bills,  dexterously  profiting  of  a  temporary  rise  or 
fall ;  and  these  variations  of  current  price  depended  much  less  on 
the  more  or  less  favorable  posture  of  public  affairs,  than  upon  news 
invented  and  circulated  by  those  jobbers,  or  their  intrigues  and  mo- 
nopolies. Useful  arts,  and  the  labors  of  a  fair  commerce,  were  aban- 
doned for  the  more  alluring  chances  of  paper  negotiations.  The 
basest  of  men  enriched  themselves  ;  the  most  estimable  sunk  into 
indigence.  The  finances  of  the  state,  the  fortunes  of  individuals, 
experienced  the  same  confusion.  Nor  was  avarice  the  extent  of  the 
evil ;  the  contagion  of  that  pestiferous  passion  attacked  the  very 
source  of  every  virtue.  Private  interest  every  where  carried  it 
against  the  interests  of  the  public.  A  greater  number  than  it  is  easy 
to  believe,  looked  upon  the  love  of  country  as  a  mere  illusion,  which 
held  out  no  better  prospect  than  ruin  and  desolation.  Nobody  would 
enlist  without  exorbitant  bounty  ;  nobody  would  contract  to  furnish 
the  public  supplies,  none  would  supply  the  contractors,  vjithout  enor- 
mous profits  first  lodged  in  their  hands  ;  none  would  accept  of  an 
office  or  magistracy  without  perfect  assurance  of  a  scandalous  salary 
and  illicit  perquisites.  The  disorder,  the  depravation,  were  pushed 
to  such  a  point,  that  perhaps  never  was  the  ancient  adage  more 
deplorably  confirmed,  that  there  is  no  haltingplace  on  the  road  of 
corruption. 

To  the  insatiable  thirst  of  gold  was  joined  the  rage  of  party  spirit ; 
even  the  members  of  Congress  could  not  escape  its  vortex.  Hence 
they  too  often  disputed  among  themselves  about  their  personal  affairs, 
instead  of  discussing  the  grave  and  important  interests  of  the  state. 
When  a  feeble  nation  places  itself  under  the  patronage  of  one  that 
is  powerful,  and  looks  up  to  it  for  protection,  that  nation  must  expect 
to  find  its  bosom  agitated  by  the  tumults  of  party  and  the  fury  of 
faction.  Some  citizens,  more  occupied  with  their  country's  interests, 
or  their  own  ambition  than  the  necessity  of  maintaining  a  good  un- 
derstanding with  the  more  powerful  nation,  depart  from  the  route 
which  policy  would  have  prescribed.  Unguarded  in  their  language 
and  actions,  they  are  continually  liable  to  give  umbrage  to  the  agents 
of  their  great  ally.  Others,  guided  by  the  love  of  their  country,  or 
by  their  private  interest,  show  themselves  more  feeble  ;  they  yield 
without  resistance,  they  flatter  and  caress.  Each  of  these  parties  is 


226  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XI. 

equally  in  erroV.  The  first  pluming  themselves  in  vain  upon  the 
name  of  Independents,  cannot  in  all  respects  assume  the  manners  it 
implies,  when  they  have  an  indispensable  need  of  a  tutelary  support. 
The  second  omit  to  reflect  that  their  excessive  condescension  does 
but  imbolden  their  ally  to  crave  without  measure  as  without  end. 
To  observe  a  just  medium  between  these  extremes,  requires  a  con- 
summate prudence.  The  latter  class  are,  of  course,  by  far  the  most 
agreeable  to  the  agents  of  the  guardian  power  ;  they  find  them 
docile  instruments,  and.  if,  as  too  often  happens,  assailable  on  the 
side  of  avarice,  or  ambition,  prompt  to  serve  as  spies,  as  informers, 
as  tools  whose  base  devotion  no  longer  knows  a  check.  The  con- 
trast and  rivalship  of  these  two  factions  soon  degenerate  into  open 
war.  The  one  reproaches  the  other  with  sacrificing  the  state  to  their 
cupidity,  with  betraying  it,  selling  it  to  their  protectors  ;  with  no 
longer  having  a  country  save  that  of  their  new  masters  ;  they  load 
them  with  contempt  and  execration.  These  answer  their  adversa- 
ries that  an  ill  timed  arrogance  may  deprive  the  state  of  an  indis- 
pensable prop  ;  that  it  will  be  time  enough  to  put  on  airs  of  independ- 
ence when  it  is  actually  achieved  ;  that  in  all  their  discussions  wise 
men,  and  especially  statesmen,  describe  a  .curve,  when  a  right  line 
leads  to.  a  precipice;  that  affairs  of  state  should  not  be  swayed  by 
the  self-love  of  individuals  ;  that  in  policy  the  most  useful  is  always 
the  most  honorable  ;  and,  finally,  that  no  one  ought  to  blush  when 
he  attains  the  object  of  his  aim.  Such  was  the  language  of  the 
more  moderate  among  those  called  Dependents.  But  others,  hurried 
away  by  the  spirit  of  party,  or  wishing  to  disguise  their  baseness, 
exclaimed  aloud  that  the  Independents  were  the  enemies  of  France  ; 
that  they  were  friends  of  England  ;  with  her  they  kept  up  a  trai- 
torous correspondence ;  to  her  they  betrayed  the  secrets  of  the 
state  ;  that  they  would  fain  violate  the  faith  of  treaties,  and  dissolve 
the  alliance  solemnly  concluded  with  the  French,  in  order  to  listen 
to  the  proposals  of  England,  and  throw  themselves  into  her  arms. 
It  is  to  be  observed,  in  effect,  that  at  this  very  time,  the  British 
ministers  were  laboring  incessantly  to  seduce  the  chiefs  of  the  Ame- 
rican government  with  new  offers  of  peace,  even  at  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  independence.  The  scope  of  this  conduct  might  have 
been  to  excite  the  jealousy  of  France,  or  to  foment  factions  in  Ame- 
rica, or  perhaps  really  to  obtain  peace  and  alliance  with  the  United 
States. 

However  it  was,  these  overtures  had  in  part  the  effect  which  the 
British  cabinet  probably  had  expected  ;  they  were  but  too  well 
seconded  by  a  species  of  men  who  find  their  proper  element  in  con- 
fusion ;  and  intestine  dissentions  agitated  every  part  of  the  American 
continent.  Not  private. citizens  only,  but  the  very  members  of  the 
government,  applied  themselves  with  infinitely  more  ardor  to  pull 
each  other  to  pieces,  than  to  the  discharge  of  their  duties.  These 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  227 

seeds  of  discord  had  long  been  germinating,  they  developed  them- 
selves with  still  greater  rapidity,  when  Silas  Deane  returned  to  the 
United  States  aboard  the  squadron  of  the  count  d'  Estaing.  At 
first  commercial  agent  of  America  in  Europe,  he  had  been  one  of 
the  three  commissioners  who  had  signed  the  treaty  of  fslliance  at 
Paris.  Secretly  irritated  at  having  been  recalled,  in  haste  to  turn 
accuser  before  being  accused  himself,  and  careful  to  make  his  court 
to  the  French,  he  declared  every  where,  and  afterwards  printed, 
that  the  Congress  would  not  hear  the  report  of  his  mission  to  Paris  ; 
that  they  refused  to  adjust  his  accounts;  that  Arthur  Lee,  one  of  the 
three  commissioners,  William  Lee,  American  consul  in  Europe,  and 
their  two  brothers,  members  of  Congress,  kept  up  a  secret  corre- 
spondence with  England  ;  that  they,  and  all  their  adherents,  endea- 
vored in  various  ways  to  disgust  the  court  of  France,  and  especially 
in  opposing  the  reimbursement  to  particular  Frenchmen  of  suras 
which  they  had  expended  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  in  the 
purchase  of  arms  and  military  stores  for  account  of  America.  That 
they  were  now  intriguing  to  displace  Franklin  as  they  had  before 
attempted  to  pull  down  Washington  ;  that,  in  a  word,  they  had  con- 
spired to  change  men  and  things,  and  to  give  another  direction  to  the 
policy  of  the  state.  The  writing  which  Deane  published  and  distri- 
buted with  profusion,  in  the  month  of  December  1778,  produced  a 
vehement  stir;  the  spirit  of  party  eagerly  seized  this  new  subject  of 
discord  and  hatred.  The  brothers  Lee  answered  with  moderation  ; 
but  Thomas  Paine  and  William  Drayton  stepped  forward  to  avenge 
them  roundly.  They  retorted  upon  Deane,  that  the  Congress  not 
only  consented  to  hear  him,  but  that  they  had  already  heard  him, 
and  had  notified  him  that  they  were  ready  to  give  him  audience 
anew  ;  that  if  they  had  not  passed  his  accounts,  it  was  for  want  of 
verifications  ;  Deane  having  himself,  either  through  forgetfulness  or 
design,  left  them  behind  in  France  ;  that  if  Arthur  Lee  kept  up  a 
correspondence  with  England,  he  was  sufficiently  authorised  in  it  by 
his  character  of  ambassador;  that  during  his  residence  at  Paris,  he 
had  addressed  the  Congress  letters  incomparably  more  able,  lumi- 
nous and  fraught  with  intelligence  than  those  of  his  calumniator,  who 
had  never  written  a  word  of  any  solidity  ;  that  the  friendship  of  a 
power  so  generous  as  France,  could  be  better  preserved  by  an  erect 
and  noble  deportment,  than  by  a  servile  adulation  towards  its  agents; 
that  if  the  reimbursement  of  those  Frenchmen  who  had  furnished 
arms  and  munitions  had  not  been  yet  effected,  it  was  because  that 
Deane  himself,  in  concert  with  the  other  commissioners  of  Congress, 
had  written  that  no  payment  was  to  be  made  for  these  supplies, 
which  were  to  be  considered  as  the  voluntary  gifts  of  zealous  friends 
of  America  ;  that  no  thought  had  ever  been  entertained  of  recalling 
Franklin,  because  it  was  perfectly  well  known  how  much  theadvic.es 
furnished  by  that  estimable  man,  as  well  as  the  contracts  he  had  made 


THE    AMERICAN    VVAU.  BOOK  XI. 

in  France,  differed  from  every  thing  in  the  correspondence  and  ope- 
rations of  Silas  Deane  ;  that  neither  was  it  forgotten  what  difference 
of  manners  and  pretensions  existed  between  those  Frenchmen  who 
had  treated  with  Franklin  for  an  engagement  in  the  American  ser- 
vice, and  those  whom  Deane  had  sent  out  to  America  ;  that  no  one 
could  better  judge  than  himself  whether  the  facts  recapitulated  were 
likely  to  redound  to  his  honor ;  that,  as  for  the  rest,  it  little  became 
Deane  to  call  up  the  intrigues,  real  or  supposed,  of  which  Wash- 
ington had  been  the  object,  since  himself,  when  he  resided  at  Paris 
as  agent  for  the  Congress,  had  suggested  for  serious  deliberation, 
whether  it  would  not  be  advantageous  to  confide  the  supreme  com- 
mand of  the  American  troops  to  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
generals  of  Europe,  as  for  example,  to  prince  Ferdinand,  or  Mare- 
schal  de  Broglie  ;  that  it  was  right  and  proper  to  keep  the  faith 
pledged  to  France,  but  that  it  was  right  and  proper  also,  agreeably 
to  the  usage  of  all  states,  ,to  hear  the  propositions,  and  to  receive 
the  overtures,  which  promised  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  country, 
from  whatever  quarter  they  might  come. 

The  tenor  of  the  paragraphs  published  by  Paine  and  Drayton, 
was  far  from  being  agreeable  to  Gerard,  the  minister  of  France  ; 
he  noticed  with  pain  the  avowal  of  negotiations  kept  up  with  Eng- 
land, and  the  declaration  of  a  refusal  to  liquidate  the  disbursements 
made  by  his  countrymen.  He  addressed  very  energetic  complaints" 
to  the  Congress:  in  order  to  appease  him,  that  assembly  declared 
that  they  disapproved  the  contents  of  the  published  memorials,  and 
that  they  were  convinced  that  the  supplies  furnished  by  certain 
French  individuals,  could  not  be  considered  as  a  gift.  The  Con- 
gress had,  in  truth,  been  made  debtor  for  them  in  the  accounts  pre- 
sented, whether  the  intention  of  those  who  furnished  them  had 
never  been  to  offer  them  as  a  mere  donative,  or  that  Deane  had 
made  them  the  object  of  a  sordid  speculation.  Opinions  were  then 
much  divided  on  that  point.  The  Congress,  moreover,  renewed  the 
declaration  that  the  United  States  would  never  conclude  either  peace 
or  truce  with  Great  Britain,  without  the  formal  and  previous  consent 
of  their  august  ally.  Thomas  Paine  requested  and  obtained  leave 
to  resign  the  office  he  filled,  of  secretary  of  Congress  for  the  foreign 
department.  The  government  either  was,  or  pretended  to  be  dissa- 
tisfied with  him,  for  the  disclosure  he  had  made,  in  this  discussion,  of 
facts  which  it  would  rather  have  kept  still  under  the  veil. 

So  many  elements  of  discord  would  perhaps  have  sufficed  to 
kindle  civil  war  in  America,  if  its  inhabitants  had  been  less  familiar- 
ised with  liberty.  Their  attention  was,  besides,  taken  up  by  two 
important  objects  ;  one  was  the  imminent  peril  to  which  the  two 
Carolinas  were  exposed  a  short  time  after,  in  consequence  of  the 
siege  of  Charleston  by  sir  Henry  Clinton  ;  the  other,  the  negotiations 
opened  with  Spain,  and,  soon  afterwards,  the  active  part  she  took  in 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  229 

the  war.  The  court  of  Madrid,  as  we  have  already  seen,  glowed 
with  desire  to  interfere  in  the  grand  quarrel  which  had  just  broken 
out.  Besides  the  mutual  hatred  which  animated  the  English  and 
Spanish  nations,  Spain  had  also  in  view  to  humble  the  odious  British 
arrogance,  to  recover  Gibraltar  and  Jamaica,  and  to  conquer  the 
two  F/oridas,  which  appeared  to  her  essential  to  the  entire  command 
of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  She  was  now  also  stimulated  by  France, 
who,  not  content  with  representing  to  her  the  common  interest  she 
had  in  this  war,  pressed  her  and  summoned  her  every  day  to  fulfill 
the  stipulations  of  the  family  compact.  Meanwhile,  particular  con- 
siderations pointed  her  to  a  more  circumspect  procedure.  American 
independence  could  scarcely  seem  to  smile  upon  her  entirely,  when 
she  reflected  on  the  contagion  of  example,  and  her  own  colonies. 
Her  backwardness  to  declare  herself  was  also  perhaps  concerted 
with  France,  in  order  to  obtain  better  conditions  from  the  Americans. 
The  court  of  Versailles  had  regretted  to  find  itself  constrained  to 
take  a  decisive  step,  after  the  unexpected  victory  of  general  Gates, 
which  had  started  the  apprehension  that  England  would  consent,  for 
the  sake  of  reconciliation  with  her  colonies,  to  acknowledge  their 
independence.  France  would  much  rather  have  persisted  in  her 
original  plan,  and  stood  aloof  still  for  a  long  time,  waiting  for  the 
Americans  to  be  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  in  order  to  wring 
from  them  more  advantageous  conditions  for  herself,  than  those  of 
the  two  treaties  of  commerce  and  alliance.  But  the  success  of  the 
Americans  having  baffled  her  designs,  she  still  had  in  reserve  the 
chance  of  making  them  pay  a  round  price  for  the  accession  of  Spain. 
With  this  drift,  she  magnified  excessively  the  advantages  they  might 
expect  from  it,  in  order  to  extort  from  their  impatience,  what  preci- 
pitation had  defeated  her  of  at  the  time  of  her  own  declaration. 
The  ultimate  object  of  all  these  manosuvres,  was  to  secure  to  the 
subjects  of  France,  in  the  future  treaty  of  peace,  the  fisheries  of 
Newfoundland,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States ; 
and  to  Spain,  the  possession  of  the  two  Floridas,  the  exclusive  navi- 
gation of  the  Mississippi,  with  the  sovereignty  of  the  regions  situated 
on  the  left  bank  of  that  river,  and  behind  the  frontiers  of  the  confe- 
derate provinces.  Accordingly,  to  prove  to  the  Americans  how 
strong  an  interest  he  took  in  their  cause,  and  to  Europe,  according 
to  usage,  his  ardent  desire  to  preserve  peace,  the  king  of  Spain 
offered  his  mediation.  He  considered  it,  moreover,  as  a  justificative 
measure  of  the  war  he  was  about  to  undertake,  for  he  was  by  no 
means  ignorant  that  England  would  not  accept  it.  The  court  of 
London  knew  too  well  that  Spain,  united  to  France  by  the  strictest 
ties,  could  not  be  an  impartial  mediatrix  ;  it  knew  also,  that  media- 
tors of  this  description  always  finish  with  becoming  declared  enemies. 
The  court  of  Madrid  intending  also  to  establish,  as  the  basis  of  the 
negotiation  for  peace,  that  Great  Britain  should  treat  her  colonies  as 
VOL.  H.  30 


230  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  Xi, 

independent,  it  was  not  presumable  that  she  would  accept  a  condi- 
tion which  was  precisely  the  principal  point  in  contest.  Neverthe- 
less, the  marquis  d' Almodovar,  his  catholic  majesty's  ambassador, 
presented  to  the  court  of  London  a  plan  of  accommodation,  which 
contained,  besides  the  article  above,  those  which  follow.  That,  in 
order  the  more  easily  to  extinguish  the  flames  of  war,  the  crowns  of 
France  and  of  Great  Britain  should  lay  down  arms  and  consent  to  a 
general  truce  ;  that  their  respective  plenipotentiaries  should  convene 
at  a  place  agreed  upon,  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  their  differences; 
that  Great  Britain  should  grant  a  like  truce  to  the  American  colo- 
nies ;  that  a  line  of  boundary  should  be  drawn,  which  neither  of  the 
belligerent  parties  might  transcend  during  the  armistice  ;  that  both 
his  Britannic  majesty  and  the  colonies  should  send  one  or  more 
commissioners  to  the  city  of  Madrid,  in  order  to  consent  to  the  pre- 
ceding conditions,  and  all  such  others  as  might  tend  to  conciliation. 
To  this  offer  of  mediation  the  British  ministers  made  only  evasive 
and  dilatory  answers.  If  they  were  not  disposed  to  accept  it,  since 
it  involved  the  acknowledgment  of  independence,  they  avoided  also 
to  reject  it  too  ostensibly,  as  well  not  to  excite  the  discontent  of  their 
nation,  as  to  gain  time  to  open  negotiations  with  the  courts  of 
Europe.  Their  intention  was  to  offer  advantageous  conditions  to 
France,  in  order  to  detach  her  from  America,  and  to  America,  in 
order  to  detach  her  from  France.  And,  in  case,  as  they  presumed, 
these  negotiations  should  fail  of  success,  they  purposed  to  use  strenu- 
ous endeavors  with  the  other  powers,  in  order  to  excite  some  move- 
ment in  Europe  against  France.  They  hoped  thus  to  find  her  so 
much  employment  on  shore  that  she  would  be  obliged  to  neglect  her 
marine,  and  that  it  would  of  course  become  an  easy  task  to  vanquish 
it.  They  conceived  also,  that  when  America  should  see  her  ally 
engaged  in  a  new  struggle,  she  would  show  herself  more  disposed  to 
enter  into  an  arrangement  with  England.  Such  was  then  the  policy 
of  the  powers  at  war,  and  of  those  that  were  inclined  to  take  part 
therein. 

Meanwhile,  France  and  Spain,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  from 
America  the  conditions  which,  since  her  separation  with  England, 
were  the  main  scope  of  their  counsels,  notified  to  the  Congress, 
through  M.  Gerard,  the  French  minister  at  Philadelphia,  the  offer 
of  mediation  made  to  the  court  of  London  by  that  of  Madrid.  He 
was  directed  to  observe,  that  the  object  of  all  mediation  being  peace, 
it  was  natural  to  presume  that  conferences  were  about  to  be  opened 
for  its  negotiation  and  conclusion.  He  invited  the  Congress  to 
appoint  plenipotentiaries  to  take  part  in  these  negotiations,  whether 
with  England  or  with  Spain  ;  he  also  urged  the  expediency  of  their 
making  known  the  basis  on  which  they  were  disposed  to  treat.  He 
added,  that  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  intimate  that  circumstances  did  not 
permit  the  United  States  to  carry  their  pretensions  higher  than  their 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.          •  231 

fortune  ;  that,  consequently,  it  was  desirable  that  they  should  be 
moderate  in  their  demands  in  order  not  to  furnish  England  with  a 
pretext  for  standing  out,  and  that  Spain  might  be  enabled  to  prose- 
cute her  mediation  to  a  successful  conclusion.  '  As  to  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  American  independence,' continued  the  French  minister, 
'  it  is  to  be  expected  that  Great  Britain,  out  of  that  pride  which 
sovereigns  have,  and  which  it  becomes  them  to  have,  will  manifest 
an  extreme  repugnance  to  making  it  in  form.  This  case  has  been 
provided  for  in  the  treaty  of  alliance,  where  it  is  stipulated  that  its 
object  is  to  obtain  for  the  United  States  independence,  whether 
express  or  implied.  France  knows  by  her  own  experience,  what  it 
costs  monarchs  to  proclaim  in  formal  terms  the  independence  of 
those  they  have  once  governed  as  subjects.  Spain,  in  preceding 
ages,  did  but  tacitly  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Holland,  after 
a  war  of  thirty  years,  and  not  formally  till  after  a  resistance  of 
seventy.  Up  to  this  very  time,  the  republic  of  Geneva  and  the 
thirteen  Swiss  Cantons,  have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  obtain  from  the 
states  of  which  they  made  part,  an  express  acknowledgment  of  their 
independence  and  sovereignty.  As  for  the  rest,  since  you  enjoy  the 
object  of  your  wishes,  you  ought  to  attach  very  little  importance  to 
mere  words.'  It  is  to  be  remarked,  that  the  French  minister  affect- 
ed to  be  much  in  earnest  in  his  efforts  to  bring  over  the  Americans 
to  this  way  of  thinking,  because  he  was  convinced  that  they  would 
not  adopt  it ;  and  that  therefore  to  induce  France  and  Spain  to  exact 
on  their  behalf  an  express  acknowledgment  of  independence,  they 
would  acquiesce  in  whatever  demands  those  powers  might  choose  to 
make. 

In  order  to  confirm  them  the  more  in  the  refusal  of  what  he 
demanded,  he  took  care  to  remind  them  that  the  United  States 
appeared  to  him,  from  their  situation  and  the  vigor  of  their  resistance, 
to  have  higher  claims  than  ever  Holland.  Geneva,  and  Switzerland 
could  have  made  any  pretensions  to.  Fearing,  however,  the  insuffi- 
ciency of  these  means  to  decide  the  Americans  to  yield  the  desired 
concessions,  he  proceeded  to  suggest,  that  not  only  was  it  necessary 
to  enable  the  mediator  by  the  moderation  of  their  demands  to  inspire 
England  with  pacific  dispositions,  but  that  it  was  moreover  expedient 
to  offer  the  mediator  such  advantages  as  might  determine  him  to 
make  common  cause  with  France  and  America,  in  case  Great 
Britain  should  refuse  peace.  He  extolled  the  power  of  the  triple 
alliance  that  was  meditated,  and  represented  it  as  the  guaranty  of 
certain  triumph.  He  set  forth  that  though  the  arms  of  France  and 
America  were  indeed  capable  of  resisting  those  of  the  enemy,  the 
junction  of  the  forces  of  Spain  could  alone  render  them  preponde- 
rant, and  prevent  the  catastrophe  which  might  result  from  a  single 
sinister  event ;  that  hitherto  the  balance  had  been  equal  between  the 
two  parlies,  but  that  a  new  weight  was  necessary  to  make  it  turn  in 


232  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI, 

favor  of  the  Americans.  The  French  minister  closed  this  declara- 
tion with  a  disclosure  of  the  pretensions  of  his  court  with  respect  to 
the  fishery  of  Newfoundland,  and  those  of  Spain  relative  to  the  two 
Floridas,  the  Mississippi  and  the  western  territory  which  now  forms 
the  state  of  Kentucky.  The  Congress  deliberated  upon  these  com- 
munications. They  considered,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  interven- 
tion of  Spain  was  very  desirable  for  America  ;  but  on  the  other,  that 
she  held  it  at  too  high  a  rate.  They  consequently  felt  the  utmost 
repugnance  to  subscribe  to  all  the  concessions  which  the  courts  of 
Versailles  and  Madrid  appeared  disposed  to  wrest  from  them.  Very 
warm  debates  ensued  upon  these  different  points.  All  the  members 
consented  to  guaranty  to  Spain  the  possession  of  the  two  Floridas, 
but  all  also  refused  to  grant  her  the  exclusive  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi ;  the  relinquishment  of  the  western  territory  was  objected  to 
by  many,  and  that  of  the  Newfoundland  fishery  almost  universally, 
especially  on  the  part  of  the  New  England  deputies.  Beside  this 
extreme  diversity  of  opinions,  a  powerful  motive  prevented  the  Ame- 
ricans from  taking  any  definitive  resolution  ;  they  had  penetrated, 
that  such  was  the  eagerness  of  the  Spaniards  to  come  to  blows  with 
the  English,  that  in  any  event,  it  could  not  be  long;  before  a  rupture 
must  take  place  between  the  two  nations.  In  effect,  the  Congress 
consumed  so  much  time  in  answering,  in  appointing  plenipotentiaries 
and  in  preparing  their  instructions,  that  hostilities  were  already 
commenced  between  these  powers,  not  only  in  Europe,  but  also  in 
America. 

By  the  beginning  of  August,  don  Bernard  Galvez,  governor  of 
Louisiana,  for  the  king  of  Spain,  had  undertaken  with  success  an 
expedition  against  the  British  possessions  upon  the  Mississippi.  This 
news,  and  still  much  more,  the  certain  intelligence  that  the  same  don 
Galvez  had  solemnly  proclaimed  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  at  New  Orleans,  caused  the  Americans  to  drop  at  once  all 
further  thought  of  concession.  Notwithstanding  the  hostilities  now 
commenced  between  Spain  and  England,  the  French  minister  per- 
sisted in  maintaining  that  England  manifested  pacific  dispositions,  and 
that  the  cabinets  of  Versailles  and  Madrid  were  more  than  ever  ani- 
mated by  the  same  sentiments.  But  enlightened  by  what  passed 
before  their  eyes,  the  Americans  instructed  their  plenipotentiary  at 
the  court  of  France,  as  also  the  one  destined  to  treat  with  that  of 
London,  to  keep  steadily  in  view  that  the  first  object  of  the  defensive 
war  waged  by  the  allies,  was  to  establish  the  independence  of  the 
United  States;  that  consequently  the  preliminary  basis  of  all  negotia- 
tion with  Great  Britain  must  be  the  acknowledgment  of  the  freedom, 
independence  and  sovereignty  of  the  said  states,  which  acknowledg- 
ment must  be  secured  and  guaranteed  according  to  the  form  and 
stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  with  his  most  Christian  majesty. 
As  to  the  right  of  fishery  upon  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  the 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  233 

Americans  insisted  that  it  should  be  preserved  to  them,  with  the 
clause  that  if  they  were  disquieted  by  England  in  its  exercise,  France 
should  consider  it  as  case  of  alliance.  They  further  enjoined  their 
plenipotentiaries  to  use  all  possible  exertions  to  obtain  from  England 
the  cession  of  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  in  favor  of  the  United  States, 
observing,  however,  that  the  rejection  of  this  proposition  should  not 
be  an  obstacle  to  the  reestablishment  of  peace.  The  idea  of  this  last 
demand  had  been  suggested  by  the  deputies  of  Massachusetts  and 
other  provinces  of  New  England.  The  plenipotentiaries  were  author- 
ised to  agree  to  a  suspension  of  arms  during  the  continuance  of  the- 
negotiations,  with  the  reservation,  however,  that  the  ally  of  the 
United  States  should  likewise  consent  to  it,  and  that  the  troops  of  the 
enemy  should  entirely  evacuate  their  territory.  Such  was  the  sub- 
stance of  the  instructions  given  to  the  American  plenipotentiaries  ;  as 
to  the  rest,  they  were  to  be  guided  by  their  own  wisdom,  the  laws  of 
the  confederation,  and  the  counsels  of  the  court  of  France. 

The  war  being  already  actually  commenced  between  Spain  and 
England,  the  chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  who  succeeded  M.  Gerard  at 
Philadelphia,  could  no  longer  urge  with  the  Congress,  the  advantages 
and  necessity  of  the  cooperation  of  the  Spanish  force,  as  a  motive  for 
their  yielding  the  above  mentioned  concessions,  But  he  did  not  omit 
to  place  in  the  strongest  light  all  the  benefits  which  would  result  to 
the  United  States  from  connecting  themselves  with  the  court  of  Madrid 
by  treaties  of  commerce  and  alliance,  which  should  regulate  their 
common  and  respective  interests,  whether  present  or  future. 

'  It  is  evident,'  he  said, '  that  Spain  will  display  more  vigorous  efforts 
against  England,  when  she  knows  the  advantage  that  is  to  accrue  to 
herself  from  a  war  undertaken  chiefly  for  the  utility  and  interests  of 
the  United  States.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  no  less  manifest,  how 
extremely  it  interests  the  honor  and  consolidation  of  the  republic  to 
have  its  independence  formally  acknowledged  by  so  great  and  pow- 
erful a  monarch  as  his  catholic  majesty,  and  to  be  united  to  him  by 
treaties  of  amity  and  alliance.  An  alliance,'  he  added,  '  than  which 
nothing  could  more  gratify  his  most  Christian  majesty,  who,  united  to 
the  king  of  Spain  by  the  most  sacred  ties,  and  to  America  by  the 
bonds  of  the  tenderest  friendship,  could  not  but  desire  with  ardor  to 
see  the  most  complete  and  durable  harmony  established  between 
them.'  The  French  minister  expatiated  largely  upon  this  subject, 
adding  still  other  arguments  drawn  from  public  law. 

All  his  efforts  were  vain.  The  Congress  saw  too  clearly  that  if 
Spain  took  part  in  the  war,  it  was  neither  out  of  regard  for  the  inte- 
rests, nor  for  the  independence  of  America,  which  in  the  present 
state  of  things  was  no  longer  a  matter  of  doubt,  but  for  her  own  sake, 
and  particularly  to  reduce  the  maritime  power  of  England.  Accord- 
ingly, they  showed  themselves  little  disposed  to  make  new  sacrifices. 
Wishing,  however,  to  testify  their  desire  to  form  alliance  with  the 


234  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

king  of  Spain,  they  appointed  John  Jay  their  minister  plenipotentiary 
to  the  court  of  Madrid.  His  instructions  were  to  endeavor  to  dis- 
pose that  court  to  be  satisfied  with  a  mere  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce with  the  United  States.  He  was,  moreover,  directed  to  declare, 
that  if  his  catholic  majesty  entered  into  the  league  against  Great  Britain, 
the  United  States  would  consent  that  he  should  secure  for  himself  the 
possession  of  the  Floridas  ;  and  even,  if  England  gave  her  consent  to 
it  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  United  States  would  guaranty  him  this 
new  acquisition  with  the  condition  that  they  should  continue  to  enjoy 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  sea.  As  to  the  territory  situ- 
ated on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river,  they  declared  that  it  could  not 
be  renounced.  The  minister  of  Congress  was  likewise  to  solicit  the 
king  of  France,  as  the  chief  of  the  alliance,  to  employ  his  mediation 
in  order  to  accelerate  the  conclusion  of  the  treaties  with  Spain.  He 
was  charged  with  some  other  demands  at  the  court  of  Madrid.  But 
piqued  at  the  refusal  of  Congress  to  consent  to  the  stipulations  which 
she  had  most  at  heart,  Spain  not  only  demonstrated  on  her  part  a 
disposition  equally  unyielding,  but  after  having  declared  war  against 
Great  Britain,  she  would  neither  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
the  United  States,  nor  receive  nor  send  ambassadors.  At  the  same 
time  in  which  Jay  was  appointed  plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of  Ma- 
drid, John  Adams  was  elected  minister  plenipotentiary  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  peace  and  commerce  with  England. 

Such  was,  then,  the  situation  of  affairs  in  America.  In  Europe 
they  took  the  direction  which  had  been  foreseen  by  all  prudent  men, 
and  which  was  desired  even  by  those  who  pretended  a  wish  to  attain 
an  opposite  object.  Spain  had  completed  her  maritime  armaments ; 
she  was  arrived  at  the  point  where  she  had  purposed  to  throw  off  the 
mask.  She  wanted  to  take  an  open  part  in  the  war;  and,  joining  her 
forces  with  those  of  France,  to  aim  such  rapid  blows  at  the  excessive 
naval  power  -of  England,  as  should  transfer  to  the  Bourbons  the 
sceptre  of  the  sea.  She  would  fain  have  a  plausible  pretext  to  justify 
her  conduct.  She  accordingly  resolved  to  renew  her  offers  of  medi- 
ation at  the  court  of  London,  and  to  urge  the  British  government  in 
such  a  manner,  that  it  should  at  length  be  constrained  to  declare  itself 
the  first.  The  marquis  d'  Altnodovar,  the  Spanish  minister  at  Lon- 
don, made,  in  the  month  of  June,  the  most  pressing  instances  to  the 
British  ministry,  in  order  to  extort  a  definitive  answer.  The  moment 
seemed  the  better  chosen,  as  it  was  already  known  that  the  count  d' 
Orvilliers  had  sailed  from  Brest  with  the  whole  French  armament, 
and  was  standing  to  the  south  in  order  to  join,  near  the  isle  of  Cizar- 
ga,  with  the  Spanish  fleet,  which  lay,  in  excellent  condition,  expect- 
ing him  in  those  waters.  The  two  allied  courts  felt  yet  more  confirmed 
in  their  resolution,  when  they  saw  the  English  marine  in  no  situation 
to  balance  their  united  forces.  Whether  from  absolute  necessity,  or 
from  negligence  on  the  part  of  ministers,  it  is  certain  that  the  arma- 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  235 

raents  of  England  at  this  period  were  very  far  inferior  to  her  dangers. 
She  answered,  nevertheless,  that  she  could  not  admit  the  condition  of 
independence,  even  with  the  modifications  proposed  by  Spain.  The 
Spanish  minister  then  departed  from  London,  after  having  delivered  a 
declaration  to  lord  Wey mouth,  secretary  of  state.  This  rescript  recapi- 
tulated, beside  the  rejection  of  the  mediation,  several  other  motives  of 
war,  such  as  insults  offered  at  sea  to  the  Spanish  flag,  hostile  incur- 
sions upon  the  lands  of  the  king,  instigations  to  the  savages  to  infest 
the  Spanish  subjects  of  Louisiana,  the  violation  of  the  rights  of  his 
catholic  majesty  in  the  bay  of  Honduras,  and  other  like  grievances. 
The  court  of  London  answered  by  a  counter  declaration,  in  which  it 
endeavored,  as  usual,  to  destroy  all  the  assertions  of  that  of  Madrid. 
The  king  of  England  recalled  lord  Grantham,  his  ambassador  in 
Spain.  He  afterwards  issued  a  proclamation  of  reprisals  on  that 
power,  and  another  regulating  the  distribution  of  prizes.  At  the 
same  time,  France,  as  the  preponderant  and  leading  part  of  the 
alliance,  published  a  manifesto  in  which  she  laid  before  the  eyes  of 
Europe,  the  motives  which  had  constrained  the  two  allied  courts  to 
take  up  arms. 

These  motives,  detailed  at  great  length,  may  be  reduced  to  the 
following  points  ;  the  necessity  of  avenging  injuries  received,  and  the 
desire,  certainly  sincere,  to  put  down  the  tyrannical  empire  which 
England  had  usurped,  and  pretended  to  maintain  upon  the  ocean. 
The  king  of  Spain  likewise  published  different  official  papers.  Two 
royal  cedulas  demonstrated  to  the  nation  the  necessity  and  justice  of 
the  war.  They  were  followed  by  a  very  prolix  manifesto,  which 
advanced  an  hundred  causes  of  rupture  with  Great  Britain  ;  the 
greater  part  had  been  already  announced  in  the  declaration  of  the 
marquis  d'  Ahnodovar.  It  was  added  in  this,  and  represented  as  a 
direct  outrage,  that  at  the  very  time  when  the  British  ministers  reject- 
ed the  propositions  openly  made  by  Spain,  as  mediatress,  they  had 
employed  secret  agents  to  make  the  most  alluring  offers  to  the  court 
of  France  if  she  would  abandon  the  colonies  and  conclude  a  separate 
peace  with  England.  '  At  the  same  epoch,'  said  the  manifesto,  '  the 
British  cabinet  had  clandestinely  despatched  another  agent  to  doctor 
Franklin  at  Paris.  Divers  propositions  were  made  to  that  minister, 
in  order  to  detach  the  Americans  from  France  and  bring  them  to  an 
arrangement  with  Great  Britain.  The  British  government  offers 
them  conditions  not  only  similar  to  those  it  has  disdained  and  rejected 
when  they  proceeded  from  the  part  of  his  catholic  majesty,  but  much 
more  favorable  still.'  The  first  wrongs  specified,  that  is,  the  insults 
on  the  Spanish  flag,  the  hostile  incursions  upon  the  king's  territory, 
and  the  unjust  decrees  of  courts  of  admiralty,  might  have  obtained  a 
sufficient  reparation,  if  the  two  parties  had  been  at  that  time  less 
animated  with  enmity  towards  each  other.  As  to  the  reproach  of 
duplicity  imputed  to  the  British  ministers  with  respect  to  their  con- 


~  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI, 

duct  during  the  discussions  of  the  mediation,  if  the  historian  cannot 
positively  applaud  them,  he  will  find  at  least  that  it  is  difficult  to  blame 
them  for  it,  and  still  more  so  to  discover  in  it  a  sufficient  ground  of 
war.  In  effect,  these  political  wiles,  far  from  being  new  or  extraor- 
dinary, are  but  too  frequent ;  all  statesmen,  and  especially  those  who 
employ  them,  consider  such  means,  if  not  honorable,  at  least  allow- 
able for  attaining  their  ends.  But,  as  we  have  already  observed, 
the  primary  and  capital  motive,  to  which  all  the  others  did  little  more 
than  serve  as  a  veil,  was  the  wish  to  destroy  the  maritime  superiority 
of  England.  The  king  of  Spain  even  made  the  avowal  of  it,  herein 
also  imitating  the  candor  of  the  king  of  France.  He  formally  de- 
clared in  his  manifesto,  that  in  order  to  obtain  a  durable  peace,  it  was 
necessary  to  set  bounds  to  the  immoderate  power  of  England  by  sea, 
and  to  demonstrate  the  falsity  of  those  principles  upon  which  she 
founded  her  usurpation.  He  concluded  with  observing,  that  the 
other  maritime  powers,  and  all  the  nations  of  the  universe,  were 
interested  in  the  triumph  of  so  equitable  a  cause.  This  argument 
was  no  doubt  as  just  as  it  was  noble  ;  but  it  would  have  been  more 
honorable  still,  if  the  tyrannical  domination  of  England,  about  which 
so  much  noise  was  then  made,  had  not  been,  not  only  peaceably 
tolerated  for  a  long  series  of  years,  but  even  formally  acknowledged. 
The  king  of  Great  Britain  replied  with  another  manifesto,  wherein 
no  little  address  was  displayed  in  refuting  the  assertions  of  the  two 
kings,  his  enemies.  It  closed  with  the  most  energetic,  but  the  most 
ordinary  protestations  of  his  regard  for  humanity.  Since  these 
pompous  declamations  have  been  brought  into  use  between  the  go- 
vernments of  civilised  nations,  is  it  found  that  wars  are  become  less 
frequent,  or  less  destructive  ? 

While  the  two  belligerent  parties  were  endeavoring  to  justify  their 
conduct  in  the  sight  of  the  universe,  while  each  of  the  kings  was 
protesting  that  he  had  not  been  the  first  disturber  of  peace,  the  fleets 
of  France  and  Spain  presented  themselves  with  formidable  parade 
upon  the  coasts  of  Great  Britain.  They  consisted  of  sixty-six  ships 
of  the  line,  comprehending  a  Spaniard  of  one  hundred  and  fourteen 
guns,  the  San  Trinidad,  two  Frenchmen  of  one  hundred  and  ten, 
and  one  hundred  and  four,  the  Bretagne  and  the  faille  de  Paris, 
eight  others  of  eighty,  and  fifteen  o^  seventy-four  ;  the  rest  of  less 
force.  This  immense  arrnada  was  followed  by  a  cloud  of  frigates, 
corvettes,  cutters,  and  fire  ships.  It  was  commanded  in  chief  by 
the  count  d'  Orvilliers  who  mounted  the  Bretagne  ;  the  vanguard 
was  under  the  conduct  of  the  count  de  Guichen,  and  the  rear 
under  the  conduct  of  don  Gaston.  The  vanguard  was  itself  pre- 
ceded by  a  light  squadron  commanded  by  M.  de  la  Touche 
Treville,  and  composed  of  five  swift  sailing  ships,  and  all  the  frigates 
which  were  not  attached  to  the  first  divisions.  The  object  of  this  squa- 
dron was  to  discover  and  announce  whatever  should  appear  at  sea. 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  237 

Finally,  the  armament  was  followed  by  another  squadron  of  observa- 
tion, composed  of  sixteen  ships  of  the  line,  at  the  orders  of  don  Lewis 
de  Cordova.  The  design  of  the  allies  was,  according  to  appear- 
ances, to  make  a  descent  upon  that  part  of  the  coasts  of  Great 
Britain  which  they  should  find  the  most  conveniently  accessible. 
Every  thing  seemed  to  conspire  in  their  favor  ;  even  the  importance 
of  the  enterprise,  the  immensity  of  their  forces,  the  defenceless  con- 
dition of  Ireland,  the  inferiority  of  the  British  marine,  the  weakness 
of  the  regular  troops  that  remained  for  the  defence  of  England,  since 
the  greater  part  had  been  sent  to  America  and  the  West  Indies. 
Beside  this  fleet,  one  of  the  most  tremendous  which  the  ocean  had 
ever  borne,  three  hundred  transports  were  prepared  at  Havre  de 
Grace,  St.  Malo,  and  other  ports  on  that  coast.  All  was  in  move- 
ment in  the  northern  provinces  of  France.  Upwards  of  forty  thou- 
sand men  lined  the  coasts  of  Normandy  and  Britanny  ;  many  other 
regiments  were  on  the  march  to  join  them  from  other  parts  of  the 
kingdom.  The  king  appointed  the  generals  who  were  to  conduct 
the  expedition.  The  troops  who  were  already  assembled  upon  the 
coasts  that  looked  towards  England,  daily  exercised  themselves  in 
the  various  rnanreuvres  of  embarkation  and  debarkation.  Each 
soldier  manifested  the  most  eager  desire  to  set  foot  on  the  opposite 
shore,  in  order  to  combat  and  prostrate  an  ancient  rival.  An  artille- 
ry as  numerous  as  well  served,  was  attached  to  this  army  ;  five 
thousand  grenadiers,  the  flower  of  the  French  troops,  had  been 
drawn  from  all  the  regiments,  to  form  the  vanguard,  and  strike  the 
first  blows. 

England  was  seasonably  apprised  of  the  preparations  of  France, 
and  the  invasion  with  which  she  was  menaced.  The  ministers  had 
promptly  directed  all  the  measures  of  defence,  which  the  shortness 
of  time,  and  the  present  state  of  the  kingdom  admitted  ;  they  had 
assembled  thirty-eight  ships  of  the  line,  under  the  command  of  admi- 
ral sir  Charles  Hardy,  and  had  sent  him  to  cruise  in  the  Bay  of  Bis- 
cay, in  order,  if  still  possible,  to  prevent  the  junction  of  the  two 
hostile  fleets.  It  is  difficult  to  comprehend,  that  armaments  which 
occupied  so  vast  an  extent  of  sea,  and  whose  light  squadrons  were 
reciprocally  on  the  look  out,  should  not  have  encountered,  or  come 
to  any  knowledge  the  one  of  the  other.  The  king  of  England  issued 
a  proclamation,  informing  his  subjects  that  the  enemy  threatened  to 
invade  the  kingdom.  The  officers  in  command  upon  the  coasts  were 
ordered  to  stand  on  the  alert,  and  at  the  first  appearance  of  danger  to 
remove  the  cattle  and  provisions  to  a  proper  distance.  The  militia 
exercised  continually  in  arms,  and  held  themselves  in  readiness  to 
march  to  the  places  of  debarkation.  The  royal  guards  themselves 
expected  every  moment  the  order  to  march.  All  minds  were 
strongly  excited  at  the  danger  of  the  country  ;  but  amidst  the  senti- 

VOL.    II.  31 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI, 

ments  of  fear  and  hope  which  agitated  them,  the  resolution  to  resist 
valiamly  was  genera). 

Meanwhile,  the  combined  fleet  which  had  been  detained  a  long 
time  by  calms  at  the  entrance  of  the  channel,  all  at  once  made  its 
appearance  there,  the  fifteenth  of  August  ;  it  presented  itself  before 
Plymouth  with  dread  display.  The  alarm  was  immediately  spread 
among  the  inhabitants  of  the  coasts  ;  the  militia  flew  to  their  post ; 
the  guards  were  doubled  at  the  arsenals  of  Plymouth  and  Portsmouth. 
The  bank  in  the  latter  town  was  closed  ;  all  commerce  was  suspend- 
ed. From  all  parts  of  the  coast  of  Cornwall,  whole  families  were 
seen  flying  towards  the  inland  countries  with  their  most  valuable 
effects.  A  new  incident  added  to  the  universal  panic.  The  Ardent 
ship  of  the  line,  of  sixty-four  guns,  which  had  sailed  from  Portsmouth 
in  order  to  join  the  fleet  of  admiral  Hardy,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
French  in  view  of  Plymouth.  During  this  time  the  British  admiral 
was  standing  off  and  on  near  the  mouth  of  the  channel ;  his  inferiori- 
ty, and  the  position  of  the  enemy,  not  permitting  him  to  bring  succour 
to  his  country,  amidst  the  perils  that  menaced  it.  But,  what  men 
could  not  do,  was  operated  by  chance.  At  the  moment  when  the 
success  of  this  great  enterprise  was  going  to  be  decided,  all  at  once 
there  sprung  up  a  violent  gale  from  the  northeast,  which  forced  the 
combined  fleet  to  quit  the  channel  for  the  open  ocean.  The  gale 
having  abated,  it  displayed  itself  anew  from  the  Lands  End  and  the 
Scilly  islands  to  the  chops  of  the  channel,  with  intent  to  intercept 
admiral  Hardy,  and  to  prevent  his  retreat  into  the  ports  of  England. 
Nevertheless,  he  profited  with  so  much  ability  of  a  favorable  wind, 
that  on  the  thirty-first  of  August  lie  made  good  his  entrance  into  the 
channel  in  full  view  of  the  allies,  who  could  not  hinder  him.  His 
design  was,  to  entice  them  up  to  the  narrowest  part  of  the  strait, 
where  the  superiority  of  numbers  would  avail  them  little,  and  the 
advantage  of  position  would  thus  compensate  the  inequality  of  forces. 
The  allies  followed  him  as  far  as  Plymouth.  Each  of  the  hostile 
fleets  preserved  the  best  order  ;  the  British  to  avoid  being  approach- 
ed till  after  having  arrived  at  the  desirable  point,  and  to  be  always 
prepared  to  fall  upon  such  of  the  enemy's  vessels  as  should  chase 
them  too  near  ;  the  French  and  Spaniards,  to  keep  together,  and  to 
gain  Plymouth  before  the  enemy.  But  admiral  Hardy  having  eluded 
all  the  projects  of  his  adversary,  the  count  d' Orvilliers  decided 
to  retire  from  the  coasts  of  England,  and  return  to  Brest.  His  retreat 
was  attributed  at  the  time  to  several  causes,  such  as  the  conti- 
nued prevalence  of  east  winds,  the  want  of  provisions,  the  proximity 
of  the  equinox,  and  the  great  sickness  and  mortality  among  his 
crews,  by  which  some  of  the  ships  were  totally  disabled. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  an  expedition  which  seemed  to  portend  the 
downfall  of  a  most  powerful  empire.  If  there  never  had  been  so 
great  a  naval  force  assembled  on  the  seas,  so  never  were  effects  less 


BOOK    XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

answerable  to  appearances.  Enfeebled  by  the  loss  of  more  than 
five  thousand  sailors,  victims  of  the  epidemic,  the  combined  fleet 
could  attempt  no  enterprise  during  the  rest  of  the  campaign.  It 
followed  that  the  weaker  gathered  those  fruits  which  the  stronger 
might  reasonably  have  expected.  Not  only  the  numerous  fleets 
of  British  merchantmen,  loaded  with  the  riches  of  the  two  Indies, 
arrived  happily  in  the  ports  of  Great  Britain,  but  the  squadron 
of  Hardy  put  to  sea  again,  and  captured  a  multitude  of  French  and 
Spanish  vessels.  Europe  was  astonished  ;  she  had  not  expected 
that  so  many  preparations  and  such  mighty  efforts  were  to  end  in  this 
wise.  The  glory  of  the  British  marine  thus  acquired  a  new  lustre. 
The  allies  had,  assuredly,  shown  no  want  cither  of  ability  or  of 
valor ;  but  the  greater  part  of  men  judge  of  merit  by  success,  and 
the  arms  of  the  enemies  of  England  lost  much  of  their  splendor. 
But  whatever  might  be  the  causes  which  prevented  the  great  naval 
armaments  of  the  belligerent  powers  from  coming  to  a  decisive  ac- 
tion, a  few  days  after  their  retreat  several  partial  combats  were  en- 
gaged, in  which  the  French,  the  English,  and  the  Americans  seemed 
to  vie  for  the  palm  of  deep  and  desperate  valor.  The  count  d' 
Orvilliers  had  sent  out  from  Brest,  to  observe  the  movements  of  the 
British  fleet,  the  frigate  Surveillante,  commanded  by  the  chevalier 
du  Couedic,  and  the  cutter  Expedition,  at  the  orders  of  the  viscount 
de  Roquefeuil.  These  two  vessels  fell  in,  near  the  isle  of  Ouessunt, 
with  the  British  frigate  Quebec,  captain  Farmer,  accompanied  also 
by  a  sloop  called  the  Rambler.  The  two  parlies  immediately  en- 
gaged with  fury.  The  forces,  skill  and  bravery  being  equal  on  both 
sides,  the  action  lasted  three  hours  and  a  half.  The  frigates  fought 
so  close  that  several  times  their  yards  got  entangled.  Their  artillery 
had  already  made  a  frightful  ravage  ;  the  decks  were  covered  with 
dead  and  wounded,  their  masts  shivered  and  shot  away  ;  they  could 
no  longer  be  steered.  Nor  one  nor  other,  however,  seemed  disposed 
to  retire  or  surrender.  The  French  captain  received  a  wound  in 
the  head  and  fainted  ;  but  on  recovering  sense,  he  immediately  re- 
sumed the  command.  Two  fresh  wounds  in  the  belly  could  not 
constrain  him  to  give  over,  on  the  contrary  he  gave  orders  for  board- 
ing. Captain  Farmer  displayed,  on  his  part,  an  invincible  courage. 
To  smooth  the  way  for  boarding,  the  French  threw  a  great  quantity 
of  grenades  aboard  the  Quebec.  Her  sails  took  fire  ;  the  flames 
spread,  and  soon  caught  other  parts  of  the  ship.  The  English 
exerted  themselves  to  extinguish  them,  and  obstinately  refused  to 
strike.  The  chevalier  du  Couedic,  to  avoid  the  combustion,  was 
forced  to  think  of  retiring,  which  he  with  difficulty  accomplished. 
His  bowsprit  got  embarrassed  with  the  rigging  of  the  enemy.  At 
length  the  fire  took  the  magazine  of  the  British  frigate,  and  she 
blew  up  with  her  colors  waving  to  the  last. 


240  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

The  French  captain,  with  an  example  of  humanity  that  cannot  be 
honored  enough,  devoted  all  his  cares  to  saving  the  greatest  possible 
number  of  his  enemies,  who,  to  escape  the  flames,  threw  themselves 
headlong  into  the  sea.  Only  forty -three  of  them  could  be  rescued 
from  the  waves,  the  sole  survivors  of  three  hundred  men  who  com- 
posed the  company  of  the  Quebec.  Captain  Farmer  was  swallowed 
up  with  the  wreck  of  his  ship.  The  French  frigate  was  unable  to 
move  ;  the  cutter  Expedition,  disengaged  herself  from  the  Ram- 
bler, which  she  had  combated  with  advantage,  in  order  to  succour 
the  Surveillante.  She  took  her  in  tow,  and  brought  her  the  follow- 
ing day  into  the  port  of  Brest.  The  French  government  faithful 
to  its  own  examples  and  those  of  civilised  nations,  sent  free  to 
England  the  forty-three  Englishmen,  not  willing  to  retain  those 
prisoners  who,  in  the  same  day,  had  escaped  the  fury  of  men,  can- 
non, fire  and  water.  The  French  had  forty  killed  and  a  hundred 
wounded.  The  king  promoted  the  chevalier  du  Couedic  to  the 
rank  of  captain  of  ship.  But  he  could  not  long  enjoy  the  glorious 
reputation  which  his  valor  and  humanity  had  acquired  him ;  his 
wounds  proved  mortal  three  days  after  the  engagement.  He  was 
deeply  regretted  in  France  ;  his  name  was  pronounced  with  distinc- 
tion throughout  Europe,  but  no  where  with  warmer  eulogium  than 
in  England. 

A  few  days  before,  the  coasts  of  Great  Britain  had  witnessed  a 
combat  no  less  sanguinary,  and  no  less  honorable  for  the  two  parties. 
Paul  Jones,  a  Scotchman  by  birth,  but  engaged  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  had  established  his  cruise  at  first  in  the  seas  of  Ire- 
land, and  afterwards  in  those  of  Scotland,  where  he  was  waiting  for 
an  opportunity  to  make  some  prize,  or,  according  to  his  practice,  to 
land  upon  some  point  of  the  coast  in  order  to  sack  the  country. 
His  flotilla  was  composed  of  the  Bonhomme  Richard  of  forty  guns, 
the  Alliance  of  thirty-six,  both  American  ships  ;  the  Pallas,  a  French 
frigate  of  thirty-two,  in  the  pay  of  Congress,  with  two  other  smaller 
vessels.  He  fell  in  with  a  British  merchant  fleet,  on  its  return  from 
the  Baltic,  convoyed  by  captain  Pearson,  with  the  frigate  Serapis, 
of  forty-four  guns,  and  the  Countess  of  Scarborough,  of  twenty. 

Pearson  had  no  sooner  perceived  Jones,  than  he  bore  down  to 
engage  him,  while  the  merchantmen  endeavored  to  gain  the  coast. 
The  American  flotilla  formed  to  receive  him.  The  two  enemies 
joined  battle  at  about  seven  in  the  evening,  with  great  resolution,  and 
the  conflict  was  supported  on  both  sides  with  equal  valor.  The 
Serapis  had  the  advantage  of  metal  and  manoeuvre  ;  to  obviate 
which,  Jones  took  the  resolution  to  fight  her  closer.  He  advanced 
till  the  two  frigates  were  engaged  yard  to  yard,  and  their  sides  so 
near  that  the  muzzles  of  their  guns  came  in  contact.  In  this  posi- 
tion they  continued  to  fight  from  eight  in  the  evening  till  ten,  with  an 
audacity  bordering  on  frenzy.  But  the  artillery  of  the  Americans 


BOOK  XI.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  241 

was  no  longer  capable  of  producing  much  effect.  The  Richard 
having  received  several  heavy  shot  between  wind  and  water,  could 
now  make  no  use  whatever  of  her  lower  batieries,  and  two  or  three 
of  her  upper  guns  had  burst,  to  the  destruction  of  those  who  served 
them.  Jones,  at  length,  had  only  three  left  that  could  be  worked,  and 
he  employed  them  against  the  masts  of  the  hostile  frigate.  Seeing 
the  little  impression  made  by  chain  shot,  he  resorted  to  another 
mode  of  attack.  He  threw  a  vast  quantity  of  grenades  and  fire 
works  on  board  the  British  frigate.  But  his  own  now  admitted  the 
water  on  all  sides,  and  threatened  every  moment  to  go  to  the  bottom. 
Some  of  his  officers  having  perceived  it,  asked  him  if  he  would 
surrender  ?  *  No,'  lie  answered  them  in  a  tremendous  tone,  and 
continued  to  push  the  grenades.  The  Serapis  was  already  on  fire 
in  several  places  ;  the  English  could  with  difficulty,  extinguish  the 
flames.  Finally,  they  caught  a  cartridge,  which,  in  an  instant,  fired 
all  the  others  with  a  horrible  explosion.  All  who  stood  near  the 
helm  were  killed,  and  all  the  cannon  of  that  part  were  dismounted. 
Meanwhile,  Pearson  was  not  disheartened  ;  he  ordered  his  people  to 
board.  Paul  Jones  prepared  himself  to  repulse  them.  The  Eng- 
lish in  jumping  on  board  him  found  the  Americans  ready  to  receive 
them  on  the  point  of  their  pikes  ;  they  made  the  best  of  their  way 
back  to  their  own  vessel.  But  during  this  interval,  the  fire  had  com- 
municated itself  from  the  Serapis  to  the  Bonhomme  Richard,  and 
both  were  a  prey  to  the  flames.  No  peril  could  shake  these  despe- 
rate men.  The  night  was  dark,  the  combatants  could  no  longer  see 
each  other  but  by  the  blaze  of  the  conflagration,  and  through  dense 
volumes  of  smoke,  while  the  sea  was  illuminated  afar.  At  this  mo- 
ment, the  American  frigate  Alliance  came  up.  Amidst  the  confusion 
she  discharged  her  broadside  into  the  Richard,  and  killed  a  part  of 
her  remaining  defenders.  As  soon  as  she  discovered  her  mistake, 
she  fell  with  augmented  fury  upon  the  Serapis.  Then  the  valiant 
Englishman,  seeing  a  great  part  of  his  crew  either  killed  or  disabled, 
his  artillery  dismounted,  his  vessel  dismasted,  and  quite  enveloped 
in  flames,  surrendered.  All  joined  to  extinguish  the  fire,  and  at 
length  it  was  accomplished.  The  efforts  made  to  stop  the  nume- 
rous leaks  of  the  Richard  proved  less  fortunate  ;  she  sunk  the  next 
morning.  Out  of  three  hundred  and  seventy-five  men  that  were 
aboard  that  vessel,  three  hundred  were  killed  or  wounded.  The 
English  had  but  forty-nine  killed,  and  their  wounded  amounted  to  no 
more  than  sixty-eight.  History,  perhaps,  offers  no  example  of  an 
action  more  fierce,  obstinate  and  sanguinary.  During  this  time  the 
Pallas  had  attacked  the  Countess  of  Scarborough  and  had  captured 
her,  not  however  without  a  stubborn  resistance.  After  a  victory  so 
hard  earned,  so  deplorable,  Jones  wandered,  with  his  shattered  ves- 
sels for  some  days,  at  the  mercy  of  the  winds  in  the  north  sea.  He 
finally  made  his  way  good,  on  the  sixth  of  October,  into  the  waters 
of  the  Texel. 


242  THE    AMERICA^    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

The  events  which  we  have  just  related  are  all  that  claim  notice  in 
the  latter  months  of  1779,  after  the  accession  of  Spain  to- the  alli- 
ance formed  against  England.  But  at  the  commencement  of  the 

O  O 

following  year,  other  powers  manifested  dispositions  which  menaced 
that  state  with  new  enemies,  or  at  least  with  exceedingly  dubious 
friends. 

1780.  Ever  since  the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  Dutch  had 
carried  on  privately  a  very  lucrative  commerce  ;  they  conveyed  into 
the  ports  of  France,  ship  timber  as  well  as  all  sorts  of  military,  and 
especially  naval,  stores.  The  English  were  apprised  of  it,  and  the 
British  government  had  often  complained  of  it,  in  strong  terms,  to  the 
States-General,  not  only  as  contrary  to  the  rules  which  England  was 
accustomed  to  observe  in  time  of  war,  with  respect  to  the  commerce 
of  neutrals,  and  which  themselves  either  tacitly  or  expressly  acknow- 
ledged, but  also  as  a  violation  of  the  treaties  of  commerce  and  alli- 
ance existing  between  the  two  nations.  The  same  government  had 
also  remonstrated  against  the  protection  granted  in  Holland  to  French 
and  American  privateers.  The  States-General  answered  only  by 
disavowal,  or  evasive  explanations.  But  about  the  beginning  of  Janu- 
ary intelligence  was  received  in  England,  that  a  numerous  convoy  of 
Dutch  vessels,  laden  with  naval  stores  for  account  of  France,  was 
already  at  sen,  and  that  in  order  to  escape  the  vigilance  of  the  Bri- 
tish cruisers,  this  fleet  had  placed  itself  under  the  protection  of  the 
count  de  Byland,  who,  with  a  squadron  of  ships  of  the  line  and  fri- 
gates, convoyed  another  merchant  fleet  bound  for  the  Mediterranean. 
The  British  admiralty  despatched  captain  Fielding,  with  a  sufficient 
number  of  ships,  to  examine  the  convoy,  and  to  seize  any  vessels 
containing  contraband  articles.  The  British  squadron  having  met 
that  of  Holland,  captain  Fielding  requested  permission  to  visit  the 
merchant  ships.  It  was  refused  him.  This  notwithstanding,  he 
despatched  his  boats  for  that  purpose,  which  were  fired  at,  and  pre- 
vented from  executing  their  orders  by  the  Dutch.  Upon  this,  the 
Englishman  fired  a  shot  ahead  of  the  Dutch  admiral ;  it  was  answer- 
ed by  a  broadside  ;  and  count  Byland,  having  received  Fielding's  in 
return,  and  being  in  no  condition  of  force  to  pursue  the  contest  fur- 
ther, then  struck  his  colors.  Most  of  the  Dutch  vessels  that  were 
in  the  predicament  which  occasioned  the  contest,  had  already,  by 
pushing  close  to  the  shore,  escaped  the  danger,  and  proceeded  with- 
out interruption  to  the  French  ports.  The  others  were  seized.  The 
Englishman  then  informed  the  Dutch  admiral  that  he  was  at  liberty 
to  hoist  his  colors  and  prosecute  his  voyage.  He  hoisted  his  colors 
indeed  ;  but  he  refused  to  separate  from  any  part  of  his  convoy  ;  and 
lie  accordingly,  with  the  whole  of  the  fleet,  which  was  seized,  accom- 
panied the  British  squadron  to  Spithead.  The  ships  and  their  car- 
goes were  confiscated  as  contraband.  This  intelligence  excited  a 
violent  clamcr  in-  Holland.  The  Dutch  were  at  this  time  divided  in 


BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  243 

two  parties,  one  of  which  held  for  France,  and  the  other  for  England. 
All  those  who  belonged  to  the  first  were  exceedingly  indignant ;  they 
exclaimed  that  no  consideration  should  induce  them  to  enduro 
patiently  so  daring  an  outrage.  Even  the  partisans  of  the  English 
could  not  venture  to  justify  their  conduct.  It  was  easy  to  foresee 
that  this  incident  was  about  to  produce  a  rupture.  Far  from  fear- 
ing, the  British  government  wished  it ;  it  preferred  an  open  war  to 
the  clandestine  assistance  which  Holland  was  lending  to  France.  It 
had,  besides,  already  fixed  a  hankering  eye  upon  the  Dutch  riches, 
which,  in  the  security  of  peace,  were  spread  over  the  seas,  or  were 
amassed,  without  defence,  in  distant  islands.  Moreover,  the  States- 
General  had  made  no  preparation  for  war,  and  it  was  to  be  supposed 
that  they  could  not  very  suddenly  enter  the  field. 

This  event,  the  instigations  of  France,  the  disposition  to  profit  of 
the  critical  situation  of  Great  Britain,  at  that  time  assailed  by  so  many 
powerful  ene.nies,  and  especially  the  desire  to  liberate  the  commerce 
of  neutrals  from  British  vexations,  gave  origin  to  that  league  of  the 
states  of  the  north,  known  by  the  name  of  the  Armed  Neutrality.  It 
had,  if  not  for  author,  at  least  for  chief,  the  empress  of  Russia,  Ca- 
tharine II.  who  was  immediately  joined  by  the  kings  of  Sweden  and 
Denmark.  The  bases  of  this  confederacy  were,  that  neutral  vessels 
might  freely  navigate  from  one  port  to  another,  even  upon  the  coasts 
of  belligerent  powers ;  that  all  effects  appertaining  to  one  of  these 
powers,  become  free  so  soon  as  they  are  on  hoard  a  neutral  vessel, 
except  such  articles  as  by  a  prior  treaty  should  have  been  declared 
contraband  ;  that  to  determine  what  articles  were  to  be  considered 
contraband,  the  empress  of  Russia  referred  to  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
articles  of  her  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  the  obligations  of  which  were 
to  be  extended  to  all  the  other  belligerent  powers  ;  that  to  specify 
what  ports  were  to  be  deemed  blockaded,  it  was  agreed  that  those 
only  should  be  accounted  as  such  before  which  there  should  be  sta- 
tioned a  sufficient  number  of  enemy  ships  to  render  their  entrance 
perilous ;  finally,  that  the  preceding  principles  should  serve  as  rules 
in  judicial  proceedings,  and  in  sentences  to  be  pronounced  respecting 
the  legality  of  prizes.  To  command  respect  for  this  confederation, 
the  three  allied  courts  agreed,  that  each  of  them  should  keep  a  part 
of  its  naval  force  equipped,  and  stationed  so  as  to  form  an  uninter- 
rupted chain  of  ships  prepared  to  protect  their  common  trade,  and  to 
afford  each  other  mutual  support  and  succour.  They  also  agreed, 
that  when  any  vessel  whatever  should  have  shown  by  its  papers  that 
it  was  not  carrier  of  any  contraband  article,  it  might  place  itself 
under  the  escort  of  ships  of  war,  which  should  prevent  its  being  stop- 
ped, or  diverted  from  its  destination.  This  article,  which  ascribed  to 
the  state  interested,  or  to  its  qjjlies,  the  right  of  judging  of  the  nature 
of  cargoes  with  respect  to  contraband,  appeared  to  exclude  the  right 
of  visit,  so  strenuously  claimed  by  England  ;  against  whom,  notwith- 


244  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XI. 

standing  the  general  terms  that  were  employed,  it  was  manifest  that 
all  this  display  of  maritime  force  was  directed.  The  allies  accompa- 
nied the  foregoing  stipulations  with  professions  of  the  most  generous 
sentiments  ;  they  declared  that  they  were  armed  for  the  defence  of 
the  rights  of  nature  and  of  nations  ;  for  the  liberty  of  the  human 
race,  and  for  the  prosperity  of  Europe  in  particular.  In  effect,  the 
European  nations,  with  the  exception  of  the  English,  manifested  an 
extreme  satisfaction  with  this  new  plan  of  the  northern  powers;  the 
wisdom  and  magnanimity  of  Catharine  II.  became  the  object  of  uni- 
versal encomium;  so  universal  was  the  hatred  which"  the  maritime 
vexations  of  England  had  excited  against  that  power !  The  articles 
of  the  armed  neutrality  were  communicated  to  all  the  European  state?, 
especially  to  France,  Spain,  Holland,  England;  and  Portugal,  with 
invitation  to  accede  to  them.  The  courts  dr  Versailles  and  Madrid, 
eager  to  profit  of  the  circumstance  to  sow  the  seeds  of  division  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  neutrals,  hastened  to  address  their  felicita- 
tions to  the  empress  of  Russia,  arid  to  answer  that  they  were  ready 
not  only  to  join  the  confederacy,  but  that  they  had  long  before  given 
their  admirals  and  sea  officers  such  instructfoti&jHfcit  the  principles  of 
the  armed  neutrality  were  already  in  force  as  to  them.  They  added, 
that  equity  had  directed  them  to  those  very  measures  which  were  now 
proclaimed  by  the  confederate  powers  of  the  north.  The  court  of 
Lisbon,  accustomed  to  an  excessive  condescension  towards  Eng- 
land, declined  the  alliance.  The  States-General  of  Holland  delibe- 
rated upon  the  course  they  had  to  pursue.  The  British  ministers, 
either  hoping  or  fearing  what  was  to  happen,  or  in  order  to  constrain 
them  to  declare  themselves,  had  already  required  them  to  furnish  to 
England  the  subsidies  stipulated  by  the  treaty  of  alliance.  The 
Dutch  alleged  the  inevitable  tardiness  of  their  deliberations  ;  the  truth 
was,  they  were*  determined  to  give  nothing.  The  cabinet  of  St. 
James  then  took  a  resolution  calculated  to  compel  them  to  a  deci- 
sion, and  to  prevent  their  joining  the  northern  confederacy.  It  gave 
them  to  understand,  that,  notwithstanding  the  number  and  power  of 
its  enemies,  it  was  resolved  to  proceed  to  the  last  extremities  with 
the  Dutch  nation,  unless  it  adhered  to  the  ancient  system  of  neutral- 
ity. Accordingly  the  king  of  Great  Britain  issued  a  proclamation, 
purporting  that  the  nonperformance  of  the  States-General  with  re- 
spect to  the  succout's  stipulated  by  the  treaty  of  alliance,  was  to  be 
considered  as  a  violation  of  that  treaty  ;  that  they  had  thereby  fallen 
from  those  privileges  which  they  derived  only  from  the  alliance  ;  and 
that  the  subjects  of  the  United  Provinces  were,  therefore,  hencefor- 
ward to  be  considered  upon  the  same  footing  with  those  of  other 
neutral  states  not  allied.  By  this  step  the  British  king,  even  before 
his  demand  had  been  expressly  rejected,  freed  himself  from  the  obli- 
gations of  the  treaty  of  alliance.  He  hoped  by  this  vigorous  proced- 
ure, so  to  intimidate  the  Dutch,  that  they  would  decline  entering  into 


I 
BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  245 

the  almost  universal  combination  of  Europe  against  the  maritime  pre- 
tensions of  England.  His  expectations  were  much  disappointed, 
The  French  party  possessed  a  decided  preponderance  in  the  repub- 
lic, particularly  in  the  most  influential  provinces,  such  as  Holland  and 
West  Friesland.  The  impression  also  produced  by  the  insult  offered 
Byland,  was  too  recent ;  hence,  after  long  and  frequent  debates,  it 
was  voted,  with  unanimity  of  provinces,  that  the  subsidies  to  England 
should  not  be  paid  ;  moreover,  that  the  escort  of  ships  of  war  should 
be  given  to  the  merchantmen  of  the  republic,  with  the  exception  only 
of  those  which  according  to  the  stipulations  of  former  treaties  might 
be  deemed  contraband.  It  was  further  decreed,  that  the  invitation 
of  the  empress  of  Russia  should  be. accepted  with  gratitude,  and  that 
a  negotiation  for  that  purpose  should  be  opened  with  prince  Gallitzin, 
her  majesty's  envoy  extraordinary  to  the  States-General. 

Already  surrounded  with  enemies,  and  seeing  Russia  waver,  whose 
power  and  alliance  demanded  a  serious  attention,  England,  without 
consenting  to  admit  the  principles  of  the  armed  neutrality,  answered 
by  vague  generalities,  which  manifested,  at  least,  a  desire  to  preserve 
peace.  Meanwhile,  amidst  the  open  or  covert  perils  against  which 
she  had  to  defend  herself,  she  not  only  betrayed  no  symptoms  of  dis- 
couragement, but  even  discovered  a  determination  to  prosecute  the 
war  with  vigor  upon  the  American  continent.  The  only  change 
which  took  place  in  her  plans,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  to  leave 
merely  sufficient  garrisons  in  New  York,  and  to  direct  all  her  efforts 
against  the  southern  provinces.  Accordingly,  to  enable  general  Clin- 
ton to  attack  the  Carolinas,  admiral  Arbuthnot  had  set  sail  for  Ame- 
rica, in  the  month  of  May,  with  a  fleet  of  ships  of  war  and  upwards 
of  four  hundred  transports.  But  soon  after  his  departure  from  the 
coasts  of  England,  he  received  intelligence  that  the  French,  under 
the  conduct  of  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  had  attacked  the  isle  of  Jersey, 
situated  near  the  coasts  of  Normandy.  Thinking  it  better  to  conform 
to  the  empire  of  circumstances,  than  to  his  instructions,  he  sent  back 
his  convoy  into  Torbay,  and  repaired  with  his  squadron  to  the  relief 
of  Jersey.  The  attempt  of  the  French  miscarried.  The  admiral 
resumed  his  original  route.  But  such  were  the  obstacles  that  ensued 
this  retardment  that  he  lost  much  time  in  getting  out  of  the  channel, 
and  gaining  sea  room  to  shape  his  course  for  America  ;  so  that  it  was 
late  in  August  before  he  arrived  at  New  York.  The  English  at  first, 
however,  made  no  movement,  because  they  were  inhibited  by  the 
count  d' Estaing,  at  that  time  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Savannah. 
Finally,  on  intelligence  of  the  issue  of  that  enterprise,  and  the  de- 
parture of  the  French  admiral  from  the  coasts  of  America,  Clinton 
had  embarked  with  seven  thousand  men,  under  convoy  of  Arbuthnot, 
upon  the  expedition  of  South  Carolina. 

England  intended  not  only  to  carry  on  the  war  with  energy  upon 
the  American  continent,  and  to  defend  her  possessions  in  the  West 
VOL.  ii.  32 


246  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

Indies,  but  she  even  projected  conquests  in  this  quarter,  if  the  occa- 
sion should  present  itself..  The  ministers  accordingly  resolved  to 
send  to  those  islands  a  considerable  reenforcement  both  of  ships  and 
troops,  under  the  conduct  of  admiral  Rodney,  a  man  in  whom  the 
government,  and  even  the  whole  British  nation,  had  reposed  extreme 
confidence.  It  appeared  the  more  essential  to  despatch  these  suc- 
cours to  the  West  Indies,  as  the  French  were  preparing  on  theitf 
part  to  pass  thither  a  formidable  reenforcement  under  the  count  de 
Guichen.  But  before  admiral  Rodney  had  put  to  sea,  it  was  deem- 
ed expedient  to  employ  him  in  a  more  important  expedition.  Spain 
had  commenced  hostilities  by  laying  cfose  siege  and  blockade  to  the 
fortress  of  Gibraltar.  The  blockade  was  confined  to  admiral  don 
Burcelo,  a  seaman  of  great  vigilance.  He  exerted  his  utmost  dili- 
gence to  prevent  any  sort  of  supplies  from  finding  their  way  into  the 
phre.  The  garrison  already  began  to  suffer  severely  from  scarcity. 
They  could  not  even  hope  to  receive  provision  from  the  neighboring 
coasts,  by  means  of  light  boats  which  might  have  eluded  the  watch- 
fulness of  the  Spaniards  ;  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  Barbi  j  shores, 
and  especially  the  emperor  of  Morocco,  had  declared  themselves  for 
Spain,  as  soon  as  they  ascertained  the  inferiority  of  the  English  in 
the  Mediterranean.  There  remained,  therefore,  no  other  way  of 
revictualiing  the  place  but  from  England  itself;  and  the  convoy 
destined  for  this  purpose  required  a  formidable  escort.  Rodney 
was  charged  with  this  enterprise.  He  departed  from  the  British 
coasts  in  the  first  days  of  the  year,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty-one  sail  of 
the  line,  and  a  considerable  number  of  provision  vessels.  Fortune 
favored  his  first  efforts.  He  had  only  been  a  few  days  at  sea,  when 
he  fell  in  with  a  convoy  of  fifteen  Spanish  merchantmen,  bound  from 
St.  Sebastian  to  Cadiz,  under  the  guard  of  the  Guipuscoa,  a  new 
ship  of  sixty-four  guns,  of  four  frigates  from  thirty-two  to  twenty-six, 
and  of  two  smaller  vessels.  Rodney  gave  chase,  and  took  the  whole 
fleet.  The  capture  was  the  more  fortunate,  as  the  greater  part  of 
the  vessels  were  loaded  with  wheat,  flour  and  other  sorts  of  provi- 
sion ;  and  the  remainder  with  bale  goods  and  naval  stores.  The 
former  he  conveyed  to  Gibraltar,  and  the  latter  he  sent  back  to 
England,  where  the  naval  stores  were  much  wanted.  But  this  was 
only  the  prelude  to  greater  and  more  brilliant  success.  On  the  six- 
teenth of  January,  admiral  Rodney  fell  in,  off  Cape  St.  Vincent, 
with  a  Spanish  squadron  of  eleven,  ships  of  the  line,  under  the  com- 
mand of  don  Juan  Langara.  The  Spanish  admiral,  if  he  had 
chosen,  might  have  avoided  the  encounter  of  a  force  so  prodigiously 
superior  to  his  own.  But  the  moment  he  descried  the  enemy's  sails 
from  his  mast  head,  instead  of  sending  out  his  frigates  to  reconnoitre, 
and  falling  back  upon  a  port,  he  immediately  formed  his  ships  in 
order  of  battle.  When,  on  the  near  approach  of  the  English,  he 
became  certain  of  their  superiority,  he  endeavored  to  withdraw,  but 


© 

BOOK  XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  247 

it  was  already  too  late.  Admiral  Rodney  had  given  the  signal  for  a 
general  chase,  with  orders  to  engage  as  the  ships  came  up  in  rota- 
tion ;  taking  at  the  same  time  the  lee  gage,  to  prevent  the  enemy's 
retreat  into  their  own  ports.  The  English  ships  so  much  outsailed 
the  Spanish,  that  by  four  in  the  evening  the  headmost  had  come  up 
with  them,  and  began  to  engage ;  their  fire  was  returned  with  great 
spirit  and  resolution  by  the  Spaniards.  The  night  was  dark,  tem- 
pestuous and  dismal ;  the  proximity  of  the  shoals  of  St.  Lucar  ren- 
dered the  scene  more  terrible.  Early  in  the  action  the  Spanish  ship 
San  Domingo,  of  seventy  guns  and  six  hundred  men.  blew  up,  and 
all  on  board  perished.  The  action  and  pursuit  continued  until  two 
in  the  morning.  The  Spanish  admiral's  ship,  the  Phoenix,  of  eighty 
guns,  with  three  others  of  seventy,  were  taken  and  carried  safely 
into  Gibraltar.  The  San  Eugenio  and  San  Julian,  had  also  surren- 
dered to  the  English,  who  had  shifted  their  officers,  and  put  a 
certain  number  of  British  seamen  on  board  each  of  them.  But  the 
sea  being  rough,  the  night  tempestuous,  and  the  breakers  very  near, 
the  English  officers,  having  no  pilots  that  knew  the  Spanish  coast, 
placed  themselves  at  the  discretion  of  their  prisoners,  who,  from 
vanquished  becoming  victors,  carried  the  two  ships  into  the  port  of 
Cadiz.  Two  other  ships  of  the  line  and  two  frigates,  all  greatly 
damaged,  escaped  into  the  same  port.  The  following  day  the  Eng- 
lish had  great  difficulty  in  extricating  their  fleet  from  the  shoals, 
and  getting  back  into  deep  water.  Don  Juan  de  Langara  had  been 
wounded  severely. 

Admiral  Rodney  hastened  to  profit  of  his  victory  ;  he  entered 
Gibraltar.  In  a  short  time  he  deposited  there  all  the  supplies  he  had 
brought  ;  provision  became  so  abundant  that  the  fortress  found  itself 
in  a  situation  to  endure  a  long  siege  without  further  recruit.  After 
having  accomplished  with  equal  utility  to  his  country  and  glory  to 
himself  the  orders  of  his  court,  Rodney  proceeded,  about  the  middle 
of  February,  with  a  part  of  his  force,  for  the  West  Indies.  He  left 
the  rest  of  his  fleet  with  the  Spanish  prizes,  on  their  way  to  England, 
under  the  conduct  of  rear-admiral  Digby.  Fortune,  who  had  shown 
herself  so  propitious  to  the  English,  seemed  disposed  to  serve  them 
still  on  their  return.  They  perceived  at  a  great  distance  a  squadron, 
consisting  of  several  French  ships  of  different  sizes.  It  was  a  con- 
voy bound  to  the  Isle  of  France,  under  the  protection  of  the  Proteus 
and  Ajax,  both  of  sixty-four  guns,  and  of  the  frigate  la  Charmante. 
The  viscount  du  Chilleau  commanded  the  whole.  As  soon  as  he 
discovered  the  English,  he  made  a  signal  to  the  Ajax  and  the  bulk 
of  the  convoy  to  make  their  escape  by  the  rear.  As  to  himself,  he 
rallied  about  the  Proteus,  the  frigate  and  some  smaller  vessels,  in 
order  to  take  up  the  attention  of  the  enemy.  His  stratagem  suc- 
ceeded. Rear-admiral  Digby  gave  no  heed  to  the  Ajax,  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  convoy  which  retired  under  her  escort ;  he  was 


248  THE   AMEKICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XI. 

fully  occupied  in  pursuit  of  the  Proteus,  which  sailed  with  such 
celerity  that  she  had  little  to  fear  ;  but  unluckily,  she  carried  away 
some  of  her  spars,  which  so  retarded  her  progress  that  she  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  English,  together  with  three  transports.  Such  was 
the. success  of  Rodney's  expedition  to  Gibraltar.  It  was  celebrated 
in  England  by  unusual  rejoicings,  as  well  on  account  of  its  real  im- 
portance, as  because  it  was  the  first  good  news  which  had  arrived 
for  so  long  a  time.  The  parliament  voted  public  thanks  to  George 
Rodney. 

Thus  England,  while  she  defended  herself,  on  the  one  hand, 
against  her  enemies  in  Europe,  prepared  herself,  on  the  other,  to 
attack  at  once  the  republicans  upon  the  American  continent,  and  the . 
French  and  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies.  Her  resolution  in  the 
midst  of  so  many  perils,  and  such  powerful  foes,  became  the  object 
of  universal  admiration.  Her  constancy  was  compared  to  that  of 
Lewis  XIV.  who  nobly  faced  the  coalition  of  all  Europe  against  him. 
She  was  declared  to  imitate  the  still  more  recent  example  of  Frede- 
ric the  Great,  who  had  withstood  all  the  efforts  of  the  most  formida- 
ble confederacy.  Even  those  who  had  the  most  openly  blamed  the 
conduct  of  the  British  government  towards  its  colonies,  were  now 
the  very  men  who  most  extolled  her  present  magnanimity.  But 
thinking  men  better  appreciated  the  truth  ;  if  they  commended  the 
firmness  of  the  British  monarch,  they  neither  compared  him  to  Lewis 
XIV.  nor  yet  to  Frederic  the  Great.  They  reflected  that  England, 
being  an  island,  cannot  without  extreme  difficulty  be  attacked  in  its 
interior  parts,  and  in  the  very  elements  of  its  force  ;  and  that  naval 
battles  are  never  so  decisive  as  those  of  land.  It  cannot  be  denied, 
however,  that  the  ardor  and  intrepidity  of  the  British  nation  seemed 
to  increase  with  all  the  dangers  of  its  position.  The  most  formidable 
antagonists  of  the  ministry  suspended  their  attacks,  in  order  to  devote 
themselves  exclusively  to  the  necessities  of  the  state.  '  Let  us  first 
triumph  abroad  ;'  they  exclaimed,  *  we  will  then  settle  this  contro- 
versy between  ourselves.'  In  the  country,  as  in  the  most  opulent 
cities,  a  multitude  of  private  individuals  engaged  to  advance  large 
sums  in  order  to  levy  and  organise  troops.  Nor  private  subjects 
only,  but  political  and  commercial  bodies  vied  in  promptness  to  offer 
the  state  their  voluntary  contributions.  The  East  India  Company 
presented  the  government  with  three  ships  of  seventy-four  guns,  and 
a  sum  sufficient  to  raise  and  maintain  six  thousand  seamen.  Extra- 
ordinary bounties  were  given  to  those  who  presented  themselves  to 
serve  the  king,  by  sea  or  land.  This  lure,  together  with  the  love 
of  country  and  hatred  for  the  French  and  Spaniards,  drew  sailors  to 
the  ships  in  multitude  ;  upon  the  whole  surface  of  the  kingdom  the 
militia  were  seen  forming  themselves  to  the  exercise  of  arms.  In 
a  word,  all  Great  Britain  was  in  motion  to  combat  the  Bourbons. 


BOOK    XI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  249 

The  people  of  Europe  who  had  thought  at  first  that  she  would 
find  it  difficult  to  resist  the  formidable  forces  which  that  House 
had  marshalled  for  her  destruction,  began  to  believe  that  so  much 
courage  and  firmness  might  be  crowned  with  victory,  or  at  least 
render  the  struggle  still  for  a  long  time  dubious,  and  consistent  with 
her  safety. 


END    OF    BOOK    ELEVENTH. 


250  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  XII 


BOOK     TWELFTH. 

1780.  I  HAVE  now  to  describe  an  obstinate  war,  remarkable  for 
its  numerous  encounters  and  variety  of  success,  and  one  which,  per- 
haps, more  than  any  other,  has  demonstrated  how  uncertain  is  the  fate 
of  arms,  how  inconstant  the  favor  of  fortune,  and  with  what  perti- 
nacity the  human  mind  can  arm  itself  in  pursuit  of  that  whereon  it  has 
fixed  its  desires.  Victory  often  produced  the  effects  of  defeat,  and 
defeat  those  of  victory  ;  the  victors  frequently  became  the  vanquished, 
the  vanquished  the  victors.  In  little  actions  was  exhibited  great 
valor ;  and  the  prosperous  or  unfortunate  efforts  of  a  handful  of 
combatants  had  sometimes  more  important  consequences  than  in 
Europe  attend  those  terrible  battles,  where  valiant  and  powerful 
nations  rush  to  the  shock  of  arms.  The  Carolinas  saw  no  cessation 
of  this  fierce  conflict,  till  by  numberless  reverses  the  cause  of  Great 
Britain  began  to  be  considered  altogether  hopeless  upon  the  Ameri- 
can continent. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  as  we  have  related  in  the  preceding  book,  had 
departed  from  the  state  of  New  York  for  the  expedition  of  the  Caro- 
linas; the  first  object  of  it  was  the  conquest  of  Charleston,  the 
reduction  of  which,  it  was  calculated,  would  involve  that  of  the  entire 
province.  He  took  with  him  seven  to  eight  thousand  men,  English, 
Hessians  and  loyalists.  Among  them  was  found  a  corps  of  excellent 
cavalry,  a  species  of  force  very  essential  to  the  success  of  operations 
in  open  and  flat  countries.  Clinton  had  likewise  taken  care  to  fill 
his  transports  with  an  immense  quantity  of  military  stores  and  provi- 
sion. The  English  moved  towards  their  object,  animated  with  ex- 
treme ardor  and  confidence  of  victory.  The  winds  and  sea  were  at 
first  highly  favorable ;  but  there  afterwards  arose  a  most  violent 
tempest,  which  dispersed  the  whole  fleet,  and  greatly  damaged  the 
most  of  the  vessels.  Some  arrived  about  the  last  of  January  at 
Tybee,  in  Georgia  ;  others  were  intercepted  by  the  Americans. 
One  transport  foundered  with  all  its  lading ;  the  horses,  both  artillery 
and  troop,  that  were  on  board,  nearly  all  perished.  These  losses, 
distressing  at  any  time,  were  grievous  and  next  to  irreparable,  under 
the  present  circumstances.  They  moreover,  so  retarded  the  enter- 
prise of  Charleston,  that  the  Americans  had  time  to  put  that  place  in 
a  state  of  defence. 

All  the  dispersed  corps  at  length  reassembled  in  Georgia.  The 
victorious  troops  of  Savannah  received  those  of  Clinton  with  a  high 
flush  of  spirits  ;  all  exerted  themselves  with  emulation  to  remedy  the 
disasters  sustained  in  the  passage.  When  all  their  preparations  were 
completed,  that  is,  on  the  tenth-  of  February,  they  set  sail  in  the 
transports  under  convoy  of  some  ships  of  war.  Favored  by  the 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

winds  they  soon  reached  the  mouth  of  North  Edisto,  a  river  which 
empties  itself  into  the  sea  at  a  short  distance  from  the  Isle  of  St. 
John,  upon  the  coast  of  South  Carolina.  After  having  reconnoitred 
the  places  and  passed  the  bar,  the  British  army  landed,  and  took 
possession  first  of  the  above  mentioned  island,  and  next,  that  of 
James,  which  stretches  to  the  south  of  Charleston  harbor.  It 
afterwards,  by  throwing  a  bridge  over  Wappoo  Cut,  extended  its 
posts  on  the  main  land  to  the  banks  of  Ashley  river,  which  washes 
the  walls  of  Charleston.  From  Wappo  Cut  it  was  intended  to  pass 
the  troops  in  gallies  and  flat  boats  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Ashley,  upon 
which  Charleston  stands.  But  the  delays  occasioned  by  the  events 
of  the  passage  having  given  the  Americans  time  to  erect  new  fortifi- 
cations and  to  reenforce  the  garrison,  Clinton  determined  not  to 
undertake  the  siege  till  after  having  drawn  a  reenforcement  from 
general  Prevost,  stationed  at  Savannah,  whom  he  accordingly  di- 
rected to  send  him  twelve  hundred  men,  including  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  cavalry  possible.  He  had  likewise  written  to  Kynphausen, 
who,  after  his  departure  commanded  in  the  state  of  New  York,  to 
forward  him  with  all  expedition,  reenforcements  and  munitions.  A 
few  days  after,  general  Patterson  joined  him  with  the  troops  from 
Georgia,  after  having  endured  excessive  fatigues,  and  surmounted 
the  numerous  obstacles  thrown  in  his  wny  not  only  by  swoln  rivers 
and  miry  roads,  but  also  by  the  enemy,  whose  light  detachments 
had  hung  on  his  left  flank  from  Savannah  to  far  within  the  frontiers 
of  Carolina.  Meanwhile,  Clinton  intrenched  himself  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Ashley  and  of  the  adjacent  arms  of  the  sea,  in  order  to  secure 
his  communications  with  the  fleet.  During  this  interval  colonel 
Tarleton,  of  whom  there  will  be  frequent  mention  in  the  course  of 
this  history,  an  officer  of  cavalry,  as  skilful  as  enterprising,  had  re- 
paired to  the  fertile  island  of  Port  Royal,  where  employing  money 
with  the  disaffected  and  force  with  the  patriots,  he  spared  no  exertions 
for  the  acquisition  of  horses  to  replace  those  lost  in  the  passage.  If 
he  could  not  collect  as  many  as  the  exigencies  of  the  service  de- 
manded, yet  the  success  much  surpassed  his  expectations.  Thus, 
about  the  last  of  March,  every  thing  was  in  preparation  for  com- 
mencing the  siege  of  Charleston  ;  the  British  army  was  separated 
from  the  place  only  by  the  waters  of  the  river  Ashley. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Americans  had  omitted  none  of  those  pre- 
parations, whether  civil  or  military,  which  they  deemed  the  most 
suitable  for  a  vigorous  defence  ;  although,  in  truth,  it  had  not  been 
in  their  power  to  effect  all  that  was  requisite  to  meet  the  danger  of 
the  emergency.  The  paper  currency  was  so  out  of  credit  with  the 
inhabitants  of  South  Carolina,  that  it  was  excessively  difficult  to  pur- 
chase with  it  the  necessaries  of  war.  The  want  of  soldiers  was  felt 
with  equal  severity.  The  militia,  impatient  to  enjoy  repose  after  the 
painful  operations  of  Georgia,  during  the  preceding  winter,  had  dis- 
banded and  retired  to  their  habitations. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII, 

Another  motive  also  discourngcd  them  from  marching  to  the 
succour  of  Charleston  ;  and  that  was,  the  fear  of  the  smallpox, 
which  it  was  known  prevailed  in  that  city.  Moreover,  the  six 
regiments  of  the  line,  belonging  to  the  provinces  were  so  enfeebled 
by  desertions,  diseases,  battle,  and  the  expiration  of  engagements, 
that  all  together  did  not  amount  to  a  thousand  soldiers.  It  should 
be  added,  that  many  of  the  Carolinians  were  induced  to  profit  of  the 
amnesty  offered  by  general  Prevost,  at  Savannah,  some  through  loy- 
alty towards  the  king,  others  to  preserve  their  effects  from  pillage. 
In  effect,  the  English  put  to  sack  and  devastation,  without  lenity,  the 
property  of  all  those  who  continued  to  serve  under  the  banners  of 
Congress  ;  and,  besides,  the  victory  of  Savannah  had  penetrated 
minds  with  a  great  terror  of  the  British  arms.  The  major  part  were 
reluctant  to  immure  themselves  within  a  city  which  they  believed 
little  capable  of  resisting  the  assaults  of  so  audacious  an  enemy. 

Such  was  the  penury  of  means  to  which  South  Carolina  was 
reduced  ;  the  Congress  displayed  not  much  more  energy.  They 
had  been  seasonably  apprised  of  the  designs  of  the  English,  and 
would  fain  have  averted  the  storm  they  saw  going  to  burst  upon 
South  Carolina.  But,  on  the  one  hand,  the  weakness  of  the  army 
of  Washington,  which  a  great  number  of  his  soldiers  had  abandoned 
at  the  termination  of  their  engagement;  on  the  other,  the  force  of 
the  garrisons  which  Clinton  had  left  in  the  state  of  New  York,  ren- 
dered it  unadvisable  to  detach  any  effective  succour  to  Charleston. 
Nevertheless,  to  support  by  words  those  whom  they  were  unable  to 
assist  by  deeds,  or  under  the  persuasion  that  the  people,  reanimated 
at  the  peril  which  menaced  South  Carolina,  would  voluntarily  fly  to 
arms,  the  Congress  wrote  to  the  chiefs  of  that  province,  to  arm  them- 
selves with  constancy,  for  it  was  intended  to  send  them  a  reenforce- 
ment  of  nine  thousand  men.  But  the  fact  proved  that  they  could 
only  send  fifteen  hundred,  of  the  regular  troops  of  North  Carolina 
and  Virginia.  The  Congress  despatched,  besides,  two  frigates,  a 
corvette,  and  some  smaller  vessels,  to  maintain,  if  possible,  a  com- 
munication by  sea  with  the  besieged  city.  The  Carolinians  were 
also  exhorted  to  arm  their  slaves  ;  a  scheme,  however,  which  was 
not  put  ig  execution,  whether  because  of  the  universal  repugnance 
that  was  felt  to  such  a  measure,  or  because  there  was  not  at  hand  a 
sufficiency  of  arms  for  the  purpose.  Notwithstanding  this  coldness 
of  the  citizens,  the  magistrates  of  Charleston,  encouraged  by  the 
presence  and  words  of  general  Lincoln,  who  directed  all  that  con- 
cerned the  military  part,  held  a  general  council,  in  which  it  was 
resolved  to  defend  the  city  to  the  last  extremity.  Yet  more,  know- 
ing how  important  in  the  operations  of  war,  and  especially  in  all 
cases  of  emergency,  is  the  unity  of  measures  and  power,  they  con- 
ferred a  sort  of  dictature  on  John  Rutledge,  their  governor,  giving  him 
authority  to  do  whatever  he  should  think  necessary  to  the  safety  of 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

the  republic.  They  withheld,  however,  the  power  over  the  fife  of 
citizens ;  as  he  could  punish  none  with  death  without  a  legal  trial. 
Vested  with  such  an  authority,  Rutledge  called  out  the  militia  ;  but 
few  displayed  their  colors.  He  then  issued  a  proclamation,  sum- 
moning all  persons  inscribed  on  the  military  rolls,  or  having  property 
in  the  city,  to  muster  and  join  the  garrison ;  their  disobedience  for- 
feited their  estates.  At  so  rigorous  an  order,  some  made  their 
appearance  ;  but  still  the  number  of  those  who  took  arms  was  far 
from  answering  the  wishes  of  the  governor.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
country  seemed  plunged  in  a  kind  of  stupor  ;  they  wished,  before 
they  took  their  side,  to  see  what  would  be  the  fate  of  events  ;  in 
brief,  the  garrison  of  so  considerable  a  city  scarcely  amounted  to  five 
thousand  men,  inclusive  of  regulars,  militia  and  seamen.  The  first, 
who  were  principally  relied  on  for  the  defence  of  the  place,  were  to 
the  number  of  about  two  thousand.  Meanwhile,  the  fortifications 
were  pushed  with  indefatigable  industry.  They  consisted,  on  the 
land  side,  in  a  chain  of  redoubts,  lines  and  batteries,  extending 
from  one  river  to  the  other,  and  covered  with  an  artillery  of  eighty 
cannon  and  mortars.  In  the  front  of  either  flank,  the  works  were 
covered  by  swamps,  originating  from  the  opposite  rivers,  and  tending 
towards  the  centre  ;  through  which  they  were  connected  by  a  canal 
passing  from  one  to  the  other.  Between  these  outward  impediments 
and  the  works  were  two  strong  rows  of  abattis,  the  trees  "being  buried 
slanting  in  the  earth,  so  that  their  heads  facing  outwards,  formed  a 
.kind  of  fraise  work  against  the  assailants ;  and  these  were  further 
secured  by  a  ditch  double  picketted.  In  the  centre,  where  the  natu- 
ral defences  were  unequal  to  those  on  the  flanks,  the  Americans  had 
constructed  a  horn  work  of  masonry,  as  well  to  remedy  that  defect, 
as  to  cover  the  principal  gate.  Such  were  the  fortifications  which, 
Stretching  across  the  neck  behind  the  city,  and  from  the  Ashley  river 
to  Cooper's  river,  defended  it  on  the  part  of  the  land.  But  on  the 
two  sides  where  it  is  washed  by  these  rivers,  the  Americans  had 
contented  themselves  with  erecting  numerous  batteries,  constructed, 
the  better  to  resist  shot,  of  earth  mingled  with  palmetto  wood.  All 
parts  of  the  shore,  where  it  was  possible  to  land,  had  been  secured 
by  strong  palisades.  To  support  the  defences  on  shore,  the  Ameri- 
cans had  a  considerable  marine  force  in  the  harbor,  consisting  in 
eight  of  their  own  frigates,  with  one  French  frigate,  besides  several 
smaller  vessels,  principally  gallies.  These  were  judiciously  moored 
at  a  narrow  pass,  between  Sullivan's  island  and  the  middle  ground  ; 
and  if  they  had  continued  in  this  position,  they  might  have  severely 
annoyed  the  British  squadron,  on  its  approach  to  Fort  Moultrie, 
situated  on  Sullivan's  island,  so  much  celebrated  for  the  obstinate 
and  successful  defence  which  it  made  agaList  the  attack  of  the  Eng- 
lish in  1776.  But  when  admiral  Arbuthnot  advanced  with  his  ships 
to  Charleston  bar,  the  American  flotilla,  abandoning  its  station,  and 
VOL.  ir.  33 


254  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

leaving  Fort  Moullrie  to  its  own  fortune,  retired  to  Charleston  ;  where 
most  of  the  ships,  with  a  number  of  merchant  vessels,  being  fitted 
with  chevaux-de-frize  on  their  decks,  were  sunk  to  obstruct  the 
channel  of  Cooper's  river,  where  it  flows  between  the  left  part  of  the 
town  and  a  low  sand  bank  called  Shute's  Folly.  Thus,  with  the 
exception  o'f  Fort  Moultrie,  there  remained  nothing  to  prevent  the 
British  fleet  from  entering  the  harbor,  to  cooperate  with  the  land 
forces.  In  this  manner  the  inhabitants  prepared  to  defend  them- 
selves valiantly  against  the  attack  of  the  enemy  ;  but  they  still  found- 
ed their  hope  on  the  succours  of  their  neighbors  of  North  Carolina 
and  Virginia. 

Lincoln  and'Rutledge  exhibited  a  rivalship  of  zeal  and  talent  in 
their  efforts  to  impart  fresh  confidence  to  the  besieged,  and  new 
strength  to  the  works.  They  were  admirably  seconded  by  two 
French  engineers,  de  Laumoy  and  de  Cambray.  The  troops  of 
the  line  were  charged  with  the  defence  of  the  intrenchments,  as  the 
post  of  peril,  and  the  militia  had  the  guard  of  the  banks  of  the 
river. 

As  soon  as  Clinton  had  completed  all  his  preparations,  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  March,  having  left  a  detachment  to  guard  his  magazines  at 
Wappoo  Cut,  he  passed  the  Ashley  river  without  opposition,  twelve 
miles  above  Charleston.  Immediately  after  his  debarkation  he  sent 
a  body  of  infantry  and  cavalry  to  occupy  the  great  road  and  scour 
the  country  to  within  cannon-shot  from  the  place.  The  army  then 
followed  and  took  post  across  the  isthmus  behind  the  city  at  the 
distance  of  a  mile  and  a  half.  From  this  moment,  the  garrison  lost 
all  communication  with  the  land,  the  enemy  being  masters  of  both 
sides  of  the  Ashley,  there  remained  no  way  open  for  succours  of 
men  and  provision  but  across  the  Cooper  on  their  left.  The  royal- 
ists had  soon  transported  to  their  camp,  through  the  assistance  of 
captain  Elphinstone  with  his  boats  and  armed  gallies,  all  the  heavy 
artillery,  stores,  and  baggage.  On  the  night  of  the  first  of  April, 
they  broke  ground  within  eight  hundred  yards  of  the  American 
works  ;  and  in  a  week  their  guns  were  mounted  in  battery. 

In  the  meantime,  admiral  Arbuthnot  had  made  his  dispositions  for 
passing  the  bar  in  order  to  gain  the  entrance  of  Charleston  harbor. 
The  frigates,  as  drawing  less  water,  passed  without  any  difficulty  ; 
but  the  ships  of  the  line  could  not  be  got  over  till  after  having  been 
lightened  of  their  artillery,  munitions,  and  even  their  water;  the 
whole  squadron  passed  on  the  twentieth  of  March,  Arbuthnot  carne 
to  anchor  at  Five  Fathom  Hole  ;  he  had  still  however  to  surmount, 
before  he  could  take  an  active  part  in  the  siege  of  Charleston,  the 
obstacle  of  Fort  Moultrie,  occupied  by  colonel  Pinckney  with  a 
respectable  force.  The  English  admiral  profiting  of  a  south  wind 
and  flood  tide,  weighed  anchor  on  the  ninth  of  April,  and  passing  it 
under  a  press  of  sail,  took  his  station  within  cannon-shot  from  the 


BOOK  XTI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  255 

city  near  James  Island.  Colonel  Pinckney  had  opened  all  his  artil- 
lery upon  the  British  vessels,  at  the  moment  of  their  passage  ;  but 
such  was  the  rapidity  of  their  way,  that  it  did  them  little  damage. 
The  dead  and  wounded  were  less  than  thirty  ;  a  solitary  transport 
was  abandoned  and  burned. 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  batteries  ready  to  be  opened,  and  the 
place  already  invested  by  sea  and  land  ;  Clinton  and  Arbuthnot  sent 
a  joint  summons  to  general  Lincoln  ;  holding  out  the  fatal  conse- 
quences of  a  cannonade  and  storm,  and  staling  the  present  as  the 
only  favorable  opportunity  for  preserving  the  lives  and  property  of  the 
inhabitants.  The  American  answered  spiritedly,  that  he  was  deter- 
mined to  defend  himself.  The  English  immediately  commenced 
their  fire  ;  the  place  answered  it  briskly.  But  the  besiegers  had  the 
advantage  of  a  more  numerous  artillery,  particularly  in  mortars,  which 
made  great  ravages.  The  pioneers  and  miners,  under  the  direction  of 
the  same  MoncriefFe  who  had  gained  so  much  honor  in  the  defence 
of  Savannah,  pushed  forward  the  works  with  extreme  rapidity.  The 
second  parallel  was  already  completed  and  furnished  with  its  batter- 
ies ;  every  thing  promised  the  English  an  approaching  victory  ;  but 
the  Americans  had  assembled  a  corps  on  the  upper  part  of  Cooper 
river,  at  a  place  called  Monk's  Corner.  They  were  under  the  con- 
duct of  general  Huger  ;  and,  from  that  position  they  could  invest 
the  besiegers  on  their  rear,  revictual  Charleston,  and  in  case  of 
extremity,  enable  the  garrison  to  evacuate  the  place,  and  retreat  with 
safety  into  the  country. 

Besides,  however  feeble  was  this  corps,  it  might  serve  as  an  incen- 
tive and  rallying  point  for  continual  accessions.  North  Carolina  had 
already  despatched  to  their  camp  a  great  quantity  of  arms,  stores 
and  baggage.  Under  these  considerations,  general  Clinton  detached 
fourteen  hundred  men,  under  lieutenant-colonel  Webster,  to  strike 
at  this  body  of  republicans  before  it  should  become  more  considera- 
ble, to  break  in  upon  the  remaining  communications  of  the  besieged, 
and  to  seize  the  principal  passes  of  the  country.  Colonel  Webster 
was  accompanied  by  Tarleton  and  Ferguson,  both  partisans  of  dis- 
tinguished gallantry.  The  Americans  had  established  their  principal 
cantonments  on  the  left  side  of  the  Cooper,  and  being  masters  of 
Biggins  Bridge,  on  that  river,  they  had  passed  all  their  cavalry  to 
the  right  bank.  This  position  was  strong,  the  bridge  being  accessi- 
ble only  by  a  causeway  through  an  impracticable  morass  ;  but  they 
were  off  their  guard,  having  neglected  to  post  videttes,  and  to  recon- 
noitre the  environs.  Moreover,  their  dispositions  were  defective  ; 
they  had  placed  the  cavalry  in  front,  and  the  infantry  in  rear.  The 
English  arrived  unexpectedly,  at  three  in  the  morning  ;  their  attack 
was  impetuous,  it  routed  the  Americans  in  a  Jew  instants  ;  all 
perished  save  those  who  sought  safety  by  flight.  General  Huger, 
and  the  colonels  Washington  and  Jamieson,  threw  themselves  into 


.256  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII, 

the  morass,  and  were  fortunate  enough  to  escape  by  favor  of  the 
darkness.  Four  hundred  horses,  a  prize  of  high  value,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors,  with  many  carriages  loaded  with  arms,  clothing  ' 
and  stores.  The  royalists  took  possession  of  the  bridge,  and,  soon 
after,  secured  another  passage  lower  down,  and  overrun  the  country 
on  the  left  side  of  the  Driver,  particularly  the  district  of  St.  Thomas. 
In  this  manner  the  besieged  were  deprived  also  of  the  Cooper  river, 
and  Charleston  found  itself  completely  enclosed.  The  garrison  was 
not  judged  sufficiently  strong  to  warrant  any  opposition  to  this  enter- 
prise. The  Americans  attempted  only  to  fortify  a  point  on  the  left 
bank,  called  Point  Lamprey  ;  but  Webster's  corps  being  consider- 
ably reenforced,  and  lord  Cornwallis  having  taken  the  command  on 
that  side  of  the  river,  they  found  themselves  constrained  to  abandon 
this  last  post.  The  British  foraged  without  obstacle,  prevented  the 
assembling  of  the  militia,  and  cut  off  every  species  of  succour.  A 
few  days  after,  Tarleton  having,  advanced  with  incredible  celerity 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Santee  river,  attacked  and  routed  another 
body  of  republican  cavalry,  commanded  by  colonel  Buford  ;  arms, 
horses,  munitions,  every  thing  fell  into  the  power  of  the  victor.  Ad- 
verse fortune  continued  to  pursue  the  republicans.  Admiral  Arbuth- 
not  landed  on  Sullivan's  Island  a  body  of  seamen  and  marines,  men 
of  approved  hardihood.  He  began  to  enclose  Fort  Mo ul trie  ;  having 
procured  a  full  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  garrison  and  defences 
of  the  place,  he  prepared  to  storm  ft  on  the  part  of  the  west  and 
northwest,  where  the  works  were  the  weakest.  The  garrison,  sensi- 
ble of  the  impossibility  of  relief,  the  English  being  masters  of  the 
sea,  and  seeing  the  means  of  attack  incomparably  superior  to  those 
of  resistance,  surrendered,  the  seventh  of  May.  Thus  Fort  Moul- 
trie,  which  four  years  before  had  repulsed  all  the  forces  of  admi- 
ral Hyde  Parker,  fell  without  firing  a  shot  into  the  power  of  the 
royalists. 

In  the  meantime,  the  besiegers  hai  completed  their  third  parallel, 
which  they  carried  close  to  the  canal  we  have  already  described  ; 
and  by  a  sap  pushed  to  the  dam  which  supplied  it  with  water  on  the 
right,. they  had  drained  it  in  several  parts  to  the  bottom.  They 
hastened  to  arm  this  parallel  with  its  batteries,  and  to  complete  the 
traverses  and  other  mines  of  communication.  The  place  being  thus 
environed,  and  the  bombardment  about  to  commence,  Clinton  sum- 
moned Lincoln  anew.  A  negotiation  was  opened,  but  the  American 
commander  required  not  only  that  the  citizens  and  militia  should  be 
free  with  respect  to  their  persons,  but  that  they  should  also  be  per- 
mitted to  sell  their  property,  and  retire  with  the  proceeds  wherever 
they  might  see  fit ;  the  English  general  refused  to  grant  these  condi- 
tions. He  insisted  that  the  whole  garrison  should  surrender  at  dis- 
cretion ;  and,  as  to  property,  he  would  agree  to  nothing  further  than 
that  it  should  not  be  given  up  to  pillage.  The  conferences  were 


BOOK  XH.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  257 

broken  off,  and  hostilities  recommenced.  The  fortifications  were 
battered  with  violence  by  the  heavy  artillery  ;  bombs  and  carcasses 
overwhelmed  the  town,  and  lighted  frequent  conflagrations  ;  the 
Hessian  marksmen  felled  all  that  showed  themselves  at  the  embra- 
sures, or  on  the  ramparts.  Neither  shelter  nor  retreat  remained  to 
the  besieged  ;  every  thing  indicated  that  the  moment  of  surrender 
must  soon  arrive.  The  fire  of  the  place  was  already  become  lan- 
guid ;  its  artillery  was  in  part  dismounted,  and  its  best  cannoniers 
either  killed  or  out  of  service  ;  and  the  English  had  pushed  on  their 
works  till  they  issued  in  the  ditch  of  the  place.  The  city  was  me- 
naced with  an  assault ;  discord  began  to  break  out  within  ;  the  timid 
arid  those  attached  to  the  royal  party  murmured  aloud  ;  they  conjur- 
ed Lincoln  not  to  expose  to  inevitable  destruction,  so  rich,  so 
important  a  city.  They  represented  that  the  stock  of  provision  was 
nearly  exhausted  ;  that  the  engineers  considered  it  impossible  to 
sustain  a  storm  ;  in  a  word,  that  there  was  not  the  least  way  of  safety 
left  open. 

In  so  terrible  an  extremity,  Lincoln  divested  himself  of  his  natural 
inflexibility  ;  and,  on  the  twelfth  of  May,  the  capitulation  was  signed. 
The  garrison  were  allowed  some  of  the  honors  of  war  ;  but  they 
were  not  to  uncase  their  colors,  nor  their  drums  to  beat  a  British 
inarch.  The  continental  troops  and  seamen  were  to  keep  their  bag- 
gage, and  to  remain  prisoners  of  war  until  they  were  exchanged. 
The  .militia  were  to  be  permitted  to  return  to  their  respective  homes, 
as  prisoners  on  parole  ;  and  while  they  adhered  to  their  parole,  were 
not  to  be  molested  by  the  British  troops  in  person  or  property.  The 
citizens  of  all  sorts  to  be  considered  as  prisoners  on  parole,  and  to 
hold  their  property  on  the  same  terms  with  the  militia.  The  officers 
of  the  army  and  navy,  to  retain  their  servants,  swords,  pistols,  and 
their  baggage  unsearched.  As  to  general  Lincoln,  he  was  to  have 
liberty  to  send  a  ship  to  Philadelphia  with  his  despatches. 

Thus,  after  a  siege  of  forty  days,  the  capital  of  South  Carolina 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  royalists.  Seven  general  officers,  ten  con- 
tinental regiments,  much  thinned,  it  is  true,  and  three  battalions  of 
artillery,  prisoners  of  the  English,  gave  signal  importance  to  their 
victory  ;  the  whole  number  of  men  'in  arms  who  were  taken,  was 
estimated  at  six  thousand.  Four  hundred  pieces  of  artillery,  of 
every  sort,  were  the  prey  of  the  victors,  with  no  small  quantity  of 
powder,  balls  and  bombs  ;  three  stout  American  frigates,  one 
French,  and  a  polacre  of  the  same  nation,  augmented  the  value  of 
the  conquest.  The  loss  of  men  was  not  great  on  either  side,  and 
was  not  very  unequally  shared. 

The  Carolinians  complained  greatly  of  their  not  being  properly 
assisted  by  their  neighbors,  particularly  the  Virginians,  in  this  long 
and  arduous  struggle.  The  conduct  of  general  Lincoln  was  unani- 
mously blamed,  though  very  differently  judged.  Some  reproached 


258  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Xlf, 

him  for  having  allowed  himself  to  be  cooped  up  in  so  extensive  and 
indefensible  a  town,  instead  of  continuing  the  war  in  the  open 
field.  They  said  that  if  he  had  taken  this  course,  he  might  have 
preserved  to  the  union  a  considerable  army,  and  the  most  fertile  part 
of  the  province;  that  it  would  have  been  much  better  to  harass  and 
fatigue  the  enemy  by  marches,  retreats,  ambuscades,  and  well  con- 
certed attacks  ;  that  Washington  had  acted  very  differently ,  and  with 
greater  utility  to  his  country,  when  to  the  loss  of  his  army,  he  pre- 
ferred that  of  the  island  of  New  York,  and  even  of  the  city  of  Phi- 
ladelphia itself.  It  was  not  Lincoln  alone,  however,  who  should 
have  been  made  responsible  for  events,  fyut  the  Congress  and  the 
neighboring  provincial  states ;  since  they  promised  at  the  approach  of 
danger,  reenforcements  whicfc  they  did  not  furnish. 

Other  censors  of  the  general's  conduct  condemned  him  for  not 
having  evacuated  the  town,  when  all  the  roads  were  still  open  on  the 
left  side  of  the  Cooper  river.  But  if  he  followed  an  opposite  coun- 
sel, it  should  be  attributed,  at  first,  to  this  same  hope  of  promised 
succour  ;  and  then,  after  the  rout  of  Monk's  Corner,  and  the  Eng- 
lish had  occupied  the  country  between  the  Cooper  and  the  Santee, 
to  the  fear  he  justly  entertained  of  encountering  an  infinite  superi- 
ority of  force,  particularly  in  cavalry,  and  to  the  repugnance  he  felt 
to:  leave  Charleston  at  discretion  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

As  soon  as  general  Clinton  had  taken  possession  of  that  capital, 
he  hastened  to  take  all  those  measures,  civil  as  well  as  military, 
which  were  judged  proper  for  the  reestablishment  of  order  ;  he  then 
made  his  dispositions  for  recovering  the  rest  of  the  province,  where 
every  thing  promised  to  anticipate  the  will  of  the  victor.  Determin- 
ed to  follow  up  his  success,  before  his  own  people  should  have 
time  to  cool,  or  the  enemy  to  take  breath,  he  planned  three  expedi- 
tions ;  one  towards  the  river  Savannah,  in  Georgia,  another  upon 
Ninety-Six,  beyond  the  Saluda,  both  with  a  view  to  raise  the  loyal- 
ists, very  numerous  in  those  parts  ;  the  third  was  destined  to  scour 
the  country  between  the  Cooper  and  Santee,  in  order  to  disperse 
a  body  of  republicans,  who,  under  the  conduct  of  colonel  Buford 
were  retiring  by  forced  marches  towards  North  Carolina.  All  three 
were  completely  successful ;  the  inhabitants  flocked  from  all  parts 
to  meet  the  royal  troops,  declaring  their  desire  to  resume  their  an- 
cient allegiance,  and  ottering  to  defend  the  royal  cause  with  arms  in 
hand.  Many  even  of  the  inhabitants  of  Charleston,  excited  by 
the  proclamations  of  the  British  general,  manifested  a  like  zeal  to 
combat  under  his  banners.  Lord  Cornwallis,  after  having  swept  the 
two  banks  of  the  Cooper  and  passed  the  Santee,  made  himself  mas- 
ter of  Georgetown.  Such  was  the  devotion,  either  real  or  feigned, 
of  the  inhabitants  towards  the  king;  such  was  their -terror,  or  their 
desire  to  ingratiate  themselves  with  the  victor,  that  not  content  with 
coming  in  from  every  quarter  to  offer  their  services,  in  support  of 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  259 

the  royal  government,  they  dragged  in  their  train  as  prisoners,  those 
friends  of  liberty,  whom  they  had  lately  obeyed  with  such  parade  of 
zeal,  and  whom  they  now  denominated  their  oppressors.  Mean- 
while, colonel  Buford  continued  his  retreat  with  celerity,  and  it  ap- 
peared next  to  impossible  that  he  should  be  overtaken.  Tarleton, 
nevertheless,  offered  to  attempt  the  enterprise,  promising  to  reach 
him.  Coriiwallis  put  under  his  command  for  this  object,  a  strong 
corps  of  cavalry,  with  about  a  hundred  light  infantry  mounted  on 
horseback.  His  march  was  so  rapid,  that  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
May  he  had  gained  Cambden,  where  he  learned  that  Buford  had 
departed  the  preceding  day  from  Rugeleys  Mills,  and  that  he  was 
pushing  on  with  extreme  speed,  in  order  to  join  another  body  of 
republicans  that  was  on  the  march  from  Salisbury  to  Charlotte,  in 
North  Carolina.  Tarleton  saw  the  importance  of  preventing  the 
junction  of  these  two  corps  ;  accordingly,  notwithstanding  the  fatigue 
of  men  and  horses,  many  of  these  having  already  dropped  dead  with 
exhaustion,  notwithstanding  the  heat  of  the  season,  he  redoubled  his 
pace,  and  at  length  presented  himself,  after  a  march  of  one  hundred 
and  five  miles  in  fifty-four  hours,  at  a  place  called  Wacsaw,  before 
the  object  of  his  pursuit.  The  English  summoned  the  Americans 
to  throw  down  their  arms ;  the  latter  answered  with  spirit,  that  they 
were  prepared  to  defend  themselves.  The  colonel  drew  up  his 
troops  in  order  of  battle ;  they  consisted  of  four  hundred  Virginia 
regulars,  with  a  detachment  of  horse.  He  formed  but  one  line,  and 
ordered  his  artillery  and  baggage  to  continue  their  march  in  his  rear, 
without  halting ;  his  soldiers  were  directed  to  reserve  their  fire  till 
the  British  cavalry  were  approached  within  twenty  yards.  Tarleton 
lost  no  time  in  preparation,  but  charged  immediately.  The  Ame- 
ricans gave  way  after  a  faint  resistance  ;  the  English  pursued  them 
with  vigor,  and  the  carnage  was  dreadful.  Their  victory  was  com- 
plete ;  all,  in  a  manner,  that  were  not  killed  on  the  spot,  were  wound- 
ed and  taken.  Such  was  the  rage  of  the  victors,  that  they  massa- 
cred many  of  those  who  offered  to  surrender.  The  Americana 
remembered  it  with  horror.  From  that  time  it  became  with  them  a 
proverbial  mode  of  expressing  the  cruelties  of  a  barbarous  enemy  ;  to 
call  them  Tarleton's  quarter.  Artillery,  baggage,  munitions,  colors, 
every  thing,  fell  into  the  power  of  the  English.  It  appears  that 
colonel  Buford  committed  two  faults,  the  most  serious  of  which  was 
the  having  awaited,  on  open  ground,  an  enemy  much  superior  in 
cavalry.  If  instead  of  sending  his  carriages  behind  him,  as  soon  as 
he  perceived  the  royal  troops,  he  had  formed  them  into  a  cincture  for 
his  corps,  the  English  would  not  have  attempted  to  force  it,  or 
would  have  exposed  themselves  to  a  sanguinary  repulse.  The 
second,  was  that  of  forbidding  his  men  to  fire  at  the  enemy,  till  he 
was  within  twenty  paces ;  it  ensued  that  Tarleton's  cavalry  was 
enabled  to  charge  with  more  order  and  efficacy.  That  officer  im- 


260  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII; 

mediately  returned,  followed  by  the  trophies  of  his  victory,  to  Camb- 
den,  where  lie  rejoined  lord  Cornwallis.  The  American  division 
which  had  advanced  to  Charlotte,  changed  its  plan,  on  hearing 
of  the  discomfiture  of  Wacsaw,  and  fell  back  with  precipitation  on 
Salisbury. 

This  reverse  destroyed  the  last  hopes  of  the  Carolinians,  and  was 
soon  followed  by  their  submission.  General  Clinton  wfote  to  Lon- 
don, that  South  Carolina  was  become  English  again,  and  that  there 
were  few  men  in  the  province  who  were  not  prisoners  to,  or  in  arms 
with  the  British  forces.  But  he  was  perfectly  aware  that  the  con- 
quest he  owed  to  his  arms  could  not  be  preserved  but  by  the  entire 
re.establishment  of  the  civil  administration.  To  this  end,  he  deemed 
it  essential  to  put  minds  at  rest  by  the  assurance  of  amnesty,  and  to 
oblige  the  inhabitants  to  contribute  to  the  defence  of  the  country, 
and  to  the  restoration  of  the  royal  authority.  Accordingly,  in  concert 
with  admiral  Arbuthnot,  he  published  a  full  ami  absolute  pardon  in 
favor  of  those  who  should  immediately  return  to  their  duty,  promis- 
ing that  no  offences  and  transgressions  heretofore  committed  in  con- 
sequence of  political  troubles,  should  be  subject  to  any  investigation 
whatever.  He  excepted  only  those  who,  under  a  mockery  of  the 
forms^of  justice, .had  imbrued  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their  fellow- 
citizens,  who  had  shown  themselves  adverse  to  revolt  and  usurpa- 
tion. He  had  then  to  reflect  that  a  great  number  of  the  Carolinians 
were  prisoners  of  war  on  parole,  and  that  while  they  were  considered 
as  such,  they  could  not  equitably  be  constrained  to  take  arms  in 
favor  of  the  king.  But.  in  the  pride  of  victory,  Clinton  thought  he 
might  sport  with  the  public  faith,  and  got  over  this  difficulty  by 
declaring,  in  a  proclamation  issued  on  the  third  of  June,  that  the 
prisoners  of  war  were  free,  and  released  from  their  parole,  with  the 
exception  of  the  regular  troops  taken  in  Charleston  and  Fort  Moul- 
trie  ;  he  added,  that  they  were  reestablished  in  all  the  rights  and 
all  the  duties  of  British  subjects.  But  that  no  doubt  might  remain 
with,  regard  to  his  intentions,  and  to  prevent  all  conjecture,  he  gave 
notice  that  every  man  must  take  an  active  part  in  support  of  the 
royal  government,  and  in  the  suppression  of  that  anarchy  which  had 
prevailed  already  but  too  long.  For  the  attainment  of  this  object, 
he  required  all  persons  to  be  in  readiness  with  their  arms  at  a  mo- 
ment's warning  5  those  who  had  families,  to  form  a  militia  for  home 
defence  ;  but  those  who  had  none,  to  serve  with  the  royal  forces  for 
any  six-  months  of  the  ensuing  twelve,  in  which  they  might  be  called 
upon  to  assist,  as  he  said,  '  in  driving  their  rebel  oppressors,  and  all 
the  miseries  of  war,  far  from  the  province.'  They  were  not  to  be 
employed,  however,  out  of  the  two  Carolinas  and  Georgia.  Thus 
citizens  were  armed  against  citizens,  brothers  against  brothers ;  thus 
the  same  individuals  who  had  been  acknowledged  as  soldiers  of  the 
Congress,  since  they  had  been  comprehended  in  the  capitulation  as 


BOOK   XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  261 

prisoners  of  war,  were  constrained  to  take  arms  for  the  king  of  Eng- 
land ;  a  violence,  if  not  unprecedented,  at  least  odious,  and  which 
rebounded,  as  we  shall  see  by  the  sequel,  on  the  heads  of  those  who 
were  guilty  of  it.  General  Clinton  seeing  the  province  in  tranquillity, 
and  the  ardor  which  appeared  universal,  of  the  inhabitants  to  join 
the  royal  standard,  distributed  his  army  in  the  most  important  garri- 
sons ;  wheMteleaving  lord  Cornwallis  in  command  of  all  the  forces 
stationed  insouth  Carolina  and  Georgia,  he  departed  from  Charles- 
ton for  his  government  of  New  York. 

That  city,  during  his  absence,  had  been  exposed  to  a  danger  as 
unexpected  as  alarming.  A  winter,  unequalled  in  that  climate  for 
its  length  and  severity,  had  deprived  New  York  and  the  adjoining 
islands  of  all  the  defensive  benefits  of  their  insular  situation  ;  the 
Hudson  river,  with  the  straits  and  channels  by  which  they  are  divided 
and  surrounded,  were  every  where  clothed  with  ice  of  such  a  strength 
and  thickness,  as  would  have  admitted  the  passage  of  armies,  with 
tlieir  heaviest  carriages  and  artillery.  This  change,  so  suddenly 
wrought  in  the  nature  of  the  situation,  caused  the  British  commanders 
extreme  disquietude  ;  they  feared  the  more  for  the  safety  of  New 
York,  as  its  garrison  was  then  very  feeble,  and  the  army  of  Washing- 
ton not  far  off.  Accordingly,  they  neglected  none  of  those  prudential 
measures  which  are  usual  in  similar  cases ;  all  orders  of  men  in  New 
York  were  imbodied,  armed  and  officered.  The  officers  and  crews 
of  the  frigates  undertook  the  charge  of  a  redoubt ;  and  those  of  the 
transports,  victuallers  and  merchantmen,  were  armed  with  pikes,  for 
the  defence  of  the  wharves  and  shipping.  But  Washington  was  in  no 
condition  to  profit  of  this  unlooked  for  event.  The  small  army  which 
remained  with  him  hutted  at  Morristown,  was  inferior  in  strength  even 
to  the  British  regular  force  at  New  York,  exclusive  of  the  armed  in- 
habitants and  militia.  He  sent  lord  Sterling,  it  is  true,  to  make  an 
attempt  upon  Staten  Island,  and  to  reconnoitre  the  ground  ;  but  that 
general,  observing  no  movement  in  his  favor  on  the  part  of  the  city, 
returned  to  his  first  position.  Thus  the  scourge  of  short  engagements 
and  the  torpor  which  prevailed  at  that  time  amongst  the  Americans, 
caused  them  to  lose  the  most  propitious  occasion  that  could  have  been 
desired,  to  strike  a  blow  that  would  have  sensibly  affected  the  British 
power.  If  their  weakness  constrained  them  to  inaction  in  the  vici- 
nity of  New  York,  the  English  did  not  imitate  their  example.  As 
soon  as  the  return  of  spring  had  freed  them  from  the  danger  they  had 
apprehended  during  the  season  of  ice,  they  renewed  their  predatory 
exploits  in  New  Jersey.  Their  object  in  these  excursions  of  devas- 
tation and  plunder,  was  to  favor  the  operations  in  Carolina,  in  order 
that  the  enemy,  feeling  insecure  at  various  points,  might  carry  suc- 
cour to  none. 

About  the  beginning  of  June,  and  a  few  days  previous  to  the  return 
of  general  Clinton,  the  generals  Knyphausen,  Robertson,  and  Try  on. 
VOL.  TI.  34 


262  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

who  during  his  absence  commanded  the  troops  cantoned  at  New  York, 
had  entered  New  Jersey  with  a  corps  of  five  thousand  men,  and  had 
occupied  Elizabethtown  ;  they  conducted  themselves  there  with  gene- 
rosity,  and  abstained  from   all   pillage.     They  afterwards   advanced 
and  took  possession   of  Connecticut  Farms,  a  new  and  flourishing 
village.     Irritated   at  the  resistance   they  had  experienced   in  their 
march,  having  been  harassed  incessantly  by  the  countr|yplitia,  who 
had  risen  against  them  from  all  the  neighboring  parts,  they  set  fire  to 
this  place  ;  only  two  houses  escaped  ;  even  the  church  was  a  prey 
to  the  flames.     This  disaster  was  signalised   by  a  deplorable  event, 
which   contributed   not  a  little   to   redouble   the  indignation  of  the 
republicans  against  the   royalists.     Among  the  inhabitants  of  Con- 
necticut Farms  was   a   young   gentlewoman,  as  celebrated  for  her 
virtues  as  for  the  singular  beauty  of  her  person.     Her  husband,  James 
Cad  well,  was  one  of  the   most  ardent  and  influential  pat  iots  in  that 
province.     He  urged  her,  and  resorted  to  the  entreaties  of  friends  to 
persuade  her  to  withdraw  from  the  danger ;  but  trusting  to  her  own 
innocence  for  protection,  she   awaited  the   invaders.     She  was  sur- 
rounded by  her  little  children,  and  near  her  a  nursery  maid  held  in 
her  arms  the  youngest  of  her  offspring.     A  furious  soldier  appeared  at 
the  window,  a  Hessian,  as  it  is  said  ;  he  took  aim  at  this  unfortunate 
mother,  and  pierced   her   breast  with  an  instantly  mortal  shot ;  her 
blood  gushed  upon   all   her  tender  orphans.     Other  soldiers  rushed 
into  the  house  and  set  it  on  fire,  after  having  hastened  to  bury  their 
victim.     Thus,  at  least,  the  republicans  relate  this  horrible  adventure. 
The  English  pretended  that  the  shot  had  been  fired  at  random,  and 
even  that  it  was  discharged  by  the  Americans,  since  it  came  from  the 
part  by  which  they  retired.     However  the  truth  may  be,  the  melan- 
choly fate  of  this  gentlewoman,  fired  the  breasts  of  the  patriots  with 
such  rage,  that  they  flew  from  every  quarter  to  take  vengeance  upon 
the  authors  of  so  black  a  deed.     The  royal  troops  had  put  them- 
selves on  the  march  to  seize  a  neighboring  town  called  Springfield. 
They  had  nearly  reached  it,  when  they  were  informed  that  general 
Maxwell  awaited  them  there,  with  a  regiment  of  New  Jersey  regu- 
lars and  a  strong  body  of  militia,  impatient  for  combat.     The  English 
halted,  and  passed  the  night  in  that  position.     The  next  morning  they 
fell  back  with  precipitation  upon  Elizabethtown,  whether  their  com- 
manders thought  it  imprudent  to   attack  an  enemy  who  bore  so  me- 
nacing a  countenance,  or  that  they  had  received  intelligence,  as  they 
published,  that  Washington  had  detached   from  Morristown  a  strong 
reenforcement  to   Maxwell.     The  Americans   pursued    them   with 
warmth,  but  to  little  purpose,  from  the  valor  and  regularity  displayed 
in  their  retreat. 

At  this  conjuncture,  general  Clinton  arrived  at  New  York,  and 
immediately  adopted  a  plan  from  which  he  promised  himself  the  most 
decisive  success.  His  purpose  was  to  dislodge  Washington  from  the 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  263 

strong  position  he  occupied  in  the  mountainous  and  difficult  country 
of  Morrisonia,  which,  forming  a  natural  barrier,  had  furnished  the 
American  captain-general  with  an  impregnable  shelter  against  the 
attacks  of  the  English,  even  when  his  force  was  the  most  reduced. 
Accordingly,  Clinton  having  embarked  a  considerable  body  of 
troops  at  New  York,  executed  such  movements  as  made  it  appeal- 
that  his  deijjf  was  to  ascend  the  Hudson  river,  in  order  to  seize  the 
passes  in  tnvmountains  towards  the  lakes.  He  had  persuaded  him- 
self that  Washington,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  informed  of  this  demon- 
stration, would  instantly  put  himself  in  motion,  and  in  the  fear  of 
losing  these  passes,  would  advance  with  the  whole  or  the  greater  part 
of  his  force,  in  order  to  defend  them.  The  British  general  intended  to 
seize  this  occasion  to  push  rapidly  with,  the  troops  he  had  at  Eliza- 
bethtown,  against  the  heights  of  Morrisonia,  and  thus  to  occupy  the 
positions  which  constituted  the  security  of  Washington.  And,  even 
on  the  supposition  that  their  distance  should  render  it  unadvisable  to 
maintain  them,  the  destruction  of  the  extensive  magazines  which  the 
republicans  had  established  there,  offered  a  powerful  attraction. 
Washington,  in  effect,  who  watched  all  the  movements  of  Clinton, 
penetrated  his  designs.  Fearing  for  West  Point,  and  the  important 
defiles  of  that  part,  he  retained  with  him  only  the  force  indispensably 
requisite  to  defend  the  heights  of  Morrisonia,  and  detached  the  rest 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  under  general  Greene.  The  royalists 
then  marched  with  rapidity  from  Elizabethtovvn  towards  Springfield. 
This  place  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  heights  of  Morrisonia,  on  the 
right  bank  of  a  stream  that  descends  from  them,  and  covers  it  in  front. 
Colonel  Angel  guarded  the  bridge  with  a  small  detachment,  but  com- 
posed of  picked  men.  Behind  him  the  regiment  of  colonel  Shrieve 
formed  a  second  line,  and  ascending  towards  the  heights  near  Shorts 
Hill,  were  posted  the  corps  of  Greene,  Maxwell,  and  Stark.  There 
were  few  continental  troops,  but  the  militia  were  numerous  and  full 
of  ardor. 

On  arriving  at  the  bridge,  the  royalists  attacked  colonel  Angel 
with  great  impetuosity.  He  defended  himself  bravely,  killing  many 
of  the  enemy,  and  losing  few  of  his  own.  At  length,  yielding  to  num- 
ber, he  fell  back  in  perfect  order  upon  the  second  line.  The  English 
passed  the  bridge,  and  endeavored  to  pursue  their  advantage.  Shrieve 
resisted  their  efforts  for  a  while ;  but  too  inferior  in  men,  and  espe- 
cially in  artillery,  he  withdrew  behind  the  corps  of  Greene.  The 
English,  then  examining  the  situation  of  places,  and  the  strength  of 
the  American  intrenchments.  abandoned  the  design  of  assaulting  them. 
Perhaps  the  approach  of  night,  the  impracticable  nature  of  the  coun- 
try, the  obstinate  defence  of  the  bridge,  the  sight  of  the  militia  rush- 
ing towards  the  camp  from  all  parts,  and  the  danger  of  losing  all 
communication  with  Elizabethtown,  contributed  to  this  abrupt  change 
in  the  resolutions  of  the  British  generals.  Exasperated  at  these  un- 


264  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    Xll. 

expected  obstacles,  they  devoted  to  pillage  and  flames  the  flourishing 
village  of  Springfield  ;  they  afterwards  returned  upon  Elizabethtown. 
Enraged  at  seeing  this  conflagration,  the  republicans  pursued  the 
British  troops  with  so  much  violence,  that  only  their  discipline  and 
the  ability  of  their  commanders  could  have  saved  them  from  total 
destruction.  They  profited  of  the  cover  of  night  to  abandon  the 
shores  of  New  Jersey,  and  passed  into  Staten  Island*  Thus  the 
design  of  Clinton  was  baffled  by  a  resistance  for  whic^^e  was  little 
prepared.  The  English  gained  by  this  expedition  only  the  shame 
of  repulse,  and  eternal  detestation  on  the  part  of  their  enemies. 
Washington,  in  official  reports,  greatly  commended  the  valor  of  his 
troops. 

But  it  is  time  to  resume  our  narrative  of  the  affairs  of  Carolina. 
The  English  administration,  which,  after  the  conquest  of  that  pro- 
vince had  been  established  by  the  royal  troops,  deliberated  upon  the 
means  of  repairing  the  evils  caused  by  the  war  and  by  civil  dissen- 
tions,  in  order  to  confirm  the  return  of  monarchical  authority.  Since 
that  of  the  Congress  had  ceased  to  exist  in  the  country,  the  paper 
currency  had  fallen  into  such  discredit,  that  it  was  not  possible  to 
circulate  it  at  any  rate  whatever.  Many  individuals  had  been  forced 
to  receive  as  reimbursement  for  credits  of  long  standing,  those  depre- 
ciated bills ;  others  had  balances  still  due  them  upon  contracts  stipu- 
lated according  to  the  nominal  value  of  the  paper.  It  was  resolved, 
therefore,  to  compel  the  debtors  of  the  first  to  account  with  them  by 
a  new  payment  in  specie,  for  the  difference  that  existed  between  the 
real  and  the  nominal  value  of  the  bills  ;  and  to  establish  a  scale  of 
proportion,  according  to  which,  those  who  owed  arrearages  should 
satisfy  their  creditors  in  coined  money.  To  this  end,  thirteen  com- 
missioners were  appointed.  They  were  to  inform  themselves  with 
accuracy  of  the  different  degrees  of  the  depreciation  of  the  paper, 
and  afterwards  to  draw  up  a  table  of  reduction,  to  serve  as  a  legal 
regulation  in  the  payment  of  the  debts  above  specified.  The  commis- 
sioners proceeded  in  the  execution  of  this  difficult  task  with  equal 
justice  and  discernment ;  they  compared  the  price  of  the  products  of 
the  country,  during  the  circulation  of  the  bills,  with  that  they  had 
borne  a  year  before  the  war.  Examining  then  the  different  rates  of 
exchange  of  the  bills  for  specie,  they  formed,  not  only  year  by  year, 
but  also  month  by  month,  a  table,  the  first  column  of  which  contained 
the  dates,  the  second  the  ratio  of  the  value  of  the  bills  to  that  of 
specie,  the  third  the  ratio  of  the  value  of  bills  to  the  price  of  produce, 
and  the  fourth  the  proportional  medium  of  depreciation.  This  ex- 
tinction of  the  value  of  bills  of  credit,  occasioned  by  the  presence  of 
the  English  in  Georgia  and  Carolina,  induced  those  inhabitants  who 
still  held  them,  to  carry  or  send  them  into  other  provinces,  where 
they  continued  to  have  some  circulation.  But  this  influx  itself,  added 
to  the  loss  of  Carolina,  and  the  sinister  aspect  which  the  situation  of 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  2C5 

the  affairs  of  Congress  presented  at  this  epoch,  accelerated  the  fall 
of  paper  money  in  all  the  states  of  the  confederation.  Too  well  con- 
vinced that  there  was  no  remedy  capable  of  arresting  the  progress  of 
this  appalling  evil,  the  Congress  determined  to  yield  to  the  storm. 
They  decreed  that  in  future  their  bills  should  pass,  no  longer  at  their 
nominal,  but  only  at  their  conventional  value;  and  they  also  drew  up 
a  scale  of  dfc-eciation  for  the  regulation  of  payments.  This  resolu- 
tion, whicll^nougb  assuredly  a  violation  of  the  public  faith,  was,  with 
the  exception  of  dishonest  debtors,  both  agreeable  and  advantageous 
to  all  classes.  Can  there,  in  fact,  exist,  for  a  nation,  a  greater  cala- 
mity than  to  have  a  currency  as  the  representative  of  money,  when 
that  currency  is  fixed  by  law,  and  variable  in  opinion  ?  It  is  also  to 
be  considered  that  the  bills  of  credit  were  then  in  the  hands,  not  of 
the  first,  but  of  the  last  possessors,  who  had  acquired  them  at  their 
depreciated  value.  It  was  only  to  be  regretted  that  the  Congress 
had  made  so  many  solemn  protestations  of  their  intention  to  main- 
tain the  nominal  value  of  their  paper.  Even  the  tenor  of  the  bills, 
the  terms  of  the  law  of  their  creation,  all  the  public  acts  which  related 
to  them,  were  so  many  engagements  that  a  dollar  in  paper  should 
always  be  given  and  received  for  a  dollar  in  silver.  Scarcely  were 
a  few  months  elapsed  since  the  Congress,  in  a  circular  letter,  had 
spoken  of  the  same  resolution  they  had  now  taken,  as  a  measure  of 
the  most  flagrant  injustice.  In  that  letter  they  affirm,  that  even  the 
supposition  of  a  similar  breach  of  faith,  ought  to  excite  universal  ab- 
horrence. But  such  is  the  nature  of  new  governments,  especially  in 
limes  of  revolution,  where  affairs  of  state  are  so  much  under  the  con- 
trol of  chance,  that  they  frequently  promise  what  they  cannot  perform  ; 
the  empire  of  circumstances  seems  to  them  a  fair  plea  for  not  keep- 
ing faiih.  Their  precarious  positions  should  render  them  at  least  less 
prodigal  of  promises  and  oaths ;  but,  as  inexperienced  as  presump- 
tuous, and  vainly  believing  their  object  attained,  when  they  have 
found  means  to  push  on  for  a  day,  they  seem  the  more  bold  in  con- 
tracting engagements,  the  less  it  is  in  their  power  to  fulfill  them. 

The  proclamation  by  which  the  British  commanders  had  absolved 
the  prisoners  of  war  from  their  parole,  and  restored  them  to  the 
condition  of  British  subjects,  in  order  to  compel  them  to  join  the 
royal  troops,  had  created  a  deep  discontent  among  the  Carolinians. 
The  greater  part  desired,  since  they  had  lost  liberty,  to  remain  at 
least  in  tranquillity  at  their  homes,  thus  conforming  themselves  to  the 
time,  and  submitting  to  necessity.  If  this  repose  had  been  granted 
them,  they  would  not  have  exerted  themselves  to  obtain  a  change; 
they  would  have  supported  less  impatiently  the  unhappy  situation  of 
the  republic  ;  little  by  little  they  would  have  accustomed  themselves 
to  the  new  order  of  things,  and  would  have  forgotten  the  past.  But 
this  proclamation  rekindled  their  rage.  They  cried  with  one  voice, 
'  if  we  must  resume  arms,  let  us  rather  fight  for  America  and  our 


260  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

friends,  than  for  England  and  strangers  !'  Many  did  as  they  said. 
Released  from  their  parole,  considering  themselves  at  liberty  to  lake 
arms  anew,  and  determined  to  venture  all  to  serve  their  cause,  they 
repaired  by  circuitous  and  unfrequented  ways  into  North  Carolina, 
which  was  still  occupied  by  the  troops  of  Congress.  Others  con- 
tinued to  remain  in  the  country,  and  in  the  condition  of  prisoners  of 
war,  deferring  to  take  their  resolution  till  the  British  ^fccers  should 
actually  summon  them  to  enter  the  field.  The  greater^fart,  submit- 
ting to  circumstances,  could  not  resolve  to  abandon  their  property, 
and  withdraw  into  distant  provinces  as  some  of  their  fellow-citizens 
had  done.  In  dread  of  the  persecutions  of  the  English,  and  even  of 
their  own  countrymen,  and  desirous  to  win  favor  with  their  new 
masters,  they  had  recourse  to  dissimulation.  They  preferred  to 
change  their  condition,  and  from  prisoners  of  war  to  become  British 
subjects.  This  resolution  appeared  to  them  the  more  expedient,  as 
a  report  was  then  in  circulation,  perhaps  purposely  forged,  that  the 
Congress  were  come  to  the  determination  no  longer  to  dispute  with 
the  English  the  possession  of  the  southern  provinces.  This  rumor 
was  directly  opposite  to  the  truth  ;  for  in  the  sitting  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  June,  the  Congress  had  declared  with  much  solemnity  that 
they  purposed  to  make  every  possible  exertion  for  their  recovery. 
But  the  prisoners  of  Carolina  knew  nothing  of  what  passed  without, 
and  from  day  to  day  they  became  more  confirmed  in  the  idea  that 
their  country  would  remain  under  British  domination.  Thus,  be- 
tween choice  and  compulsion,  the  multitude  resumed  the  bonds  of 
submission.  But  the  English  could  have  wished  to  have  all  under 
their  yoke  ;  they  saw  with  pain  that  within  as  well  as  without  the 
province,  there  remained  some  individuals  devoted  to  the  party  of 
Congress.  Their  resentment  dictated  the  most  extraordinary  mea- 
sures against  the  property  and  families  of  those  who  had  emigrated, 
and  of  those  who  had  remained  prisoners  of  war.  The  possessions 
of  the  first  were  sequestrated  and  ravaged  ;  their  families  were  jea- 
lously watched  and  subjected,  as  rebels,  to  a  thousand  vexations. 
The  second  were  often  separated  from  their  hearths,  and  confined 
in  remote  and  unhealthy  places.  These  rigors  constrained  some 
to  retract,  and  bend  the  neck  under  the  new  slavery  ;  others  to  offer 
themselves  as  good  and  loyal  subjects  of  the  king.  Among  them 
were  found  individuals  who  had  manifested  the  most  ardor  for  the 
cause  of  liberty,  and  who  had  even  filled  the  first  offices,  under  the 
popular  government.  They  generally  colored  their  conversion  with 
saying,  that  they  had  never  aspired  to  independence,  and  that  they 
abhorred  the  alliance  of  France.  Thus  men  will  rather  stain  them- 
selves with  falsehood  and  perjury,  than  live  in  misfortune  and  pover- 
ty !  Such  was  the  conduct  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country ;  but 
those  of  the  city,  having  by  the  terms  of  capitulation  the  right  to 
remain  in  their  habitations,  were  not  comprehended  in  the  proclama- 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  267 

tion  of  the  third  of  June.  It  was  requisite,  therefore,  to  employ 
other  means  to  induce  them  to  stoop  to  allegiance.  The  English 
and  more  zealous  loyalists  manoeuvred  in  such  a  manner,  that  more 
than  two  hundred  citizens  of  Charleston  subscribed  and  presented  to 
the  British  generals  an  address,  by  which  they  congratulated  them 
upon  their  victories.  This  step  had  been  concerted.  It  was  an- 
swered thenj^that  they  should  enjoy  the  protection  of  the  state  and 
all  the  privileges  of  British  subjects,  if  they  would  sign  a  declaration 
of  their  allegiance  and  readiness  to  support  the  royal  government. 
They  obeyed  ;  and  their  example  had  many  imitators.  Hence  arose 
a  distinction  between  subjects  and  prisoners.  The  first  were  pro- 
tected, honored  and  encouraged  ;  the  second  were  regarded  with 
contempt,  persecuted  and  harassed  in  their  persons  and  property. 
Their  estates  in  the  country  were  loaded  with  taxes,  and  even  ravag- 
ed. Within  the  city  they  were  refused  access  to  the  tribunals,  if 
they  had  occasion  to  bring  suits  against  their  debtors  ;  while  on  the 
other  hand  they  were  abandoned  to  all  the  prosecutions  of  their 
creditors.  Thus  forced  to  pay,  they  were  not  permitted  to  receive. 
They  were  not  suffered  to  go  out  of  the  city  without  a  pass,  which  was 
often  refused  them  without  motive,  and  they  were  even  threatened 
with  imprisonment  unless  they  took  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Their 
effects  were  given  up  to  the  pillage  of  the  soldiery  ;  their  negroes 
were  taken  from  them  ;  they  had  no  means  of  redress,  but  in  yield- 
ing to  what  was  exacted  of  them  ;  while  the  claims  of  subjects  were 
admitted  without  question.  The  artisans  were  allowed  to  labor,  but 
not  to  enforce  payment  for  their  work,  if  their  customers  chose  to 
refuse  it.  The  Jews  had  been  permitted  to  purchase  many  valuable 
goods  of  the  British  traders  who  had  followed  the  army  ;  but  unless 
they  became  subjects,  they  were  not  allowed  to  sell  them.  In  brief, 
threats,  fraud,  and  force,  were  industriously  exercised  to  urge  the 
inhabitants  to  violate  their  plighted  faith,  and  resume  their  ancient 
chains.  The  greater  part  had  recourse  to  dissimulation,  and  by  be- 
coming subjects,  were  made  partakers  of  British  protection  ;  others, 
more  firm,  or  more  virtuous,  refused  to  bend.  But  they  soon  saw 
an  unbridled  soldiery  sharing  out  their  spoils  ;  some  were  thrown 
into  pestilential  dungeons  ;  others,  less  unfortunate  or  more  prudent, 
condemned  themselves  to  a  voluntary  exile. 

Amidst  the  general  desolation,  the  women  of  Carolina  exhibited 
an  example  of  more  than  masculine  fortitude.  They  displayed  so 
ardent,  so  rare  a  love  of  country,  that  scarcely  could  there  be  found 
in  ancient  or  modern  history  an  instance  more  worthy  to  excite  sur- 
prise and  admiration.  Far  from  being  offended  at  the  name  of  rebel 
ladies,  they  esteemed  it  a  title  of  distinction,  and  glory.  Instead  of 
showing  themselves  in  assemblies,  the  seat  of  joy  and  brilliant  plea- 
sures, they  repaired  on  board  ships,  they  descended  into  dungeons, 
where  their  husbands,  children  and  friends  were  in  confinement ; 


268  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  XII. 

they  carried  them  consolations  and  encouragements.  '  Summon 
your  magnanimity,'  they  said,  '  yield  not  to  the  fury  of  tyrants  ;  hesi- 
tate not  to  prefer  prisons  to  infamy,  death  to  servitude.  America 
has  fixed  her  eyes  on  her  beloved  defenders;  you  will  reap,  doubt 
it  not,  the  fruit  of  your  sufferings  ;  they  will  produce  liberty,  that 
parent  of  all  blessings  ;  they  will  shelter  her  forever  from  the  assaults 
of  British  banditti.  You  are  the  martyrs  of  a  cause  th^most  grate- 
ful to  heaven,  and  sacred  for  men.'  By  such  words  these  generous 
women  mitigated  the  miseries  of  the  unhappy  prisoners.  They 
would  never  appear  at  the. balls  or  routs  that  were  given  by  the  vic- 
tors ;  those  who  consented  to  attend  them  were  instantly  despised, 
and  dropped  by  all  the  others.  The  moment  an  American  officer 
arrived  at  Charleston  as  prisoner  of  war,  they  sought  him  out,  and 
loaded  him  with  attention  and  civilities.  They  often  assembled  in 
the  most  retired  parts  of  their  houses,  to  deplore  without  restraint  the 
misfortunes  of  their  country.  Many  of  them  imparted  their  noble 
spirit  to  their  hesitating  and  wavering  husbands;  they  determined  them 
to  prefer  a  rigorous  exile  to  their  interest  and  to  the  sweets  of  life. 
Exasperated  at  their  constancy,  the  English  condemned  the  most 
zealous  to  banishment  and  confiscation.  In  bidding  a  last  farewell 
to  their  fathers,  their  children,  their  brothers,  their  husbands, 
these  heroines,  far  from  betraying  the  least  mark  of  weakness, 
which  in  men  might  have  been  excused,  exhorted  them  to  arm 
themselves  with  intrepidity.  They  conjured  them  not  to  allow  fortune 
to  vanquish  them,  nor  to  suffer  the  love  they  bore  their  families  to 
render  them  unmindful  of  all  they  owed  their  country.  When  com- 
prehended, soon  after,  in  the  general  decree  of  banishment  issued 
against  the  partisans  of  liberty,  they  abandoned  with  the  same  firm- 
ness their  natal  soil.  A  supernatural  alacrity  seemed  to  animate 
them  when  they  accompanied  their  husbands  into  distant  countries, 
and  even  when  immured  with  them  in  the  fetid  ships,  into  which 
they  were  inhumanly  crowded.  Reduced  to  the  most  frightful  indi- 
gence, they  were  seen  to  beg  bread  for  themselves  and  families. 
Among  those  who  were  nurtured  in  the  lap  of  opulence,  many  passed 
suddenly  from  the  most  delicate  and  the  most  elegant  style  of  living 
to  the  rudest  toils,  and  to  the  humblest  services.  But  humiliation 
could  not  triumph  over  their  resolution  and  cheerfulness  ;  their  ex- 
ample was  a  support  to  their  companions  in  misfortune.  To  this 
heroism  of  the  women  of  Carolina,  it  is  principajly  to  be  imputed, 
that  the  love,  and  even  the  name  of  liberty,  were  not  totally  extin- 
guished in  the  southern  provinces.  The  English  hence  began  to  be 
sensible,  that  their  triumph  was  still  far  from  secure.  For,  in  every 
affair  of  public  interest,  the  general  opinion  never  manifests  itselt 
with  more  energy  than  when  women  take  part  in  it  with  all  the  life 
of  their  imagination.  Less  powerful  as  well  as  less  stable  than  that 
of  men  when  cairn,  it  is  far  more  vehement  and  pertinacious  when 
roused  and  inflamed. 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  269 

Such  was  the  spectacle  presented  at  that  time  in  South  Carolina  ; 
on  the  one  hand,  an  open  resistance  to  the  will  of  the  conqueror,  or 
a  feigned  submission  ;  on  the  other,  measures  that  continually  ope- 
rated an  effect  directly  contrary  to  that  which  their  authors  expected 
from  them.  Meanwhile,  the  heat  of  the  season,  the  dubious  state 
of  the  province  itself,  and  the  necessity  of  deferring  the  campaign 
until  the  hajjpest  was  over,  occasioned  an  almost  general  suspension 
of  arms.  It  was  not  possible  for  the  English  to  think  of  the  con- 
quest of  North  Carolina  before  the  last  of  August  or  the  beginning 
of  September.  Lord  Cornwallis  resolved  to  canton  his  troops  in 
such  a  manner,  that  they  should  be  in  readiness  to  support  the  loyal- 
ists, to  repress  the  discontented,  and  to  undertake  the  invasion  of 
that  province  as  soon  as  the  proper  season  should  awive.  He  was 
particularly  careful  to  collect  provision  and  munitions  of  war.  His 
principal  magazines  were  established  at  Cambden,  a  large  vilhige 
situated  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Wateree,  and  upon  the  road  which 
leads  into  North  Carolina. 

He  feared  lest  the  loyalists  of  that  province,  stimulated  by  excess 
of  zeal,  should  break  out  before  the  time,  which  might  lead  to  their 
destruction.  His  emissaries  continually  exhorted  them  to  await  the 
time  of  harvest  in  tranquillity,  and  to  content  themselves  with  prepar- 
ing subsistence  for  the  royal  troops,  who  would  advance  to  their 
succour  towards  the  month  of  September.  These  prudent  counsels 
had  not  the  effect  to  prevent  the  loyalists  of  Tryon  county  from 
rising  at  the  instigation  of  colonel  Moore.  But  instantly  crushed  by 
a  corps  of  republicans,  under  the  command  of  general  Ruiherford, 
they  paid  dearly  for  the  contempt  with  which  they  had  presumed  to 
treat  admonitions  dictated  by  foresight.  Eight  hundred  loyalists, 
however,  under  the  conduct  of  colonel  Bryan,  made  good  their  junc- 
tion with  the  royal  troops.  B'it  while  the  British  generals  were 
making  their  dispositions  to  profit  of  the  favorable  season  to  attack 
North  Carolina, 'in  order  to  open  themselves  a  passage  into  the  heart 
of  Virginia,  the  Congress  exerted  all  diligence  to  put  themselves  in 
a  situation  to  recover  South  Carolina.  Their  efforts,  as  we  shall 
see,  were  not  without  success.  Thus  the  flames  of  war,  for  the 
moment  almost  extinguished,  were  on  the  point  of  being  "rekindled 
with  more  violence  than  ever. 

Before  entering  upon  the  recital  of  the  events  of  the  bloody  cam- 
paign that  ensued,  it  is  necessary  to  describe  what  passed  in  the 
West  Indies  between  two  powerful  and  equally  spirited  rivals.  Al- 
ready a  very  obstinate  action  had  taken  place  between  the  chevalier 
de  la  Motte  Piquet  and  commodore  Cornwallis,  in  the  waters  of  La 
Grange,  to  the  east  of  Cape  Francois.  The  first  had  four  ships, 
two  of  which  of  seventy-four  guns,  the  Annibal  and  the  Diademe. 
The  other  had  only  three,  the  heaviest  of  which  was  the  Lion,  of 
sixty-four  guns.  But  this  engagement  was  merely  a  prelude  to  the 
VOL.  ii.  35 


270  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Xll. 

battles  that  followed  shortly  after.  About  the  last  of  March,  the 
count  de  Guichen  had  arrived  in  the  West  Indies  with  such  consider- 
able reenforcemenls,  that  the  French  fleet  there  amounted  to  twenty- 
five  sail  of  the  line.  Resolved  to  profit  of  their  superiority  by  sea 
as  well  as  by  land,  the  French  embarked  a  strong  body  of  troops, 
under  the  conduct  of  the  marquis  de  Bouille,  and  presented  them- 
selves with  twenty-two  ships  of  the  line  before  the^islarid  of  St. 
Lucia.  Their  intention  was  to  carry  it  by  assault.  But  general 
Vaughan,  who  commanded  on  shore,  had  neglected  no  measure  of 
defence  ;  and  admiral  Hyde  Parker,  who  had  repaired  thither  from 
the  coasts  of  America,  had  so  advantageously  posted  sixteen  sail  of 
the  line  at  Gros  Islet,  that  the  French  commanders  abandoned  their 
project,  and  returned  to  Martinico.  A  few  days  after,  admiral  Rod- 
ney arrived  at  St.  Lucia  with  reenforcernents  from  Europe  ;  his 
junction  with  Parker  placed  at  his  command  twenty-two  sail  of  the 
line.  Full  of  confidence  in  his  strength,  the  English  admiral  sailed 
immediately  for  Fort  Royal  bay  in  Martinico,  in  order  to  challenge 
his  enemy  to  battle.  But  the  count  de  Guichen,  who  was  not  dis- 
posed to  engage  a  decisive  action,  except  when  he  should  think  it 
expedient,  did  not  go  out  of  the  port.  Rodney  having  left  some 
swift  sailing  frigates  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  French,  and  to  give 
notice,  in  case  they  should  sail,  returned  with  the  remainder  of  his 
fleet  to  St.  Lucia.  The  count  de  Guichen  did  not  remain  long 
inactive.  He  put  to  sea,  in  the  night  of  the  thirteenth  of  April,  with 
twenty-two  sail  of  the  line,  and  four  thousand  land  troops,  prepared 
to  undertake  any  operation  that  should  offer  some  hope  of  success. 
Rodney  was  soon  advised  of  it,  and  sailed  in  quest  of  him  ;  his  fleet 
consisted  of  twenty  ships  of  the  line,  and  the  Centurion  of  fifty  guns. 
He  commanded  the  centre  himself,  rear-admiral  Hyde  Parker  the 
van,  and  rear-admiral  Rowley  the  rear  division.  The  French  were 
standing  through  the  channel  of  Dominica,  intending  afterwards  to 
stretch  off  to  windward  of  Martinico.  Their  van  was  under  the 
conduct  of  the  chevalier  de  Sade,  the  main  body  was  led  by  the 
commander-in-chief,  the  count  de  Guichen,  and  the  rear  by  the 
count  de  Grasse.  The  two  armaments  came  in  si^ht  of  each  other 
towards  evening,  on  the  sixteenth  of  April.  The  French,  whose 
ships  were  encumbered  with  soldiers,  and  who  found  themselves 
under  the  wind,  endeavored  to  avoid  an  engagement.  But  the  Eng- 
lish bore  down  upon  them.  The  count  de  Guichen  profited  of  the 
night  to  manosuvre  so  as  not  to  be  obliged  to  join  battle  ;  Rodney, 
on  the  contrary,  in  order  to  render  it  inevitable.  On  the  succeeding 
morning,  the  two  fleets  executed  various  evolutions  with  admirable 
skill ;  and,  a  little  before  one  o'clock,  the  French  rear  was  brought 
to  action  by  the  British  van.  For  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  in  tack- 
ing to  take  an  inverse  order  of  battle,  the  French  VHII  was  become 
rear.  Meanwhile,  Rodney  arrived  with  his  division  upon  the  French 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  271 

centre  ;  his  own  ship,  the  Sandwich,  of  ninety  guns,  was  encountered 
by  M.  de  Guichen,  in  the  Couronne,  of  eighty,  arid  by  his  two 
seconds,  the  Fendant  and  Triumphant.  But  in  crowding  sail  before 
the  action,  the  French  fleet  had  not  been  able  to  keep  its  distances 
perfectly.  Its  rear,  moreover,  which  had  become  head  of  the  line, 
being  composed  of  more  heavy  sailing  ships  than  those  of  the  two 
other  divisiops,  there  had  resulted  thence  a  considerable  chasm 
between  that  squadron  and  the  centre.  This  separation  was  still 
increased  by  the  drift  of  the  Actionnaire,  which,  instead  of  standing, 
as  the  last  vessel  of  the  centre,  the  first  of  the  rear,  had  suffered 
herself  to  fall  to  leeward  of  the  line.  Rodney  resolved  to  seize  the 
opportunity,  and  moved  in  order  to  cut  off  this  rear  guard  from  the 
rest  of  the  fleet.  But  the  Destin,  commanded  by  M.  Dumaitz  de 
Goimpy,  being  at  the  head  of  that  division,  threw  herself  across  his 
way,  and  engaged  the  Sandwich  with  so  much  vigor  as  to  arrest  his 
passage.  The  French  ship  would  have  been  crushed,  however,  by 
a  force  so  greatly  superior,  if  the  count  de  Guichen,  perceiving  the 
design  of  his  adversary,  had  not  made  a  signal  to  the  ships  of  his 
centre  to  put  about,  and  push,  wind  aft,  all  together,  in  order  to 
rejoin  and  extricate  the  rear.  'This  movement,  executed  with 
extreme  celerity,  completely  baffled  the  plan  of  the  British  admiral, 
and,  consequently,  saved  the  French  fleet  from  a  total  defeat.  Rod-, 
ney  now  finding  himself  exposed  to  have  the  blow  he  had  meditated 
against  his  adversary  retorted  upon  himself,  recoiled  instantly,  and 
pressed  to  regain  his  place  in  the  line  with  his  other  ships.  Soon 
after  he  made  his  dispositions  for  renewing  the  action  ;  but  seeing 
the  crippled  condition  of  several  of  his  ships,  and  the  particularly 
dangerous  state  of  the  Sandwich,  which  was  with  difficulty  kept 
above  water,  he  thought  it  more  prudent  to  desist.  The  count  de 
Guichen  drew  off  to  refit  ;  he  afterwards  touched  at  Guadaloupe  in 
order  to  put  ashore  his  sick  and  wounded.  Rodney  continued  to 
manoeuvre  in  the  open  sea  for  some  days,  and  then  returned  to 
cruise  off  Fort  Royal  bay,  hoping  to  intercept  the  French  fleet, 
which  he  believed  was  on  its  way  for  that  anchorage.  But  at  length, 
the  enemy  not  appearing,  and  finding  it  necessary  to  disembark  the 
sick  and  wounded,  and  to  refit  and  water  his  fleet,  he  put  into  Choc 
Bay,  in  St.  Lucia.  The  loss  of  the  British  in  this  action,  amounted 
to  one  hundred  and  twenty  killed,  and  to  three  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  wounded.  Of  the  French,  two  hundred  and  twenty-one  died, 
and  five  hundred  and  forty  were  wounded.  Rodney  in  the  report 
of  the  battle  which  he  sent  to  England,  passed  high  encomiums  on 
the  talents  and  gallantry  of  the  French  admiral  ;  and  added,  that  he 
had  been  admirably  seconded  by  his  officers.  This  was  an  indirect 
reproach  to  his  own  ;  of  whom,  generally,  he  felt  that  he  had  much 
reason  to  complain.  The  two  parties  alike  claimed  the  honor  of 
victory,  as  it  is  usual  in  every  combat,  the  issue  of  which  is  not  deci- 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

sive.     After  having  repaired  his  ships,  and  taken  aboard  the  troops 
under  the  command  of  the  marquis  de  Bouille,  M.  de  Guichen  again 
put  to  sea.     His  design  was  to  ascend  to  windward  of  the  islands  by 
the  north  of  Gu-uJaloupe,  and  then  to  disembark  his  land   forces  at 
Gros  Islet,   in    St.    Lucia.      Apprised   of  this   movement,   Rodney 
immediately  set  sail  in  search  of  the  French  fleet.     He  issued  from 
the  channel  of  St.  Lucia,  as  it  was  standing  off  the   extremity  of 
Martinico,  towards  Point  de  Salines.     At  sight  of  the  British  arma- 
ment, the  French  admiral  became  sensible  that  he  must  abandon  the 
attack  of  St.  Lucia.     His  prudence  is  to  be  applauded  in  abstaining 
from  coming  to  battle,  although  his   position   to   windward    of  the 
enemy  had  placed  it  in  his  power  ;  but   he   inclined   first  to  secure 
the  advantages  which  were  offered  him  by  the  nature  of  those  seas, 
and  the  direction  of  the  wind.    He  manoeuvred  to  retain  the  weather- 
gage,  and,  at  the   same  time,  to  draw  the  English  to  windward  of 
Martinico.    In  case  of  a  check,  he  had  in  that  island  a  certain  refuge, 
and  if  victor,  he  left  none  for  his  enemy.     The  British  admiral  labor- 
ed on  his  part  to  gain  the  wind,  and  continued  to  approach  more  and 
more.     The  hostile  fleet  had   received  each  a  reenforcement  of  one 
ship  of  the  line  ;  the  French,  the  Dauphin  Royal ;  the  English,  the 
Triumph.     These  evolutions,  in   which  the   two   admirals  displayed 
no  ordinary  degree  of  skill  and  judgment  in  seamanship,  were  pro- 
longed for  several  days,  and  still  Rodney  had  not  been  able  to  attain 
the  object  of  his  efforts.     The  French,  whose  ships  were  superior  in 
point  of  sailing,  to  entice   the   English,  as  has  been  said,  more  to 
windward  of  Martinico,  suffered   themselves  to  be  approached  from 
time  to  time,  and  then  suddenly   spreading  all   sail,  departed  out  of 
reach.     This  sport   succeeded  with  them   at  first  perfectly  ;  but  at 
length  the  French  were  nearly  entangled  into  a  general' engagement, 
in  a  situation  which  presented  more  than  one  sort  of  peril  ;  for  their 
intention  being  to  avoid  it,  they  found  themselves  in  no  suitable  order 
for  battle.     The  wind  had  gradually  veered  to  the  south.     Vigilant 
to  profit  of  this  change,  Rodney  put  his  ships  about,  and  pushed 
on  the    other  tack  to   gain  the  wind  upon  the  French.     He  would 
have  effected  his  purpose,  if  the  wind  had  not,  in  this  critical  mo- 
ment, suddenly  shifted  to  the   southeast.     The  count  de  Guichen 
could  then  also  put  himself  on  the  other  tack,  which  movement  pre- 
sented such  a  front  to  the  English  as  no  longer  permitted  them  to 
gain  the  wind  of  him.     He  afterwards  continued  to  retire  in  order  to 
avoid  an  action.     But  in  consequence  of  the  last  manoeuvres,  the 
two  fleets  being  brought  within  cannon-shot  of  each  other,  the  Eng- 
lish pressed  forward  their  van  upon  the  French  rear.     It  was  already 
towards   night  fall,  on  the  fifteenth  of  May.     The  headmost  of  the 
British  ships,  and  particularly  the  Albion,  found  themselves  exposed 
unsupported   to  the  fire   of  the   whole   French   division,   and    were 
excessively  damaged.     The  others  rejoined  them  ;  but  the  French 


BOOK  XII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  273 

being  better  sailers,  then  retired.     Such  was  the  second  rencounter 
between  admiral  Rodney  and  the  count  de  Guichen.     The  French 
preserved  the  advantage  of  the  wind.     The  two  armaments  continu- 
ed in  sight  of  each  other  during  the  three  ensuing  days,  both  ma- 
noeuvring   according    to  the   plan  of   operations    adopted    by   their 
respective  admirals.     Finally,  in  the   morning  of  the  nineteenth  of 
May,  the  English  being  advanced  to  the  windward  of  Martinico  about 
forty  leagues,  and    distant   between   four  and  five,  to  the  southeast, 
from  the  French,  the  count  de  Guichen  determined  to  accept  battle, 
and   accordingly  took  in  sail.     But  as  soon  as  the  British  van  was 
within   reach,  he   made  a  signal    for   his  own  to  bear  down   upon  it, 
and  the  action  was  engaged  with  great  spirit  on   both  sides.     The 
other  divisions  formed   successively  in  order  of  battle,  the  French 
retaining  the  weathergage.       The  conflict  became  general,  the  tvyo 
fleets  combating,  the  one  with   its  starboard,  the  other  with  its  lar- 
board guns.     But  the  ships  of  the  French   van  and   centre,  having 
shortened  sail  in  order  to  come  to  closer  action  with  the  enemy,  it 
was  to  be  feared  lest  the  English  should  lack  all  at  once  in  order  to 
charge  the  rear,  which  was  then  at  a  considerable   distance   astern. 
To  prevent  the  fatal  consequences  that  might  have  ensued  from  such 
a  movement  on  the   part  of  the  enemy,  M.  de  Guichen  put  about 
himself,  and   proceeded  to  form  again  in  a  line  with,  his  rear.     No 
manoeuvre  could  have  been  more  suitable  to  the  conjuncture;  if  it 
had  not   been  executed  in  season,  the  French   admiral   would   have 
found   himself  in  the   most  perilous  predicament.     A  few  moments 
after,  nine  British  ships  having  tacked,  advanced  with  a  press  of  sail 
upon  the  French  rear  ;  but  when  they  saw  that  the  main  body  and 
van  had  rejoined  it,  and  that  the  three  divisions  presented  themselves 
in   the   best   order,  they   resumed    their   station   in    their  own   line. 
Rodney  rallied  such  ships  as  were  dispersed,  and  again  drew  up  his 
fleet  in  order  of  battle.     The  two  armaments  thus  remained  in  pre- 
sence until-  night,  and  even  till  the  succeeding  morning,  but  without 
renewing  the  engagement ;  they  probably  found  that  they  had  suffered 
too  much  in   this  and   in  the   preceding  action.     Rodney  sent  the 
Conqueror,  the  Cornwall,   and    the  Boyne,   which   were  the   most 
damaged,  to  be  repaired  at   St.  Lucia,  and  set  sail  with  the  rest  of 
his  fleet  for  Carlisle  Bay  in   the  island  of  Barbadoes.     The  Corn- 
wall  went   to  the   bottom  near   the  entrance  of  Careenage  harbor. 
The  count  de  Guichen  returned  with  his  fleet  to  Fort  Royal  bay,  in 
Martinico.     The  loss  of  the  English  in  these  two  last  actions  was 
sixty-eight  killed    and   three   hundred  wounded.     The  French  lost 
one  hundred   and  fifty-eight  killed,  and   upwards  of  eight  hundred 
wounded.     Among  the  former  were  numbered  many  officers  of  dis- 
tinction, and  even  the  son  of  the  count  de  Guichen.     The  English 
also  had  to  regret  several  officers  of  much   reputation.     Such  was 
the  result  of  the  three  battles  fought  between  the  French  and  Eng- 


274  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

lish  in  the  West  Indies  ;  iheir  forces  were  nearly  equal ;  their  valor 
and  skill  were  entirely  so. 

Here  it  may  be  observed,  of  what  importance  are  the  talents  and 
experience  of  commanders  to  the  event  of  combats,  and  to  preserve 
nations  from  the  most  terrible  reverses.  For,  it  is  evident,  that  if 
either  of  the  two  hostile  admirals,  in  the  course  of  the  three  days 
we  have  been  describing,  or  during  all  those  which  they  passed  in 
observing  each  other,  had  committed  a  single  fault,  the  defeat  and 
ruin  of  his  fleet  must  have  been  its  inevitable  consequence. 

If  hitherto  the  forces  of  France  and  of  England  had  been  pretty 
equally  balanced  in  the  West  Indies,  it  was  not  long  before  the  first 
acquired  a  decided  superiority,  by  the  junction  of  a  Spanish  squa- 
dron which  arrived  in  those  seas.  Spain  had  conceived  an  ardent 
desire  to  acquire  Jamaica  ;  and  the  French  as  eagerly  coveted  the 
possession  of  the  other  islands  which  were  still  in  the  power  of  the 
enemy.  If  these  objects  had  been  attained,  the  English  would  have 
witnessed  the  total  extinction  of  their  domination  in  the  West  Indies. 
With  such  views  don  Joseph  Solano  had  departed  from  Cadiz, 
about  the  middle  of  April,  with  twelve  sail  of  the  line  and  some 
frigates.  This  squadron  escorted  upwards  of  eighty  transports,  con- 
taining eleven  thousand  Spanish  infantry,  with  a  prodigious  quantity 
of  artillery  and  munitions  of  war  ;  an  armament  as  formidable  as 
flourishing,  and  suited  without  question,  to  justify  the  hopes  with 
which  the  allied  courts  had  flattered  themselves,  particularly  that  of 
Madrid.  Already  don  Solano  was  well  on  his  way  across  the  At- 
lantic, shaping  his  course  for  Fort  Royal,  in  Martinico*  It  was  there 
he  purposed  to  make  his  junction  with  all  the  French  forces.  Rod- 
ney continued  at  anchor  in  Carlisle  Bay,  attending  to  the  health  of 
his  crews,  recruiting  his  provisions  and  water,  and  refitting  his  ships. 
He  had  no  mistrust  of  the  storm  that  was  about  to  burst  upon  him. 
But  captain  Mann,  who  was  cruising  at  large  with  the  frigate  Cerbe- 
rus, fell  in  with  the  Spanish  convoy ;  aware  of  all  the  importance  of 
the  discovery,  and  feeling  assured  that  his  admiral  would  receive  it 
well,  he  took  upon  himself  to  quit  his  cruise  and  return  to  the  West 
Indies,  in  order  to  give  the  alarm.  Upon  this  intelligence  Rodney 
put  to  sea  with  the  least  possible  delay,  for  the  purpose  of  meeting 
the  Spanish  squadron  ;  confident  of  victory,  if  he  could  fall  upon  it 
before  its  union  with  the  French  fleet.  Conjecturing  with  reason, 
that  it  was  bound  to  Martinico,  he  awaited  it  upon  the  route  usually 
taken  by  vessels  destined  for  that  island.  His  dispositions  were  very 
judicious  ;  but  the  prudence  and  precautions  of  the  Spanish  admiral 
rendered  them  fruitless.  Without  any  intimation  of  the  design  of 
the  English,  and  of  the  danger  that  menaced  him,  don  Solano,  as  if 
directed  by  a  secret  presentiment,  instead  of  steering  directly  to- 
wards Fort  Royal,  of  Martinico,  shaped  his  course  more  to  the  north 
on  his  right,  and  stood  for  the  islands  of  Dominica  and  Guadaloupe. 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  275 

As  soon  as  he  was  arrived  in  their  vicinity,  he  detached  a  very  swift 
sailing  frigate  to  the  count  de  Guichen,  to  request  him  to  come  out 
and  join  him.  The  French  admiral  issued  with  eighteen  ships;  and 
being  informed  that  the  English  were  cruising  to  windward  of  the 
Antilles,  in  order  to  avoid  encountering  them,  he  sailed  under  the  lee 
of  those  islands.  This  voyage  was  so  well  conducted,  that  the  two 
armaments  came  together  between  Dominica  and  Guadaloupe.  As- 
suredly if  all  these  forces,  which  greatly  surpassed  those  of  Rodney, 
could  have  been  preserved  entire,  or  if  the  allies  had  acted  more  in 
concert,  they  must  have  attained  their  object,  namely,  the  absolute 
annihilation  of  the  British  power  in  the  West  Indies.  But  these 
forces,  in  appearance  so  formidable,  bore  within  themselves  the  ele- 
ments of  their  own  destruction.  The  length  of  the  passage,  the 
want  of  fresh  provision,  the  change  of  climate  and  the  defect  of 
cleanliness,  had  generated  among  the  Spanish  soldiers  a  contagious 
fever,  which  had  spread  with  incredible  rapidity,  and  made  horrible 
ravages.  Besides  the  deaths  in  the  passage,  the  squadron  had  put 
ashore  twelve  hundred  sick  at  Dominica,  and  at  least  an  equal  number 
at  Guadaloupe  and  Martinico.  The  salubrity  of  the  air,  and  that  of 
the  new  diet  on  which  they  were  put  in  those  islands,  did  not,  however, 
abate  the  fury  of  the  pestilence  ;  it  swept  off  every  day  the  most 
valiant  soldiers  ;  it  soon  attacked  also  the  French,  though  with  less 
violence  than  the  Spaniards.  This  unexpected  scourge  not  only  dimi- 
nished the  ardor  of  the  allies,  but  also  deprived  them  of  great  part  of 
the  means  essential  to  the  success  of  their  enterprises ;, they  were, 
moreover,  thwarted  by  the  clash  of  opinions.  The  Spaniards  want- 
ed to  undertake  in  the  first  place  the  expeditio'n  of  Jamaica,  the 
French  that  of  St.  Lucia  and  the  neighboring  islands,  It  followed, 
that  all  these  projects  miscarried  alike.  Compelled  to  relinquish  the 
brilliant  hopes  with  which  they  had  flattered  themselves,  the  allies 
reembarked  their  troops,  scarcely  yet  well  recovered,  and  made  sail 
in  company  towards  the  leeward  islands.  The  count  de  Guichen 
escorted  the  Spaniards  into  the  waters  of  St.  Domingo,  and  then 
leaving  them  to  pursue  their  voyage,  came  to  anchor  at  Cape  Fran- 
cois. Here  he  made  his  junction  with  the  squadron  of  M.  de  la 
Motte  Piquet,  who  had  been  stationed  in  that  part  for  the  protection 
of  commerce.  The  Spaniards  proceeded  to  the  Havannah.  At  the 
news  of  the  juncture  of  the  allied  fleets,  Rodney  repaired  to  Gros 
Islet  bay,  in  St.  Lucia.  But  as  soon  as  he  was  advised  that  they 
had  sailed  from  Martinico,  he , profited  of  a  reenforcernent  of  ships 
and  troops  that  was  arrived  to  him  from  England,  under  the  conduct 
of  commodore  Walsingham,  to  put  Jamaica  in  a  respectable  state  of 
defence  against  the  attacks  of  the  allies.  He  kept  the  rest  of  his 
force  at  St.  Lucia,  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy  and  cover  the 
neighboring  islands.  Thus  vanished  the  high  hopes  which  had  been 
conceived  in  France  as  well  as  in  Spain,  from  the  ibrmidable  war- 


270  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

like  apparatus  directed  against  the  British  West  ladies.  This  failure 
was  less  the  fault  of  fortune  than  of  that  diversity  of  interests  which 
too  frequently  produces  a  want  of  harmony  between  allies; -they  will 
not  march  together  towards  the  same  object,  and  disunited  they  can- 
riot  attain  it. 

The  events  we  have  been  relating  were  succeeded,  in  the  West 
Indies,  by  a  sort  of  general  truce  between  the  two  parties.  But 
though  the  fury  of  men  was  suspended  for  a  while,  that  of  the  ele- 
ments broke  out  in  a  manner  much  more  tremendous.  It  was  now 
the  month  of  October,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands  were  in  the 
enjoyment  of  that  unexpected  tranquillity  which  resulted  from  the 
cessation  of  arms,  when  their  shores,  and  the  seas  that  washed  them, 
were  assailed  by  so  dreadful  a  tempest,  that  scarcely  would  there  be 
found  a  similar  example  in  the  whole  series  of  maritime  records, 
however  replete  with  shocking  disasters  and  pitiable  shipwrecks.  If 
this  fearful  scourge  fell  with  more  or  less  violence  upon  all  the  islands 
of  the  West  Indies,  it  no  where  raged  with  more  destructive  energy 
than  in  the  flourishing  island  of  Barbadoes.  It  was  on  the  morning 
of  the  tenth  that  the  tornado  set  in,  and  it  hardly  began  to  abate 
forty-eight  hours  after.  The  vessels  that  were  moored  in  the  port, 
where  they  considered  themselves  in  safety,  were  wrenched  from 
their  anchors,  lanched  into  the  open  sea,  and  abandoned  to  the 
mercy  of  the  tempest.  Nor  was  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants  on 
shore,  less  worthy  of  compassion.  In  the  following  niaht,  the  vehe- 
mence of  the  hurricane  became  yet  more  extreme  ;  houses  were 
demolished,  trees  uprooted,  men  and  animals  tossed  hither  and 
thither,  or  overwhelmed  by  the  ruins.  The  capital  of  the  island 
was  well  nigh  rased  to  a  level  with  the  ground.  The  mansion  of 
the  governor,  the  walls  of  which  were  three  feet  in  thickness,  was 
shaken  to  its  foundations,  and  every  moment  threatened  to  crumble 
in  ruins.  Those  within  had  hastened  to  barricade  the  doors  and 
windows  to  resist  the  whirlwinds  ;  all  their  efforts  were  of  no  avail. 
The  doors  were  rent  from  their  hinges,  the  bars  and  fastenings  forc- 
ed ;  and  chasms  started  in  the  very  walls.  The  governor  with  his 
family  sought  refuge  in  the  subterraneous  vaults;  but  they  were  soon 
driven  from  that  shelter  by  the  torrents  of  water  that  poured  like  a 
new  deluge  from  the  sky.  They  issued  then  into  the  open  country-, " 
and  with  extreme  difficulty  and  continual  perils  repaired  under  the 
covert  of  a  mound,  upon  which  the  flagstaff  was  erected ;  but  that 
mass  being  itself  rocked  by  the  excessive  fury  of  the  wind,  the  ap- 
prehension of  being  buried  under  the  stones  that  were  detached  from 
it,  compelled  them  again  to  remove,  and  to  retire  from  all  habitation. 
Happily  for  them  they  held  together  ;  for,  without  the  mutual  aid  they 
lent  each  other,  they  must  all  inevitably  have  perished.  After 
a  long  and  toilsome  march  in  the  midst  of  ruins,  they  succeeded  in 
gaining  a  battery,  where  they  stretched  themselves  face  downward 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  277 

on  the  ground,  behind  the  carriages  of  the  heaviest  cannon,  still  a 
wretched  and  douhtful  asylum,  since  those  very  carriages  were  con- 
tinually put  in  motion  by  the  impetuosity  of  the  storm.  The  other 
houses  in  the  city  being  less  solid,  had  been  prostrated  before  that  of 
the  governor,  and  their  unhappy  inhabitants  wandered  as  chance 
directed  during  that  merciless  night,  without  shelter  and  without  suc- 
cour. Many  perished  under  the  ruins  of  their  dwellings;  others 
were  the  victims  of  the  sudden  inundation  ;  several  were  suffocated 
in  the  mire.  The  thickness  of  the  darkness,  and  the  lurid  fire  of 
the  lightning,  the  continual  peal  of  the  thunder,  the  horrible  whistling 
of  the  winds  and  rain,  the  doleful  cries  of  the  dying,  the  despondent 
moans  of  those  who  were  unable  to  succour  them,  the  shrieks  and 
wailings  of  women  and  children,  all  seemed  to  announce  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  world.  But  the  return  of  day  presented  to  the  view  of 
the  survivors  a  spectacle  which  the  imagination  scarcely  dares  to 
depict.  This  island,  lately  so  rich,  so  flourishing,  so  covered  with 
enchanting  landscapes,  appeared  all  of  a  sudden  transformed  into 
one  of  those  polar  regions  where  an  eternal  winter  reigns.  Not  an 
edifice  left  standing;  wrecks  and  ruins  every  where  ;  every  tree  sub- 
verted ;  not  an  animal  alive ;  the  earth  strown  with  their  remains, 
intermingled  with  those  of  human  beings ;  the  very  surface  of  the 
soil  appeared  no  longer  the  same.  Not  merely  the  crops  that  were 
in  prospect,  and  those  already  gathered,  had  been  devoured  by  the 
hurricane  ;  the  gardens,  the  fields,  those  sources  of  the  delight  and 
opulence  of  the  colonists,  had  ceased  to  exist.  In  their  place  were 
found  deep  sand  or  sterile  clay  ;  the  enclosures  had  disappeared  ; 
the  ditches  were  filled  up,  the  roads  cut  with  deep  ravines.  The 
dead  amounted  to  some  thousands  ;  thus  much  is  known,  though  the 
precise  number  is  not  ascertained.  In  effect,  besides  those  whose 
fallen  houses  became  their  tombs,  how  many  were  swept  away  by 
the  waves  of  the  swoln  sea  and  by  the  torrents,  resembling  rivers, 
which  gushed  from  the  hills  ?  The  wind  blew  with  a  violence  so 
unheard  of,  that  if  credit  be  given  to  the  most  solemn  documents,  a 
piece  of  cannon  which  threw  twelve-pound  balls,  was  transported 
from  one  battery  to  another  at  more  than  three  hundred  yards  dis- 
tance. Much  of  what  escaped  the  fury  of  the  tempest  fell  a  prey 
to  the  frantic  violence  of  men.  As  soon  as  the  gates  of  the  prisons 
were  burst,  the  criminals  sallied  forth,  and  joining  the  negroes,  always 
prepared  for  nefarious  deeds,  they  seemed  to  brave  the  wrath  of 
heaven,  and  put  every  thing  to  sack  and  plunder.  And  perhaps  the 
whites  would  have  been  all  massacred,  and  the  whole  island  consign- 
ed to  perdition,  if  general  Vaughan,  who  happened  to  be  there  at  the 
time,  had  not  watched  over  the  public  safety  at  the  head  of  a  body 
of  regular  troops.  His  cares  were  successful  in  saving  a  considera- 
ble quantity  of  provision,  but  for  which  resource  the  inhabitants 
would  only  have  escaped  the  ravages  of  the  hurricane,  to  be  victims 
VOL.  ii.  36 


278  THE    AMEBICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII, 

of  the  lie  less  horrible  scourge  of  famine.  Nor  should  it  be  passed 
over  in  silence  by  a  sincere  friend  of  truth  and  honorable  deeds, 
that  the  Spanish  prisoners  of  war,  at  this  time  considerably  nume- 
rous in  Barbadoes,  under  the  conduct  of  don  Pedro  San  Jago,  did 
every  thing  that  could  be  expected  of  brave  and  generous  soldiers. 
Far  from  profiting  of  this  calamitous  conjuncture  to  abuse  their 
liberty,  they  voluntarily  encountered  perils  of  every  kind  to  succour 
the  unfortunate  islanders,  who  warmly  acknowledged  their  services. 
The  other  islands,  French  as  well  as  English,  were  not  much  less 
devastated  than  Barbadoes.  At  Jamaica,  a  violent  earthquake  add- 
ed its  horrors  to  the  rage  of  the  tornado  ;  the  sea  rose  and  over- 
flowed its  bounds  with  such  impetuosity,  that  the  inundation  ex- 
tended far  into  the  interior  of  the  island. 

In  consequence  of  the  direction  of  the  wind,  the  effects  of  the  sea- 
flood  were  the  most  destructive  in  the  districts  of  Hanover  and  West- 
moreland. While  the  inhabitants  of  Savanna  la  Mer,  a  considerable 
village  of  Westmoreland,  stood  observing  with  dismay  the  extraordi- 
nary swell  of  the  sea,  the  accumulated  surge  broke  over  them,  and 
in  an  instant,  men,  animals,  habitations,  every  thing,  was  carried  with 
it  into  the  abyss.  Not  a  vestige  remained  of  that  unhappy  town. 
More  than  three  hundred  persons  were  thus  swallowed  up  by  the 
waves.  The  most  fertile  fields  were  left  overspread  with  a  deep 
stratum  of  steril  sand.  The  most  opulent  families  were  reduced  in  a 
moment  to  the  extreme  of  indigence.  If  the  fate  of  those  on  shore 
was  deplorable  beyond  all  expression,  the  condition  of  those  who  were 
upon  the  water  was  not  less  to  be  pitied.  Some  of  the  vessels  were 
dashed  upon  shoals  and  breakers,  others  foundered  in  the  open  ocean, 
a  few  made  their  way  good  into  port,  but  grievously  battered  and 
damaged.  The  tempest  was  not  only  fatal  to  ships  under  sail ;  it 
spared  not  even  those  that  were  at  anchor  in  the  securest  havens. 
Some  bilged  in  port,  and  many  were  drifted  out  to  sea  by  the  resist- 
less fury  of  the  billows.  Among  the  first  was  the  Thunderer,  of 
seventy-four  guns,  which  sunk  with  all  on  board.  Several  frigates 
were  so  shattered  that  they  were  not  thought  worth  repairing.  "The 
English  had  to  regret,  in  all,  one  ship  of  seventy-four,  two  of  sixty- 
four,  and  one  of  fifty  guns,  besides  seven  or  eight  frigates. 

Amidst  so  many  disasters,  they  found,  at  least,  some  succour  in 
the  humanity  of  the  marquis  de  Bouille.  A  number  of  English 
sailors,  the  wretched  relics  of  the  crews  of  the  Laurel  and  Andro- 
meda, wrecked  upon  the  coasts  of  Martinico,  fell  into  the  power 
of  that  general.  He  sent  them  free  to  St.  Lucia,  saying,  that  he 
would  not  treat  as  prisoners  men  who  had  escaped  the  rage  of  the 
elements.  He  expressed  a  hope  that  the  English  would  exercise  the 
same  generosity  towards  those  Frenchmen  whom  a  similar  destiny 
might  have  delivered  into  their  power.  He  testified  his  regrets  that 
he  had  only  been  able  to  save  so  few  of  the  English  seamen,  and  that 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  279 

among  them  there  was  not  a  single  officer.  He  concluded  with 
observing  that,  as  the  calamity  had  been  common  and  general,  huma- 
nity should  be  extended  alike  towards  all  its  victims.  The  merchants 
of  Kingston,  the  capital  of  Jamaica,  animated  by  the  most  honorable 
social  sentiments,  immediately  made  a  subscription  of  ten  thousand 
pounds  sterling  for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers.  The  parliament,  as 
soon  as  it  was  apprised  of  this  catastrophe,  voted,  notwithstanding  the 
pressure  of  the  expenses  of  the  war,  a  donation  of  eighty  thousand 
pounds  sterling  to  the  inhabitants  of  Barbadoes,  and  another  of  forty 
thousand  to  those  of  Jamaica.  Nor  was  public  munificence  the  only 
source  of  their  succours  ;  a  great  number  of  private  citizens  likewise 
contributed  largely  to  alleviate  the  distresses  of  these  unfortunate 
West  Indians. 

The  fleet  of  the  count  de  Guichen,  and  that  of  admiral  Rodney, 
were  not  exposed  to  the  hurricane.  The  first  was  already  departed 
for  Europe,  in  the  month  of  August,  escorting,  with  fourteen  sail  of 
the  line,  a  rich  and  numerous  fleet  of  merchantmen.  In  consequence 
of  his  departure,  and  in  ignorance  of  his  designs,  Rodney,  to  whom, 
moreover,  the  Spanish  troops  landed  at  the  Havannah  gave  no  little 
disquietude,  detached  a  part  of  his  force  to  cover  Jamaica,  and  made 
sail  with  the  rest  for  New  York.  But  before  he  reached  the  Ame- 
rican continent,  and  even  before  he  departed  from  the  West  Indies, 
there  had  happened  a  surprising  revolution  in  public  affairs,  of  which 
we  shall  give  an  account  in  due  time.  While  men  were  engaged  in 
so  fierce  a  war  upon  the  continent,  and  in  the  islands  of  America, 
while  they  had  to  combat  there  the  fury  of  the  elements,  the  bellige- 
rent powers  were  far  from  remaining  inactive  in  Europe.  Greater 
unity  was  observable  in  the  counsels  of  England  ;  but,  however  ex- 
cellent her  marine,  it  was  inferior  in  force  to  that  of  the  allied  courts. 
These,  on  the  other  hand,  had  more  ships  and  more  soldiers  p but 
often  directed  towards  very  different  objects,  by  opposite  interests, 
they  did  not  obtain  the  success  to  which  they  might  have  aspired. 
Thus,  for  example,  the  Spaniards,  always  principally  aiming  at  the 
conquest  of  Gibraltar,  assembled  their  forces,  and  lavished  their  trea- 
sure at  the  foot  of  that  fortress.  From  the  same  motive  they  kept 
their  ships  in  the  port  of  Cadiz,  instead  of  joining  them  with  those  of 
France,  and  attempting  in  concert  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  at  the 
British  power.  It  followed  that  France  was  obliged  to  send  her 
squadrons  into  that  same  port ;  and,  meanwhile,  the  British  fleets 
were  blockading  her  atlantic  ports,  intercepting  her  commerce,  cap- 
turing her  convoys,  and  the  frigates  that  escorted  them. 

Admiral  Geary,  who,  on  the  death  of  sir  Charles  Hardy,  had  been 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  channel  fleet,  had  put  to  sea  with 
about  thirty  sail  of  the  line.  He  fell  in,  the  third  of  July,  with  a  fleet 
of  French  merchantmen,  loaded  with  cochineal,  sugar,  coffee,  and 
cotton,  under  the  guard  of  the  ship  of  war  Le  Fier,  of  fifty  guns- 


280  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII. 

The  English  gave  chase,  and  captured  twelve  sail,  and  probably 
would  have  swept  the  whole  convoy,  but  for  a  thick  fog  and  the  great 
proximity  of  the  coasts  of  France  ;  the  rest  made  their  ports  in  safety. 
Several  other  French  ships,  and  even  some  frigates,  fell  a  short  time 
after,  into  the  power  of  the  English,  but  not  without  a  gallant  resist- 
ance. As  we  cannot  go  into  a  narrative  of  all  the  encounters  that 
took  place,  we  will  not,  however,  omit  the  name  at  least  of  the  che- 
valier de  Kergarion,  captain  of  the  Belle  Poule,  who  with  that  frigate, 
of  only  thirty-two  guns,  defended  himself  a  long  time  against  the 
Nonesuch  man  of  war,  of  sixty-four,  commanded  by  James  Wallace. 
Nor  was  it  till  after  the  death  of  the  intrepid  Kergarion,  that  his  suc- 
cessor, M.  de  la  Motte  Tabouret,  yielded  to  the  necessity  of  striking 
his  colors;  his  frigate  was  completely  dismasted  ;  the  greater  part  of 
the  crew  had  perished. 

The  allies  made  themselves  ample  amends  for  these  losses  on  the 
ninth  of  August.  Towards  the  latter  end  of  July,  a  numerous  fleet 
of  king's  ships  and  merchantmen,  had  set  sail  from  the  ports  of  Eng- 
land for  the  two  Indies.  Five  of  the  first,  besides  much  of  munitions 
of  war,  arms  and  artillery,  were  loaded  with  an  immense  quan- 
tity of  rigging  for  the  use  of  the  British  fleet,  stationed  in  those 
distant  seas.  Eighteen  others  were  either  victualling  ships  or  trans- 
ports, carrying  military  stores  and  recruits,  to  reenforce  the  army 
of  America.  The  others  were  vessels  of  commerce,  whose  car- 
goes were  extremely  valuable.  This  fleet  was  escorted  by  the 
Romulus  ship  of  the  line,  and  three  frigates.  It  was  pursuing  its 
voyage,  having  in  sight,  at  a  great  distance,  the  coasts  of  Spain,  when, 
in  the  night  of  the  eighth  of  August,  it  fell  into  the  midst  of  a  squa- 
dron of  the  combined  fleet,  which  was  cruising  upon  the  accustomed 
route  of  ships  destined  for  the  East  or  West  Indies.  The  hostile 
squadron  was  commanded  by  admiral  don  Lewis  de  Cordova.  The 
English  mistook  his  lanterns  at  mast  head  for  those  of  their  own  com- 
mander, and  steered  accordingly.  At  break  of  day,  they  found  them- 
selves intermingled  with  the  Spanish  fleet.  Don  Cordova  enveloped 
them,  and  shifted  the  crews  of  sixty  vessels  ;  the  ships  of  war  escaped 
him.  His  return  to  Cadiz  was  a  real  triumph.  The  people  flocked 
to  behold  the  prisoners,  and  this  rich  booty ;  a  spectacle  the  more 
grateful  for  being  uncommon,  and  little  expected.  Near  three  thou- 
sand prisoners  were  put  ashore,  of  every  condition,  and  of  every  age. 
Of  this  number,  were  sixteen  hundred  sailors,  a  heavy  loss  for  Eng- 
land, and  passengers  not  a  few.  The  English  even  regretted  much 
less  the  cargoes  of  commercial  articles  than  the  munitions  of  war,  of 
which  their  armies  and  fleets  in  both  Indies  experienced  the  most 
pressing  need.  So  brilliant  a  success  was  received  by  the  Spanish 
nation  with  infinite  exultation.  The  news  of  it  spread,  on  the  con- 
trary, a  sort  of  consternation  in  Great  Britain.  The  ministers  found 
themselves  the  object  of  the  bitterest  reproaches ;  the  public  voice 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  281 

accused  them  of  temerity.  'They  knew,'  it  was  exclaimed,  'that 
the  allies  had  a  formidable  force  at  Cadiz ;  why  did  they  not  direct 
the  convoy  to  avoid  the  coasts  of  Spain  ?' 

The  events  of  maritime  war,  did  not  divert  attention  from  the  siege 
of  Gibraltar.  Spain,  as  we  have  already  seen,  attached  an  extreme 
importance  to  the  conquest  of  this  place.  She  appeared  to  make  it 
the  capital  object  of  the  war,  and  the  aim  of  all  her  efforts.  It  must 
be  admitted,  in  effect,  that,  apart  from  all  political  considerations,  so 
powerful  a  monarch  could  not  have  seen  without  indignation,  a  for- 
tress upon  his  own  territory  possessed  by  foreigners,  who,  from  it's 
summit,  appeared  to  set  him  at  defiance.  Gibraltar  revived  the  his- 
tory of  Calais,  which  had  also  long  appertained  to  England,  but  which 
the  French  at  length  recovered  ;  the  Spaniards  promised  themselves 
the  like  good  fortune.  Accordingly,  after  that  place  had  been  re- 
victualled  by  Rodney,  the  Spanish  admiral,  don  Barcelo,  exerted  all 
his  vigilance  to  prevent  its  receiving  any  fresh  succours.  On  the 
other  hand,  general  Mendoza,  who  commanded  the  troops  on  shore, 
endeavored  to  press  the  fortress  on  the  land  side.  He  daily  added 
new  works  to  his  camp  of  St.  Roch,and  pushed  his  approaches  with 
all  possible  diligence.  But  whatever  was  the  assiduity  and  ability  of 
the  Spanish  commanders,  they  were  so  thwarted  by  the  instability  of 
the  winds  and. sea,  and  the  British  officers  displayed  so  much  talent 
and  activity,  that,  from  time  fo  time,  victualling  transports  found  their 
way  into  the  place.  The  garrison  forgot  their  sufferings,  and  resum- 
ed courage,  while  the  Spaniards  could  but  gnash  with  rage  at  seeing 
the  resistance  protracted  so  long  beyond  their  confident  expectations. 

The  efforts  of  the  garrison  were  powerfully  seconded  by  somo 
ships  of  war  which  admiral  Rodney  had  left  in  the  port  ;  one  of  this 
number  was  the  Panther,  of  seventy-four  guns.  To  remove  so 
troublesome  an  obstacle,  the  Spaniards  formed  a  design  to  burn  this 
squadron  with  the  transport  vessels  at  anchor  behind  it.  They  hoped 
even  to  involve  in  the  conflagration  the  immense  magazines  of  muni- 
tions which  had  been  constructed  upon  the  shore.  They  prepared 
for  this  purpose  seven  tire-ships,  which  were  to  be  accompanied  by 
an  immense  number  of  armed  gallies-  and  boats.  Don  Barcelo  ad- 
vanced his  fleet,  and  formed  it  in  line  of  battle  across  the  mouth  of 
the  harbor,  as  well  to  direct  and  second  the  attack,  as  to  intercept 
any  vessel  that  should  attempt  to  escape.  On  the  side  of  the  land, 
don  Mendoza  held  himself  hi  readiness  to  menace  the  garrison  upon 
all  p9"mts ;  he  was  to  commence  the  most  vigorous  bombardment  as 
soon  as  the  fire  should  break  out  on  board  the  British  squadron.  The 
night  of  the  sixth  of  June  was  chosen  for  the  enterprise.  The  dark- 
ness, the  wind,  and  the  tide,  were  alike  propitious.  The  English 
manifested  a  perfect  security.  The  fire-ships  advanced,  and  every 
thing  promised  success,  when  the  Spaniards,  either  through  impa- 
tience, or,  from  the  extreme  obscurity  of  the  night,  misjudging  their 


262  THE    AMERICAN    VVAK.  BOOK  Xli, 

distance,  or  else  not  wishing  to  approach  nearer,  applied  the  fire  with 
too  much  precipitation.  This  unexpected  sight  apprised  the  English 
of  their  danger.  Immediately,  without  terror,  and  without  confu- 
sion, officers  and  soldiers  throw  themselves  into  boats,  intrepidly 
approach  the  fire-ships,  make  fast  to  them,  and  tow  them  off  to  places 
where  they  can  do  no  mischief.  The  Spaniards,  after  this  fruitless 
attempt,  withdrew. 

Meanwhile,  don  Mendoza  busied  himself  with  unremitting  ardor 
in  urging  the  labors  of  his  lines.  General  Elliot,  to  whom  the  king 
of  England  had  confided  the  defence  of  the  place,  suffered  his  ad- 
versary to  go  on  ;  but  when  he  saw  his  works  well  nigh  completed, 
he  opened  upon  them  so  violent  a  cannonade,  that  in  a  short  time  he 
demolished  and  ruined  them  entirely.  He  also  made  frequent  sallies, 
in  which  he  filled  up  the  trenches  and  spiked  the  artillery  of  the 
besiegers.  The  English  became  daily  more  confident,  the  Spaniards, 
on  the  contrary,  seemed  less  animated  and  sanguine.  Chagrined 
that  a  handful  of  men,  since  the  garrison  of  Gibraltar,  including  offi- 
cers, did  not  exceed  six  thousand  combatants,  should  not  only  pre- 
sume to  resist  them,  but  even  to  attack  them  with  success,  they  had 
recourse  to  an  expedient,  which  at  length  rendered  the  defence  of 
the  place  exceedingly  difficult  and  perilous,  and  finally  operated  the 
total  destruction  of  the  city  ;  and  that  was,  to  construct  an  immense 
number  of  craft,  which  they  called  gun-boats.  Their  burthen  was 
from  thirty  to  forty  tons,  and  their  crew  from  forty  to  fifty  men  ;  they 
were  armed  at  the  prow  with  a  twenty-six  pounder  ;  others  mounted 
mortars.  Besides  a  large  sail,  they  had  fifteen  oars  on  each  side. 
As  they  were  easily  worked,  it  was  intended  to  employ  them  to  over- 
whelm the  town  and  forts  with  bombs  and  balls  during  the  nights, 
and  even,  if  the  opportunity  should  present  itself,  to  attack  the 
frigates.  It  was  believed  that  two  of  these  gun-boats  might  engage 
a  frigate  with  advantage,  because  of  their  little  elevation  above  the 
water,  and  the  diminutive  scope  they  afforded  to  the  balls  of  the 
enemy.  The  governor  of  Gibraltar,  not  having  a  similar  flotilla  at 
his  disposal,  it  became  almost  impossible  for  him  to  avoid  its  effects. 
The  Spaniards  were  sensible,  of  it,  and  this  consideration  revived 
their  ardor,  and  reanimated  their  hopes. 

While  the  arms  of  England  prevailed  upon  the  American  conti- 
nent ;  while  those  of  the  two  ancient  rivals  balanced  each  other  in 
the  West  Indies,  and  the  war  was  carried  on  in  Europe  with  such 
variety  of  success  that  it  was  singularly  difficult  to  conjecture  what 
would  be  the  issue  of  the  mighty  struggle,  the  situation  of  affairs  in  the 
United  Provinces,  which  had  hitherto  offered  only  doubt  and  incerti- 
tude, began  to  assume  a  less  ambiguous  aspect.  It  seemed  to  have 
been  decreed  by  destiny,  that  the  quarrel  of  America  should  shake  the 
whole  globe.  The  coalition  of  the  arms  of  Holland  with  those  of  the 
Bourbons  and  of  the  Congress,  seemed  to  consummate  the  formida- 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  283 

ble  league  that  was  to  level  the  last  stroke  at  the  British  power. 
From  the  very  commencement  of  the  troubles  of  America,  her  cause 
had  found  many  more  partisans  in  Holland  than  that  of  England. 
Many  motives  concurred  to  this  disposition  of  minds ;  the  political 
opinions  which  obtained  generally  in  Europe  ;  the  persuasion  that 
prevailed  among  the  Hollanders  that  the  interests  of  protestantism 
were  inseparable  from  this  discussion ;  the  apprehension  entertained 
by  the  dissenters  of  the  usurpations,  real  or  supposed,  of  the  church 
of  England  ;  and,  finally,  the  similarity  of  the  present  condition  of 
the  Americans  to  that  in  which  the  United  Provinces  found  them- 
selves in  the  time  of  their  wars  against  Spain.  It  is,  therefore,  not 
to  be  wondered  at  if  the  French  party  in  Holland  gained  every  day 
upon  the  English  party.  It  is  also  to  be  observed,  that  even  those 
most  attached  to  the  latter  party  by  the  remembrance  of  ancient 
friendship,  by  the  community  of  commercial  predilections,  and  by 
the  apprehension  of  the  evil  that  France  might  do  them  in  future, 
were  among  the  most  forward  to  condemn  the  policy  pursued  by  the 
British  government  towards  its  colonies.  They  censured  it  the  more 
sincerely,  as  they  foresaw  that  one  of  its  inevitable  consequences 
would  be  to  interrupt  the  good  understanding  they  wished  to  pre- 
serve, and  to  confirm  the  ascendency  of  French  politics  in  Holland. 
To  these  considerations  should  be  added,  the  jealousy  that  existed 
of  the  power  of  the  Stadtholder,  allied  by  consanguinity  to  the  king 
of  England,  it  was  feared  lest  that  monarch  might  lend  him  support 
to  accomplish  the  usurpations  he  meditated,  or  was  suspected  of 
meditating.  The  republicans,  therefore,  were  not  without  anxious 
apprehensions  respecting  the  intentions  of  the  British  government. 
They  dreaded  the  dark  reach  of  its  policy  ;  they  shuddered  in  think- 
ing that  it  might  one  day  subject  them  by  the  hand  of  the  Stadtholder 
to  that  same  destiny  which  it  was  now  striving  to  entail  on  America. 
Every  day  these  sinister  images  were  presented  to  all  eyes ;  they 
had  a  powerful  influence  en  public  opinion.  Of  the  seven  United 
Provinces,  that  which  inclined  the  most  decidedly  for  France  was 
by  far  the  most  wealthy  and  powerful,  Holland.  The  first  of  the 
cities  of  the  republic,  Amsterdam,  manifested  the  same  sentiments. 
To  foment  these  dispositions,  and  to  draw  other  provinces  and 
other  cities  into  the  same  way  of  thinking,  the  French  government 
had  recourse  to  the  agency  of  that  love  of  gain,  whose  empire  is  par- 
ticularly so  despotic  with  those  who  apply  themselves  to  commerce. 
It  declared  that  it  would  cause  to  be  seized  upon  sea  every  Dutch 
vessel  found  employed  in  any  sort  of  trade  with  Great  Britain,  those 
only  excepted  which  belonged  to  the  cities  of  Amsterdam  and  Har- 
lem. The  effect  of  this  measure  was,  that  several  important  cities, 
among  others  Rotterdam  and  Dordrecht,  had  gone  over  to  France, 
in  order  to  participate  in  the  privileges  she  granted. 


284  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

It  was  already  two  years  since  from  this  complication  of  different 
interests,  there  had  resulted  a  standing  negotiation,  at  Aix  la  Cha- 
pelle,  between  John  Neuville,  acting  in  the  name  of  the  pensioner 
Van  Berkel,  a  declared  partisan  of  France,  and  William  Lee,  com- 
missioner on  the  part  of  Congress.  Van  Berkel,  as  chief  of  the  go- 
vernment of  the  city  of  Amsterdam,  succeeded,  after  many  and 
protracted  discussions,  in  bringing  about  a  treaty  of  amity  and  com- 
merce between  that  city  and  the  United  States  of  America.  This 
treaty,  it  was  said,  was  merely  eventual,  since  it  was  not  to  take 
effect  until  the  independence  of  the  colonies  should  have  been  ac- 
knowledged by  England.  But  was  it  not  a  recognition  of  that  inde- 
pendence as  already  absolute,  to  negotiate  and  treat  with  the  United 
States  ?  The  treaty,  it  is  true,  had  only  been  concluded  with  the 
single  city  of  Amsterdam  ;  but*it  was  hoped  that  the  preponderance 
of  that  capital  in  the  province  of  Holland  would  easily  draw  after  it 
the  rest  of  that  province,  and  that  the  example  of  Holland  would 
guide  the  other  six. 

These  negotiations  were  conducted  with  so  much  secrecy,  that  no 
whisper  of  them  had  reached  England.  But  the  Congress,  ardently 
desirous  that  the  result  of  these  mysterious  stipulations  should  be  as 
public  as  possible,  appointed  to  this  effect  their  president,  Laurens, 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  States-General.  This  resolution  was 
the  more  readily  adopted,  since  it  was  not  doubted  in  America,  and 
the  correctness  of  the  opinion  was  demonstrated  by  the  event,  that 
the  Dutch  were  exasperated  to  the  last  degree  by  the  insulting 
shackles  which  England  attempted  to  impose  on  their  commerce  with 
France,  and  especially  by  that  intolerable  seizure  of  the  convoy  of 
the  count  de  Byland.  Far  from  attempting  to  palliate  these  out- 
rages, and  to  appease  discontents,  M.  York,  ambassador  of  the  king 
of  England  at  the  Hague,  had  just  delivered  the  States-General  a 
memorial,  framed  in  so  arrogant  a  style,  that  it  was  universally 
considered  as  offensive  to  the  dignity  of  a  free  and  independent 
nation. 

But  fortune,  who  seems  to  make  her  sport  of  the  best  concerted 
projects,  willed  that  those  of  the  Hollanders  should  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  British  ministers  before  they  could  receive  their 
accomplishment.  No  sooner  was  Laurens  departed  from  the  Ameri- 
can shores,  than  he  was  encountered  and  captured  off  Newfoundland, 
by  the  British  frigate  Vestal.  At  sight  of  the  enemy,  he  had  thrown 
all  his  papers  overboard  ;  but  by  the  celerity  and  dexterity  of  a 
British  sailor,  they  were  rescued  from  the  water  before  they  were 
materially  injured.  Laurens  was  carried  to  London,  and  shut  up  in 
the  tower  as  a  state  prisoner.  Among  his  papers,  the  British  mi- 
nisters found  the  treaty  above  mentioned,  and  some  letters  relative  to 
the  negotiations  at  Aix  la  Chapelle.  Forthwith,  M.  York  made  a 
great  stir  at  the  Hague.  He  required  the  States-General  in  the 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  285 

name  of  his  master,  not  only  to  disavow  the  doings  of  the  pensioner 
Van  Berkel,  but  also  to  make  instant  reparation  to  his  Britannic 
majesty,  by  the  exemplary  punishment  of  that  magistrate  and  his 
accomplices,  as  perturbators  of  the  public  peace,  and  violators  of  the 
laws  of  nations.  The  States-General  withholding  their  answer,  the 
British  envoy  renewed  his  instances  with  excessive  fervor  ;  but  the 
Dutch  government  either  from  its  reluctance  to  drop  the  mask  at 
present,  or  merely  from  the  accustomed  tardiness  of  its  deliberations, 
signified  to  York  that  the  affair  should  be  taken  under  serious  con- 
sideration. The  States-General  were  inclined  to  gain  time  to  recall 
into  their  ports  the  rich  cargoes  they  had  afloat  upon  the  ocean,  as 
well  as  those  which,  in  the  security  of  a  long  peace,  had  been  depo- 
sited in  their  islands. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  British  ministers,  goaded  by  impatience  to 
lay  hand  upon  those  riches,  and  little  disposed  to  allow  the  Dutch  suf- 
ficient leisure  to  make  the  necessary  war  preparations,  pretended  not 
to  be  at  all  satisfied  with  the  answer  of  the  States-General.  They 
recalled  the  ambassador  at  the  Hague  immediately.  A  little  after, 
there  followed  on  both  sides  the  usual  declarations.  Thus  were  dis- 
solved all  those  relations  of  good  understanding,  which  had  so  long 
existed  between  two  nations  connected  by  reciprocal  congenialities, 
and  by  many  and  important  common  interests.  This  new  enemy  was 
the  more  to  be  apprehended  for  England,  as  his  dexterity  in  maritime 
war  was  rendered  more  formidable  by  his  proximity.  But  on  the 
one  hand  pride,  perhaps  necessary  to  a  powerful  state,  and  the  thirst 
of  conquest,  always  blameable  and  never  satisfied  ;  on  the  other, 
intestine  dissentions,  and  the  debility  of  land  force,  which  inspired 
more  dread  of  continental  neighbors  than  could  well  comport  with 
independence,  precipitated  Great  Britain  and  Holland  into  a  war 
decidedly  and  openly  condemned  by  all  sound  statesmen. 

It  is  time  to  remand  our  attention  upon  the  American  continent. 
After  the  capture  of  Charleston  and  invasion  of  South  Carolina,  a 
great  and  astonishing  change  was  wrought  in  the  minds  of  the  colo- 
nists. Their  salvation  resulted  from  those  very  causes  which  seemed 
to  prognosticate  an  impending  perdition.  So  true  it  is  that  the  spur 
of  adversity  forces  men  to  exert  for  their  own  interests,  efforts  to 
which  the  sweets  of  prosperity  cannot  induce  them  !  Never  was 
this  truth  better  exemplified  than  in  the  present  conjuncture ;  the 
reverses  of  Carolina,  far  from  having  dejected  the  Americans,  deve- 
loped in  them  on  the  contrary  a  courage  more  active,  and  a  con- 
stancy more  pertinacious.  They  could  no  longer  be  reproached 
with  that  torpor  which  they  had  manifested  in  the  preceding  years, 
with  that  apathy  which  had  been  the  source  of  so  much  pain  to  their 
chiefs,  as  of  such  heavy  disasters  to  the  republic.  A  new  ardor  in- 
flamed every  heart  to  fly  to  the  succour  of  country  ;  there  seemed  a 
rivalry  for  the  glory  of  immolating  all  to  the  republic  ;  things  looked 
VOL.  ii.  37 


286  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII. 

as  if  the  first  days  of  the  revolution  were  come  back,  when  the  same 
spirit  and  the  same  zeal  broke  out  on  all  parts  against  England. 
Every  where  private  interests  were  postponed  to  the  public  weal ; 
every  where  it  was  exclaimed,  *  let  us  drive  this  cruel  enemy  from 
the  most  fertile  provinces  of  the  union  ;  let  us  fly  to  the  succour  of 
their  inhabitants ;  let  us  crush  the  satellites  of  England  that  have 
some  how  escaped  American  steel,  and  terminate  at  a  single  blow  a 
war  protracted  too  long.'  Thus  ill  fortune  had  again  tempered  the 
souls  of  this  people,  at  the  very  moment  when  they  were  supposed 
the  victims  of  dejection  and  despair.  Their  fury  was  still  quickened 
by  the  devastations  which  the  royal  troops  had  recently  committed 
in  Carolina  and  New  Jersey.  Their  hope  became  confidence,  on 
observing  that  the  consequences  of  the  reduction  of  Charleston  had 
been  to  divide  the  enemy's  forces,  and  to  distribute  them  at  so  great 
distances,  that  they  might  be  attacked  at  every  point  with  assurance 
of  success.  And  how  were  these  hopes  multiplied  by  the  authentic 
advice  of  the  approaching  arrival  of  French  succours  !  Already  a 
great  number  of  Americans  counted  the  conquest  of  New  York  as  a 
compensation  of  the  occupation  of  Charleston. 

The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  was  in  effect  just  returned  from  France, 
whence  he  had  brought  the  most  cheering  intelligence.  He  an- 
nounced that  the  troops  were  already  embarked,  and  the  ships  that 
bore  them  on  the  point  of  getting  under  sail  for  America.  This 
report  might  be  depended  on.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  had  as- 
certained it  with  his  own  eyes,  after  having  exerted  himself  with 
much  zeal  to  accelerate  the  preparatives  of  the  expedition.  He  was 
warmly  thanked  for  it  by  Washington  and  the  Congress.  His  pre- 
sence was  grateful  to  the  American  people  ;  it  redoubled,  especially, 
the  ardor  of  the  soldiers,  who  mutually  incited  one  another,  to  show 
themselves  not  unworthy  of  the  allies  they  expected.  They  declared 
aloud  that  an  eternal  reproach  would  be  their  portion,  if  through 
a  base  apathy  they  should  lose  the  glorious  occasion  about  to  be 
offered  them  in  this  powerful  cooperation  of  France.  They  remind- 
ed each  other  that  the  eyes  of  all  Europe  were  upon  them,  and  that 
on  the  issue  of  the  present  campaign  depended  the  liberty,  the  glory, 
the  future  destiny  of  the  American  republic.  The  Congress,  all 
the  established  authorities,  and  even  private  citizens  of  weight  with 
the  multitude  dexterously  profited  of  this  new  enthusiasm  ;  they 
neglected  no  means  that  could  cherish  and  propagate  it.  The  Con- 
gress addressed  circular  letters  to  all  the  states  earnestly  exhorting 
them  to  complete  the  regiments,  and  despatch  to  the  army  the  con- 
tingent that  each  of  them  was  bound  to  furnish.  These  instances 
were  strongly  seconded  by  generals  Washington,  Reed,  and  other 
influential  chiefs. 

Their  efforts  had  all  the  success  desirable.  The  militia  had  recov- 
ered their  spirits,  and  they  rejoined  their  colors  from  all  quarters. 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  2S7 

The  authority  of  Congress  revived  on  every  side,  and  acquired  new 
vigor.  Sensible  to  the  wants  of  the  state,  the  capitalists  subscribed 
with  promptitude  considerable  sums  to  the  relief  of  the  public  trea- 
sure, the  exhaustion  of  which  was  then  extreme.  The  city  of  Phi- 
ladelphia first  gave  the  example  of  these  sacrifices ;  it  was  not  un- 
fruitful. It  was  soon  followed  by  all  Pennsylvania  and  the  other 
provinces.  The  ladies  of  Philadelphia,  animated  by  the  most  ardent 
patriotism,  formed  a  society,  and  placed  at  their  head  mistress  Wash- 
ington, a  wife  worthy  of  such  a  husband.  After  having  subscribed 
for  the  use  of  the  state  to  the  extent  of  their  means,  they  went  from 
house  to  house  to  stimulate  the  liberality  of  the  citizens  in  favor  of 
the  republic.  Their  zeal  was  not  steril ;  they  collected  large  sums 
which  they  lodged  in  the  public  chest,  to  be  used  in  bounties  to  such 
soldiers  as  should  merit  them,  and  in  augmentation  of  pay  to  all. 
They  were  imitated  with  enthusiasm  by  the  ladies  of  the  other  states. 
But  among  all  the  institutions  that  signalised  this  epoch,  none  is  more 
worthy  of  attention,  than  the  establishment  of  a  public  bank.  The 
funds  lodged  in  it  by  the  stockholders,  by  lenders,  and  by  Congress, 
might  be  employed  to  defray  the  army.  The  Congress  found  herein 
not  only  a  great  facility  on  the  part  of  the  most  wealthy  commercial 
houses  of  Philadelphia,  but  even  received  from  them  the  most  gene- 
rous offers.  The  subscribers  obligated  themselves  to  furnish  a  capi- 
tal of  three  hundred  thousand  pounds  Pennsylvania  currency,  which 
rates  the  Spanish  dollar  at  seven  shillings  and  sixpence.  It  was  to 
have  two  directors,  with  authority  to  borrow  money  upon  the  credit 
of  the  bank  for  six  months,  or  any  shorter  time,  and  to  give  the 
lenders,  bills  bearing  an  interest  of  six  per  cent.  The  bank  was  to 
receive  the  deposits  of  Congress  ;  that  is,  the  public  revenue  accru- 
ing from  taxes  or  other  sources  ;  but  when  these  deposits  and  the 
funds  borrowed  should  not  suffice,  the  stockholders  were  bound  to 
furnish  such  proportion  as  should  be  deemed  necessary,  of  the  sums 
for  which  they  might  have  subscribed.  The  sums  obtained  in  the 
different  ways  above  mentioned,  were  not  to  be  employed  for  any 
other  purpose  but  that  of  procuring  supplies  for  the  troops.  The 
stockholders  were  to  appoint  an  agent,  whose  office  it  should  be  to 
make  purchases,  and  to  transmit  the  articles  bought,  such  as  meat, 
flour,  rum,  etc.,  to  the  cornmander-in-chief,  or  to  the  minister  of 
war  ;  this  agent  should  have  authority  to  draw  upon  the  directors  for 
his  payments.  The  said  agent  was  also  to  keep  open  a  store  well 
stocked  with  rum,  sugar,  coffee,  salt  and  other  articles  of  general 
consumption,  with  obligation  to  sell  them  by  retail  at  the  same  price 
he  should  have  bought  them  for  in  quantity  of  those  with  whom  he 
should  have  contracted  for  the  supplies  of  the  army,  with  a  view  of 
being  more  promptly  and  better  served  by  those  contractors.  Al- 
though out  of  the  bank,  few  lenders  presented  themselves,  because 
the  greater-  part  before  advancing  their  money,  would  have  wished 


288  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII. 

more  stability  in  the  state,  yet  subscribers  were  soon  found  for  a 
capital  of  three  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  pounds  of  Pennsylva- 
nia. Each  of  them  gave  their  written  obligation  to  furnish  the  direc- 
tors a  definite  sum  in  gold  or  silver  coin.  Thus,  private  citizens, 
prompted  by  the  most  laudable  zeal  for  the  country,  stepped  forward 
to  support  the  public  credit  with  their  personal  responsibility  ;  a  con- 
duct the  more  worthy  of  encomium,  as  the  situation  of  affairs  still 
offered  but  too  many  motives  of  doubt  and  distrust. 

Could  it  have  been  imagined,  however,  that  at  the  very  moment 
when  a  victorious  enemy  still  threatened  the  existence  of  their  infant 
republic,  the  Americans  did  not  rest  content  with  offering  their  blood 
and  their  treasure  for  its  defence  ?  Amidst  the  din  of  arms,  they 
were  studious  to  accelerate  the  advancement  of  philosophy,  science 
and  the  arts.  They  reflected  that  without  the  succour  of  these 
lights,  war  tends  directly  to  barbarism,  and  even  peace  is  deprived 
of  its  most  precious  sweets.  In  devoting  themselves  to  these  noble 
cares,  they  regarded  not  merely  the  advantages  that  were  to  redound 
thence  for  the  greater  civilisation  of  their  country ;  they  had  also  in 
view  to  demonstrate  at  home  and  abroad,  by  this  profound  security, 
in  the  midst  of  so  many  agitations,  what  was  their  contempt  for  the 
danger,  and  their  confidence  in  the  success  of  their  enterprise.  Such 
were  the  considerations  under  which  the  state  of  Massachusetts 
founded  at  Boston  a  society,  or  academy  of  arts  and  sciences.  Its 
statutes  corresponded  to  the  importance  of  the  institution.  Its  labors 
were  principally  directed  to  facilitate  and  encourage  a  knowledge  of 
the  antiquities  and  natural  history  of  America  ;  to  ascertain  the  uses 
to  which  its  native  productions  might  be  applied  ;  to  promote  medi- 
cal discoveries,  mathematical  inquiries,  physical  researches  and  ex- 
periments, astronomical,  meteorological  and  geographical  observa- 
tions ;  improvements  in  the  processes  of  agriculture,  arts,  manufac- 
tures and  commerce  ;  the  academy  was,  in  brief,  to  cultivate  every 
art  and  science  that  could  tend  to  advance,  according  to  its  own  lan- 
guage, the  *  interests,  the  honor,  the  dignity,  and  the  happiness  of  a 
free,  independent  and  virtuous  people.'  On  the  fourth  of  July,  after 
having  celebrated  with  the  greatest  solemnity  the  anniversary  of  in- 
dependence, the  president  of  Congress,  the  governor  of  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania  and  the  other  authorities,  both  of  the  city  and  pro- 
vince, as  also  the  chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  the  minister  of  France, 
repaired  with  no  ordinary  pomp  to  the  university,  to  attend  the  col- 
lation of  degrees.  The  director  of  the  studies  delivered  an  address 
well  suited  to  the  occasion.  The  generous  spirit  of  the  students 
was  fired  with  new  ardor  for  their  country  ;  all  the  audience  shared 
their  enthusiasm,  and  drew  from  it  the  most  felicitous  presages.  It 
was  amidst  this  general  display  of  zeal  and  efforts  to  proceed  with 
honor  in  the  chosen  career,  that  the  succours  sent  by  France  to  the 
support  of  her  allies,  made  their  appearance  at  Rhode  Island.  At 


BOOK   XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAI1,  289 

this  sight,  transports  of  exultation  burst  forth  throughout  the  Ame- 
rican continent.  They  consisted  of  a  squadron  of  seven  sail  of  the 
line,  among  which  was  the  due  de  Bourgogne,  of  eighty-four  guns, 
with  five  frigates  and  two  corvettes,  under  the  conduct  of  M.  de 
Tei-nay.  This  force  convoyed  a  great  number  of  transports,  which 
brought  six  thousand  soldiers,  at  the  orders  of  the  count  de  Rocham- 
beau,  lieutenant-general  of  the  armies  of  the  king.  According  to 
an  agreement  made  between  the  court  of  Versailles  and  the  Con- 
gress, Washington,  as  captain-general,  was  to  command  in  chief  all 
the  troops,  as  well  French  as  American.  The  king  of  France  had 
created  him,  to  this  intent,  lieutenant-general  of  his  armies,  and  vice- 
admiral  of  his  fleets.  The  inhabitants  of  Newport  celebrated  the 
arrival  of  the  French  by  a  general  illumination.  General  Heath 
received  them  with  every  mark  of  welcome  and  courtesy. 

It  being  rumored  at  that  time  that  Clinton  meditated  an  attack  upon 
Rhode  Island,  the  French  troops  were  put  in  possession  of  all  the 
forts.  They  fortified  themselves  therein  with  so  much  diligence,  that 
in  a  short  time  they  were  in  a  situation  to  defy  the  efforts  of  any 
enemy  whatsoever. 

The  general  assembly  of  the  state  of  Rhode  Island  sent  a  deputa- 
tion to  compliment  the  general  of  his  most  Christian  majesty.  They 
said  many  things  of  the  profound  acknowledgment  of  America  to- 
wards that  generous  monarch.  They  promised  on  their  part  every 
sort  of  aid  and  succour.  The  count  de  Rochambeau  answered  them 
that  the  corps  he  had  brought,  was  merely  the  vanguard  of  the  army 
which  the  king  his  master  was  about  to  send  to  their  assistance.  That 
his  majesty  sincerely  wished  the  liberty  and  happiness  of  America, 
and  that  his  troops  should  observe  an  exemplary  discipline  among 
those  whom  they  were  to  regard  in  the  light  of  kindred.  He  con- 
cluded with  saying,  that  as  brothers,  he  himself,  his  officers,  and  all 
his  people,  had  voluntarily  devoted  their  lives  to  the  service  of  the 
Americans. 

The  presence  and  promises  of  the  French  general  inspired  all 
hearts  with  courage  and  with  hope  ;  but  the  partisans  that  England 
had  preserved  in  the  country,  were  forced  to  disguise  their  rage. 
Washington,  the  more  to  cement  the  union  of  the  two  nations,  order- 
ed that  in  the  banners  of  his  army,  the  ground  of  black,  which  is  the 
color  of  America,  should  be  surrounded  with  white,  the  distinctive 
color  of  France. 

At  this  epoch,  admiral  Arbuthnot,  who  still  occupied  the  New 
York  station,  had  with  him  only  four  ships  of  the  line  ;  and,  far  from 
contemplating  an  attack,  was  himself  in  dread  of  being  attacked.  A 
few  days  after,  however,  admiral  Graves  arrived  from  England,  with 
six  other  sail  of  the  line.  This  superiority  of  force  decided  the  Eng- 
lish to  undertake  an  expedition  against  Rhode  Island.  Admiral 
Graves  repaired  thither  first  with  his  squadron,  to  see  if  any  mean 


290  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII, 

would  offer  itself  to  destroy  that  of  the  enemy  in  the  very  harbor  of 
Newport ;  but  the  French  had  made  such  imposing  preparations  of 
defence,  that,  without  temerity,  nothing  could  be  attempted  against 
them.  The  British  squadron  made  the  best  of  its  way  back  to  New 
York.  Meanwhile,  general  Clinton,  being  resolutely  determined  not 
to  suffer  the  French  to  establish  themselves  on  a  permanent  footing 
in  that  part,  formed  a  design  to  attack  Rhode  Island  with  a  picked 
corps  of  six  thousand  men,  that  should  disembark  at  some  point  the 
most  favorable  to  the  enterprise.  The  admiral  gave  into  the  plan, 
although  to  his  private  judgment,  it  presented  little  probability  of  suc- 
cess. The  British  squadron  got  under  sail,  and  already  it  had  pro- 
ceeded as  far  as  Huntingdon  bay,  in  Long  Island,  when  Washington, 
who  watched  all  the  movements  of  his  adversary,  began  to  stir. 
Seeing  general  Clinton  advance  with  so  considerable  a  corps,  and 
finding  himself,  thanks  to  fresh  reenforcements,  at  the  head  of  twelve 
thousand  men,  he  descended  by  forced  marches  along  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson.  Arrived  at  Kings  Bridge,  he  menaced  to  carry  even  the  city 
of  New  York,  then  disgarnished,  and  exposed  almost  without  defence 
to  a  coup  de  main.  On  the  other  hand,  the  militia  of  New  England 
had  run  to  arms,  panting  to  give  the  French,  in  the  outset,  a  high 
notion  of  their  force  and  of  their  zeal.  Already  ten  thousand  men 
were  on  the  march  towards  Providence,  and  a  still  greater  number 
were  preparing  to  follow  them.  The  British  generals  were  not  long 
in  being  apprised  of  all  these  movements,  and  found  themselves  still 
more  divided  in  opinion  than  before.  These  motives  combined,  de- 
termined Clinton  to  relinquish  his  projects  ;  he  returned  without  delay 
to  New  York,  with  all  his  forces.  The  timidity  manifested  by  the 
English  in  this  occurrence,  was  a  fresh  spur  to  the  ardor  of  the  Ame- 
ricans. They  already  considered  the  garrison  of  New  York  as  van- 
quished, and  within  their  grasp.  They  had,  moreover,  a  particular 
subject  of  encouragement.  The  French  that  were  arrived  in  Rhode 
Island,  had  brought  an  immense  quantity  of  the  coined  money  of  their 
country.  According  to  the  custom  of  the  military  of  their  nation, 
they  never  lost  any  occasion  of  spending  it  to  the  last  crown.  It  fol- 
lowed, that  in  a  short  time  French  specie  became  so  common  in  the 
United  States,  as  to  restore  some  vigor  to  the  body  politic,  which, 
from  the  exhaustion  of  its  finances,  was  become  languid  to  a  point 
even  almost  threatening  an  absolute  dissolution.  The  bills  of  credit, 
it  is  true,  experienced  an  increase  of  depression  ;  but  this  evil  excited 
no  alarm.  For  a  long  time,  this  paper  had  lost  all  confidence,  and 
the  state  soon  after  relieved  itself  of  it  altogether,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  sequel  of  this  history. 

The  various  causes  we  have  noticed,  had  generally  infused  new 
life  into  the  Americans  of  the  different  states  ;  but  it  is  to  be  observ- 
ed that  they  operated  with  more  efficacy  on  the  inhabitants  of  the 
southern  provinces.  These  were  more  immediately  exposed  to  dan- 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  291 

ger,  and  they  had  besides,  peculiar  motives  for  detesting  the  inso- 
lence of  the  English.  Accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  occasion  was 
offered  them,  they  assembled  upon  different  points  of  North  Carolina, 
and  upon  the  extreme  frontier  of  South  Carolina.  These  assemblages, 
commanded  by  daring  chiefs,  gave  no  little  annoyance  to  the  royal 
troops.  They  insulted  their  posts,  and  sometimes,  even  carried  them. 
But  among  all  the  officers  who  distinguished  themselves  at  the  head 
of  these  desultory  parties,  none  appeared  with  more  splendor  than  colo- 
nel Sumpter.  Born  himself  in  South  Carolina,  his  personal  import- 
ance, military  talents  and  prowess,  had  rendered  him  there  an  object 
of  general  consideration.  The  greater  part  of  those  Carolinians  whom 
their  aversion  to  British  domination  had  induced  to  fly  from  their 
homes,  had  hastened  to  place  themselves  under  the  standard  of  their 
intrepid  fellow-citizen.  They  were  already  sufficiently  numerous  to 
keep  the  field,  and  to  menace  the  enemy  upon  all  points.  They  had 
no  pay,  no  uniforms,  nor  even  any  certain  means  of  subsistence  ;  they 
lived  upon  what  chance,  or  their  own  courage,  provided  them.  They 
experienced  even  a  want  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war ;  but  they 
made  themselves  rude  weapons  from  the  implements  of  husbandry  ; 
instead  of  balls  of  lead,  they  cast  them  of  pewter,  with  the  dishes 
which  the  patriots  cheerfully  gave  them  for  that  purpose.  These 
resources,  however,  were  very  far  from  sufficing  them.  They  were 
seen,  several  times,  to  encounter  the  enemy  with  only  three  charges 
of  ammunition  to  a  man.  While  the  combat  was  engaged,  some  of 
those  who  were  destitute  of  arms  or  ammunition,  kept  themselves  aside, 
waiting  till  the  death  or  wounds  of  their  companions  should  permit 
them  to  take  their  place.  The  most  precious  fruit,  to  their  eyes,  of 
the  advantages  they  gained  over  the  English,  was  that  of  being  ena- 
bled to  acquire  muskets  and  cartridges  at  the  expense  of  the  van- 
quished. At  length,  colonel  Sumpter,  finding  himself  at  the  head  of 
a  numerous  corps,  attacked  one  of  the  most  important  positions  of 
the  enemy,  at  Rocky  Mount.  He  was  repulsed,  but  not  discouraged. 
Never  giving  repose  either  to  himself  or  to  his  adversaries,  he  fell,  a 
short  time  after,  upon  another  British  -post,  at  Hanging  Rock,  and 
put  to  the  edge  of  the  sword  all  that  defended  it,  regulars  and  loyal- 
ists. He  subjected  to  a  similar  fate  colonel  Bryan,  who  was  come 
from  North  Carolina  with  a  body  of  loyalists  of  that  province.  In- 
festing the  enemy  upon  all  points  at  once,  he  eluded  all  their  efforts  to 
quell  him.  His  invincible  courage  and  perfect  knowledge  of  the 
country,  offered  him  continually  new  resources.  As  rapid  in  his 
attacks  as  industrious  in  his  retreats,  victor  or  vanquished,  he  escaped 
all  the  snares  of  his  foes.  Colonel  Williams  served  no  less  usefully 
the  same  cause,  at  the  head  of  a  light  detachment  of  Carolinians  of 
the  district  of  Ninety-Six.  In  one  of  his  frequent  excursions  he  sur- 
prised and  cut  in  pieces  a  body  of  loyalists  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
Ennoree.  This  partisan  war  had  the  double  advantage  of  restoring 


292  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII, 

confidence  to  the  Americans,  of  continually  mining  the  forces  of  the 
English,  and  of  supporting  the  party  of  Congress  in  these  provinces. 
These  smart  skirmishes  were  only,  however,  the  prelude  of  the 
bloody  battles  that  were  about  to  ensue  between  the  principal  armies. 

As  soon  as  Washington  was  first  apprised  of  the  siege  of  Charles- 
ton, he  had  put  on  the  march  towards  South  Carolina  a  reenforce- 
ment  of  fourteen  hundred  continental  troops  of  Maryland  and  of 
Delaware,  under  the  conduct  of  the  baron  de  Kalb.  That  officer 
displayed  great  activity  in  the  execution  of  his  orders,  and,  if  it  had 
been  possible  for  him  to  gain  the  point  of  his  destination,  it  is  proba- 
ble that  things  would  have  taken  another  direction.  But  the  defect 
of  provision,  the  difficulty  of  places,  and  the  excessive  heat  of  the 
season,  opposed  him  with  such  and  so  many  impediments,  that  he 
could  only  progress  step  by  step.  It  is  related,  that  this  detachment 
had  no  other  subsistence  for  many  days  than  the  cattle  that  were 
found  astray  in  the  woods.  Sometimes,  finding  themselves  totally 
destitute  of  flesh  and  flour,  the  soldiers  were  constrained  to  sustain 
life  with  the  grain  of  unripe  wheat  and  such  fish  as  they  could  pro- 
cure ;  they  supported  such  hardships  and  distress  with  an  heroic 
constancy.  In  passing  through  Virginia,  they  were  reenforced  by 
the  militia  of  that  province  ;  and,  on  their  arrival  at  the  banks  of 
Deep  river,  they  made  their  junction  with  the  troops  of  North  Caro- 
lina, commanded  by  general  Caswell.  These  detachments  combined 
formed  a  corps  of  six  thousand  effective  men  ;  a  force  so  considera- 
ble with  respect  to  the  United  States,  as  to  induce  the  Congress  to 
employ  it  without  delay  for  the  expulsion  of  the  English  from  the 
two  Carolinas.  Wishing  to  confide  this  operation  to  a  man  whose 
name  should  exercise  a  happy  influence,  they  made  choice  of 
general  Gates.  The  baron  de  Kalb  was  recalled  ;  as  a  stranger, 
unacquainted  with  the  country,  and  ignorant  of  the  proper  mode  of 
governing  undisciplined  militia,  he  could  not  retain  the  command. 

General  Gates  arrived  at  the  camp  on  Deep  river  the  twenty-fifth 
•  of  July.  He  immediately  reviewed  the  troops,  to  ascertain  their 
number  and  quality.  He  afterwards  advanced  upon  the  Pedee 
river,  which,  in  the  lower  parts,  separates  the  northern  from  the 
southern  Carolina.  The  name  and  fortune  of  Gates  produced  so 
favorable  and  so  rapid  an  effect,  that  not  only  the  militia  flocked  to 
his  standard,  but  also  that  munitions  and  provision  abounded  in  his 
camp.  The  general  impulse  was  given.  Already  the  inhabitants 
of  that  tract  of  country  which  extends  between  the  Pedee  and  Black 
river,  were  in  arms  against  the  royal  troops.  Colonel  Sumpter, 
with  a  corps  of  infantry  and  light  horse,  incessantly  harassed  the  left 
of  the  English,  in  the  hope  of  intercepting  their  communication  with 
Charleston  ;  his  parties  scoured  all  the  environs. 

As  soon  as  general  Gates  was  arrived  upon  the  confines  of  South 
Carolina,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  by  which  he  invited  the  inhabit- 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  293 

ants  to  join  him  in  vindicating  the  rights  of  America.  He  promised 
an  entire  amnesty,  and  remission  of  all  penalty  in  favor  of  those  from 
whom  the  victors  should  have  extorted  oaths,  excepting  only  such 
individuals  as  should  have  exercised  acts  of  barbarity  or  depredation 
against  the  persons  and  property  of  their  fellow-citizens.  This  pro- 
clamation was  not  unfruitful  ;  not  only  the  people  ran  to  arms  in 
multitude  to  support  the  cause  of  Congress,  but  even  the  companies 
levied  in  the  province  for  the  service  of  the  king  either  revoked  or 
deserted.  Strengthened  by  these  accessions,  colonel  Sumpter  be- 
came every  day  a  more  formidable  enemy  for  the  English.  While 
Cornwallis  was  occupied  at  Charleston  with  the  administration  of 
Carolina,  lord  Rawdon  had  taken  the  command  of  the  troops  can- 
toned at  Cambden  and  the  adjacent  country.  He  had  directed 
upon  Georgetown  a  convoy  of  sick  soldiers,  under  the  escort  of  a 
detachment  of  Carolinians,  commanded  by  colonel  Mills.  About 
the  middle  of  the  route,  these  militia  mutined,  and  having  seized  their 
officers,  conducted  them  with  the  sick  English  to  the  camp  of  gene- 
ral Gates.  Colonel  Lisle,  one  of  those  who  had  taken  oath  to  the 
king,  gained  over  a  battalion  of  militia  that  had  been  levied  in  the 
name  of  Cornwallis,  and  led  it  entire  to  colonel  Sumpter.  The 
latter  who  incessantly  scoured  the  western  bank  of  the  Wateree,  had 
captured  considerable  convoys  of  munitions  of  war,  rum  and  provi- 
sion that  had  been  sent  from  Charleston  upon  Cambden.  There 
had  also  fallen  into  his  power  at  the  same  time,  a  great  number  of 
sick,  with  the  soldiers  that  formed  their  escort.  Already  the  route 
from  Cambden  to  Ninety  Six  was  invested  by  the  republicans ; 
and  they  began  to  show  themselves  in  force  upon  that  from  Camb- 
den to  Charleston.  Thus  the  affairs  of  the  king  in  the  Carolinas 
began  to  assume  an  unfavorable  aspect.  Lord  Rawdon,  seeing  so 
lowering  a  tempest  about  to  burst  upon  him,  and  destitute  of  suffi- 
cient means  to  avert  its  effects,  concentred  what  troops  he  had  in 
the  vicinity  of  Cambden,  and  distributed  his  cantonments  upon  the 
right  bank  of  Lynches  Creek.  He  hastened  to  give  notice  of  his 
critical  position  to  lord  Cornwallis.  In  the  meantime,  Gates  appear- 
ed with  all  his  forces  upon  the  other  bank,  and  encamped  in  the 
front  of  the  enemy.  There  ensued  very  warm  and  frequent  skirm- 
ishes, with  balanced  success.  The  American  general  would  have 
desired  a  decisive  action,  and  to  profit  of  his  superiority  to  attack 
Jord  Rawdon  even  in  his  quarters.  But  on  examination,  finding  the 
enemy's  position  too  strong,  he  dropped  the  design.  His  conduct 
appeared  dictated  by  wisdom  ;  but  at  the  same  time,  he  let  slip  an 
opportunity  for  gaining  a  signal  advantage.  If  he  had  ascended  by 
forced  marches  to  the  source  of  the  Lynche,  he  turned  without 
difficulty  the  left  wing  of  lord  Rawdon,  and  might  even  seize 
Cambden  on  the  rear  of  the  British  army  ;  this  stroke  would  have 
decided  the  fate  of  the  campaign  ;  but  either  Gates  did  not  see  it, 
VOL.  ii.  38 


204  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII, 

or  was  afraid  to  undertake  it.  A  short  time  after,  the  British  gene- 
ral seeing  his  right  menaced  by  a  movement  of  the  Americans,  and 
fearing  for  his  magazines  and  hospital,  abandoned  the  banks  of 
the  Lynche,  and  fell  back  upon  Cambden  with  all  his  troops. 
His  retreat  was  in  no  shape  molested  by  the  enemy.  At  that 
very  time  lord  Cornwallis  arrived  in  camp.  Having  surveyed 
the  state  of  things,  and  finding  to  what  a  degree  the  forces  and 
audacity  of  the  republicans  were  augmented,  he  detached  numerous 
parties  on  discovery,  filled  up  the  companies  with  the  more  vigorous 
convalescents,  ordered  distributions  of  arms,  and  the  remounting  of 
Tarleton's  legion,  which  needed  horses.  Notwithstanding  all  his 
efforts,  he  had  not,  however,  been  able  to  assemble  above  two  thou- 
sand men,  of  whom  about  fifteen  hundred  were  veteran  troops,  the 
rest  loyalists  and  refugees.  To  attack  with  means  so  feeble  an 
enemy  so  superior,  appeared  little  less  than  temerity.  Cornwallis 
might  indeed  have  made  his  retreat  to  Charleston  ;  but  in  that  case 
he  must  have  left  about  eight  hundred  sick,  with  a  vast  quantity  of 
valuable  stores,  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  He  likewise 
foresaw,  that  excepting  Charleston  and  Savannah,  a  retreat  would 
be  attended  with  the  loss  of  the  two  whole  provinces  of  South  Caro- 
lina and  Georgia.  On  the  other  hand,  he  observed,  that  the  major 
part  of  his  army  was  composed  of  soldiers  as  perfectly  equipped  as 
inured  to  war,  and  commanded  by  officers  of  approved  valor  and 
ability.  He  saw  in  victory  the  entire  reduction  of  the  two  Carolinas, 
whereas  even  discomfiture  could  scarcely  have  worse  consequences 
than  retreat. 

Under  these  considerations,  he  determined  not  only  to  face  the 
enemy,  but  even  to  hazard  a  general  action.  Cambden,  the  centre 
of  the  British  line,  not  being  a  fortified  place,  and  the  boldest  resolu- 
tions being  often  also  the  most  fortunate,  Cornwallis  would  not  await 
the  Americans  in  his  cantonments.  He  formed  a  design  to  attack 
the  position  of  Rugeleys  Mills,  which  the  enemy  occupied,  with  a 
view  of  forcing  him  to  an  engagement.  On  the  fifteenth  of  August, 
all  the  royal  troops  were  ordered  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to 
march.  About  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  the  columns  put  them- 
selves in  motion  for  Rugeleys.  The  first  commanded  by  colonel 
Webster,  consisted  in  light  infantry  and  dragoons.  The  second, 
under  the  conduct  of  lord  Rawdon,  was  composed  of  Irish  volun- 
teers and  loyalists.  Two  English  battalions  formed  the  reserve.  In 
the  rear  was  the  baggage  and  a  detachment  of  grenadiers.  The 
English  marched  amid  the  obscurity  of  the  night,  in  the  most  pro- 
found silence.  The  columns  passed  the  little  stream  of  Saunder, 
and  had  already  left  Cambden  ten  miles  behind  them.  But  while 
the  English  were  advancing  upon  Rugeleys  Mills,  the  Americans 
themselves  had  quitted  that  place,  at  ten  o'clock,  with  intent  to  sur- 
prise them.  Gates  and  Cornwallis  had  both  at  once  formed  the 


BOOK    XII.  ,    THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  295 

same  design,  the  one  against  the  other.  The  American  van  con- 
sisted in  the  legion  of  cavalry  of  colonel  Armand,  flanked  on  the 
right  hy  the  light  infantry  of  colonel  Porterfield,  and  on  the  left  by 
the  light  infantry  of  major  Armstrong.  Next,  marched  the  brigades 
of  Maryland  regulars,  with  the  militia  of  North  Carolina  and  Vir- 
ginia. The  baggage  followed  the  rear  guard,  formed  of  a  numerous 
corps  of  volunteers,  with  light  horse  at  the  two  flanks.  General 
Gates  had  commanded  his  troops  to  march  compact  and  in  silence, 
and  not  to  fire  without  order.  He  had  sent  to  Wacsaw,  on  his  rear, 
the  sick,  the  unnecessary  baggage,  in  a  word,  whatever  might  tend 
to  impede  his  march.  So  many  precautions  on  both  sides,  indicated 
that  the  two  generals  had  mutually  penetrated  one  the  other.  It  was 
yet  only  two  in  the  morning,  when  the  advanced  guard  of  the  British 
army  encountered  the  head  of  the  first  American  column.  It  was 
briskly  repulsed  by  colonel  Porterfield  ;  but  that  officer  received  a 
serious  wound.  The  English,  supported  by  two  regiments  of  infan- 
try, charged  the  Americans  in  their  turn.  The  action  was  engaged 
with  spirit,  and  the  loss  considerable  on  both  sides  ;  but,  all  of 
a  sudden,  equally  fearing  the  hazard  of  a  nocturnal  conflict,  the  two 
generals  suspended  the  fire,  and  again  the  most  profound  silence 
reigned  in  the  midst  of  darkness  ;  the  day  was  impatiently  awaited. 

Meanwhile,  Cornwallis  ascertained  by  the  people  of  the  country, 
that  the  ground  was  as  propitious  to  him  as  it  was  unfavorable  to  the 
enemy.  Gates,  in  effect,  could  not  advance  to  the  attack  but  through 
a  narrow  way,  bordered  on  either  side  by  deep  swamps.  This  cir- 
cumstance, by  depriving  the  Americans  of  the  advantage  of  superior 
number,  reestablished  an  equality  of  forces.  The  British  general 
formed  his  plan  of  battle  accordingly.  By  daylight  he  disposed  the 
front  of  his  army  in  two  divisions  ;  that  of  the  right,  commanded  by 
colonel  Webster,  had  its  right  flank  covered  by  a  morass,  and  its  left 
supported  upon  the  great  road  ;  the  other  division  under  the  conduct 
of  lord  Rawdon  had  in  like  manner  a  morass  on  its  left,  while  its 
right  was  reunited  by  the  highway  to  the  corps  of  Webster.  The 
artillery  was  placed  between  the  two  divisions.  A  battalion  drawn 
up  behind  each,  served  them  as  a  sort  of  rear  guard.  Tarleton's 
legion  was  posted  upon  the  right  of  the  road,  in  readiness  to  attack 
the  enemy  or  receive  him  according  to  the  occasion.  The  Ameri- 
cans, on  their  part,  made  all  the  dispositions  that  appeared  to  them 
the  most  suitable.  Gates  divided  his  vanguard  in  three  columns. 
That  of  the  right,  commanded  by  general  Gist,  having  the  morass  on 
its  right,  connected  by  its  left  upon  the  great  road  with  the  column 
of  the  centre,  composed  of  the  North  Carolina  militia,  led  by  general 
Caswell.  The  column  of  the  left  comprised  the  militia  of  Virginia, 
at  the  orders  of  general  Stevens.  Behind  the  Virginians  were  posted 
the  light  infantry  of  Porterfield  and  Armstrong.  Colonel  Armand  had 
placed  his  cavalry  behind  the  left,  to  face  the  legion  of  Tarleton. 


296  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

The  continental  troops  of  Maryland  and  Delaware  formed  the  re- 
serve. They  were  inured  to  war,  and  upon  their  valor  rested  the 
chief  hope  of  success.  They  were  commanded  by  general  Small- 
wood.  The  artillery  was  placed  in  part  upon  the  right  of  the  conti- 
nental troops,  and  in  part  upon  the  highway. 

Such  was  the  order  of  battle  of  the  two  armies  ;  when  just  as  the 
action  was  about  to  commence,  Gates,  not  satisfied  with  the  position 
of  the  divisions  of  Caswell  and  Stevens,  very  imprudently  ordered 
them  to  change  it  for  another  which  appeared  to  him  better.  Corn- 
wallis  at  sight  of  this  movement,  resolved  to  profit  of  it  instantly. 
Accordingly,  he  ordered  colonel  Webster  to  advance  and  make  a 
vigorous  attack  upon  Stevens,  whose  troops  were  still  undulating, 
from  their  not  having  yet  been  able  to  reform  their  ranks.  Colonel 
Webster  obeyed  with  celerity.  The  battle  thus  commenced  between 
the  right  of  the  English  and  the  left  of  the  Americans;  it  soon  be- 
came general.  The  morning  being  still  and  hazy,  the  smoke  hung 
over  and  involved  both  armies  in  such  a  cloud  that  it  was  difficult  to 
see  the  state  of  destruction  on  either  side.  The  British  troops, 
however,  intermingling  a  quick  and  heavy  fire  with  sharp  charges  at 
the  point  .of  the  bayonet,  evidently  gained  ground  upon  the  Ameri- 
cans. At  length  the  Virginians,  pressed  by  colonel  Webster,  and 
already  half  broken  by  the  unadvised  movement  directed  by  Gates, 
after  a  feeble  resistance,  shamefully  betook  themselves  to  flight. 
The  Carolinian  militia,  finding  themselves  uncovered,  soon  began  to 
give  way,  and  at  last  turned  the  back  with  a  similar  baseness.  Their 
officers  attempted  in  vain  to  rally  them  ;  they  were  themselves  in- 
volved in  the  rout.  The  left  wing  of  the  Americans  was  totally- 
broken  ;  Gates  and  Caswell  made  some  efforts  to  reform  it ;  but 
Tarleton  adroitly  seized  the  decisive  moment,  and  with  a  furious 
charge,  carried  to  its  height  the  confusion  and  consternation  of  that 
wing;  all  the  troops  that  composed  it  threw  themselves  into  the 
neighboring  woods.  Their  flight  exposed  the  left  flank  of  a  Caroli- 
nian regiment,  and  of  the  regulars  of  Maryland  and  Delaware,  who 
were  already  attacked  in  front.  The  right  wing  of  the  English,  now 
completely  victorious,  turned  furiously  upon  the  American  centre. 
This  division  defended  themselves  with  the  utmost  gallantry  ;  if  it 
was  not  in  their  power  to  restore  the  fortune  of  the  day,  they  saved 
at  least  the  honor  of  the  republican  standard. 

Opposing  the  enemy  with  a  terrible  fire,  or  the  push  of  their  bayo- 
nets, they  withstood  all  his  efforts.  The  baron  de  Kalb  led  them 
several  times  to  the  charge  ;  and  they  even  recovered  lost  ground. 
But  at  length,  surrounded  on  all  sides,  overwhelmed  by  number,  and 
penetrated  by  cavalry,  they  were  constrained  to  abandon  the  field  of 
battle,  but  without  having  left  a  bloodless  victory  to  their  foes. 
Pierced  with  eleven  wounds,  the  baron  de  Kalb  fell  dying  into  the 
power  of  the  victors.  The  rout  was  general ;  each  provided  for  his 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  297 

own  safety.  General  Gist  could  rally  no  more  than  an  hundred  in- 
fantry, and  the  dragoons  of  Annand.  The  British  cavalry  pursued 
the  vanquished  with  vehemence  for  the  space  of  twenty-three  miles, 
and  without  halting,  till  exhaustion  imposed  the  necessity  of  repose. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  action  was  very  considerable. 
The  number  of  the  dead,  wounded  and  prisoners,  was  estimated  at 
upwards  of  two  thousand.  Among  the  first  was  general  Gregory, 
and  among  the  prisoners,  the  baron  de  Kalb,  and  general  Rutherford, 
of  Carolina.  Eight  pieces  of  brass  cannon,  two  thousand  stand  of 
arms,  several  colors,  with  all  the  baggage  and  stores,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conqueror.  The  loss  of  the  British  in  killed  and 
wounded  amounted,  including  officers,  only  to  three  hundred  and 
twenty-four. 

Three  days  after  the  battle,  the  baron  de  Kalb,  perceiving  the 
approach  of  death,  requested  his  aid-de-camp,  the  chevalier  Dubuis- 
son, 'to  express  in  his  name  to  generals  Gist  and  Small  wood,  his  high 
sense  of  the  valor  displayed  in  the  battle  of  Carnbden  by  the  regular 
troops  of  Maryland  and  Delaware.  He  spent  his  last  breath  in  declar- 
ing; the  satisfaction  which  he  then  felt  in  having  fallen  in  the  defence 
of  a  cause  so  noble,  and,  to  him,  so  dear.  The  Congress  ordered 
that  a  monument  should  be  erected  him  at  the  city  of  Annapolis,  the 
capital  of  Maryland. 

General  Gates  was  reproached  with  several  grave  errors.  The 
least  excusable  was  doubtless  that  of  having  undertaken  to  change 
his  order  of  battle  in  presence  of  the  enemy.  Perhaps  he  was  also 
in  fault  to  march  in  the  night  unwarlike  militia,  who  knew  not  even 
how  to  keep  their  ranks.  He  retreated  to  Hillsborough,  in  North 
Carolina.  Generals  Gist  and  Smallvvood  fell  back  upon  Charlotte- 
town,  and  afterwards  upon  Salisbury,  where  they  endeavored  to  rally 
the  fugitives  and  to  reorganise  their  divisions  ;  but  the  cause  of  Eng- 
land triumphed  throughout  the  province  of  South  Carolina  ;  the 
banners  of  the  republic  no  longer  waved  in  any  part  of  it.  Colonel 
Sumpter  alone  continued  to  show  himself  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Wateree,  with  a  corps  of  about  a  thousand  men,  and  two  field  pieces. 
But  on  the  news  of  the  late  discomfiture  of  Gates,  he  retired 
promptly  towards  the  fords  of  Catawba,  in  the  upper  parts  of  North 
Carolina.  Lord  Cornwallis,  a  man  of  great  activity,  reflecting  that 
his  advantages  were  insecure  till  he  should  have  destroyed  this  last 
body  of  republicans,  detached  colonel  Tarleton  in  pursuit  of  it.  The 
latter,  moving  with  his  accustomed  celerity,  fell  unexpectedly  upon 
the  position  of  Sumpter,  who  had  thought  he  might  take  some  re- 
pose on  the  banks  of  Fishing  Creek.  Tarleton  surprised  him  so 
completely,  that  his  men,  lying  totally  careless  and  at  ease,  were 
mostly  cut  off  from  their  arms.  Their  only  resource  was  in  a  prompt 
flight ;  but  a  great  number  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  who 
slaughtered  them  after  they  had  surrendered.  Tarleton  alleged 


THE    AMERICAN    VVAK.  BOOK    XII. 

that  he  could  not  grant  them  life,  because  his  whole  party  was  not 
equal  in  number  to  one  third  of  Sumpter's.  At  length  the  carnage 
ceased,  when  the  English  and  loyalists  that  were  detained  prisoners 
in  the  rear  of  Sumpter's  position  had  been  liberated.  The  cannon, 
stores  and  baggage,  were  the  prey  of  the  victors.  Colonel  Surnpter, 
with  a  few  of  his  followers,  made  good  their  escape.  The  disaster 
of  his  corps  could  not  be  imputed  to  him  ;  he  had  not  omitted  to 
send  out  scouts  upon  the  direction  of  the  enemy,  but  that  service 
was  acquitted  with  an  unpardonable  negligence.  Tarleton  returned 
to  Cambden  the  third  day,  with  his  prisoners,  booty,  and  the  loyalists 
he  had  retaken. 

After  the  battle  of  Cambden,  Cornwallis,  in  order  not  to  lose  by 
his  tardiness  the  fruits  of  victory,  could  have  wished  to  advance  imme- 
diately into  North  Carolina,  a  feeble  province,  and  very  ill  disposed 
towards  the  Congress.  Thence  he  could  march  to  the  conquest  of 
Virginia.  Unquestionably,  the  presence  of  the  victorious  army  in  that 
part  would  have  dispersed  the  relics  of  the  vanquished,  prevented 
their  rallying  anew,  and  encouraged  the  friends  of  the  royal  caus*e 
to  show  themselves,  and  even  to  act.  But  the  British  general  en- 
countered divers  obstacles  that  opposed  the  execution  of  this  plan. 
The  heat  of  the  season  was  excessive,  the  climate  unhealthy,  and  the 
hospitals  were  encumbered  with  wounded  and  sick.  The  necessaries 
for  encampment  were  almost  entirely  wanting  ;  there  was  not  a  single 
magazine  upon  the  frontiers  of  the  Carolinas  ;  and  North  Carolina 
could  furnish  but  very  little  provision.  Yielding  to  these  considera- 
tions, Cornwallis  relinquished  all  ulterior  operation,  distributed  his 
troops  in  cantonments,  and  returned  to  Charleston.  He  thought 
himself  sure  at  least  of  the  submission  of  all  South  Carolina  and  of 
the  not  distant  conquest  of  North,  as  soon  as  the  season  and  the  state 
of  his  magazines  should  favor  the  enterprise.  In  the  meantime,  he 
wrote  frequently  to  the  friends  of  royalty  in  North  Carolina,  exhort- 
ing them  to  take  arms,  to  assemble  in  force,  and  to  make  themselves 
masters  of  the  most  ardent  republicans  with  their  munitions  and 
magazines.  He  counselled  them  even  to  sfeize  the  fugitives  and 
stragglers  of  the  rebel  army.  He  promised  them,  that  it  should  not 
be  long  before  he  marched  to  their  assistance.  And  to  inspire  them 
with  confidence  in  his  words,  even  before  he  could  move  with  his 
whole  army,  he  detached  major  Ferguson,  an  able  and  enterprising- 
partisan,  upon  the  western  frontiers  of  North  Carolina.  He  had 
under  his  command  a  thousand  loyalists  and  a  oorps  of  cavalry.  His 
mission  was  to  encourage  by  his  presence  the  enemies  of  the  revolu- 
tion, and  especially  to  open  a  correspondence  with  the  inhabitants  of 
Tryon  county,  who,  more  than  the  others,  showed  themselves  attach- 
ed to  the  name  of  England. 

Unable  to  operate  in  the  field,  Cornwallis  turned  his  attention  to- 
wards the  internal  administration,  in  order  to  consolidate  the  acqui- 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  299 

sition  of  South  Carolina.  Resolved  to  have  recourse  to  extreme 
remedies  for  terminating  the  crisis  in  which  that  province  found  itself, 
he  purposed  to  spread  terror  among  the  republicans  by  the  rigor  of 
punishment,  and  to  deprive  them  of  the  means  to  do  harm,  by  depriv- 
ing them  of  the  means  to  subsist.  Accordingly,  he  addressed  orders 
to  all  the  British  commanders,  that  without  any  delay  they  should 
cause  to  be  hung  all  those  individuals,  who,  after  having  served  in  the 
militia  levied  by  the  king,  had  gone  over  to  the  rebels ;  that  they 
should  punish  with  imprisonment  and  confiscation  those,  who,  having 
submitted  at  first,  had  taken  part  in  the  last  rebellion,  to  the  end  that 
their  effects  might  be  applied  to  indemnify  those  subjects  whom  they 
should  have  oppressed  or  despoiled.  It  cannot  be  denied,  that  if  it 
was  possible  to  excuse  such  severity  towards  those  who  had  exchang- 
ed the  condition  of  prisoners  of  war  for  that  of  British  subjects,  it  was 
worthy  of  an  eternal  blame  in  respect  to  those  who  had  wished  to 
remain  in  the  first  of  these  conditions.  In  effect,  had  they  not  been 
released  from  their  parole  by  the  authentic  proclamation  of  Cornwal- 
lis  himself,  under  date  of  the  third  of  June  ?  But  victors,  too  often, 
by  vain  subtiities,  or  even  without  deigning  to  have  recourse  to  them, 
especially  in  political  convulsions,  make  sport  of  violating  their  faith, 
as  if  it  were  a  necessity  for  them  to  add  to  the  evils  inseparable  from 
war,  all  the  vexations  of  perfidy  !  However  this  might  be,  and  how- 
ever rigorous  were  the  orders  of  Cornwallis,  they  were  every  where 
punctually  executed.  Carolina  was  become  a  theatre  of  proscrip- 
tions. Several  British  officers  openly  testified  their  abhorrence  of 
this  reign  of  blood  ;  but  the  greater  part,  and  Tarleton  more  than  any 
other,  commended  it  without  shame,  as  useful  and  necessary  to  the 
success  of  the  royal  cause.  Already  Tarleton  had  complained  bit- 
terly of  the  clemency,  as  he  called  it,  exercised  by  Cornwallis  prior 
to  the  battle  of  Cambden  ;  this  clemency,  he  said,  was  not  only  good 
for  nothing,  but  also  prejudicial  in  every  thing,  since  it  rendered 
friends  less  hearty,  and  enemies  more  audacious.  This  reproach 
would  certainly  have  been  founded,  if  it  were  true  that  in  war  utility 
alone  deserves  regard,  and  that  nothing  is  due  to  humanity,  good 
faith  and  justice.  Nobody  denies,  for  example,  that  to  poison  springs, 
massacre  all  the  prisoners  that  can  be  taken,  bring  off  into  slavery  all 
the  inhabitants  of  a  country,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  and 
without  regard  for  the  law  of  nations,  might  sometimes  have  a  useful 
tendency.  We  see,  nevertheless,  that  in  all  time,  civilised  nations, 
and  conquerors  not  entirely  barbarous,  have  abstained  from  these 
horrible  extremities.  But  in  the  present  occurrence,  the  English 
showed  themselves  without  pity  for  the  most  respectable  men  of  the 
country.  The  inhabitants  of  Cambden,  of  Ninety  Six,  of  Augusta, 
and  other  places,  saw  inhumanly  gibbeted  men,  whose  only  crime 
was  that  of  having  been  too  faithful  to  a  cause  which  they  considered 
as  that  of  their  country  and  of  justice. 


300  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

All  minds  were  penetrated  with  horror ;  all  hearts  were  inflamed 
with  an  implacable  and  never  dying  hatred  against  such  ferocious 
victors.  A  cry  of  vengeance  resounded  amidst  this  exasperated 
people  ;  all  detested  a  king  who  had  devoted  them  to  the  oppression  of 
these  brutal  executors  of  his  will.  His  standard  became  an  object  of 
execration.  The  British  generals  learned  by  cruel  experience,  that 
executions  and  despair  are  frail  securities  for  the  submission  of  a 
people  planted  in  distant  regions,  actuated  by  a  common  opinion,  and 
embarked  with  passion  in  a  generous  enterprise.  Nor  were  these 
the  only  rigors  which  Cornwallis  thought  it  expedient  to  exercise,  in 
order  to  confirm  the  possession  of  the  provinces  conquered  by  his 
arms.  To  complete  the  reduction  of  the  patriots,  he  employed 
arrests  and  sequestrations.  He  feared  that  the  presence  in  Charles- 
ton of  the  leading  men,  who,  persevering  in  their  character  of  prison- 
ers of  war,  had  refused  to  accept  that  of  subjects,  might  tend  to  keep 
alive  a  spirit  of  resistance.  He  likewise  learned,  as  the  British  writers 
affirm,  that  these  prisoners  had  maintained  a  secret  correspondence 
with  the  enemies  of  the  English  name,  the  proofs  of  which  had  been 
found  in  the  baggage  of  the  American  generals  captured  at  the  battle 
ofCambden.  These  motives  appeared  to  him  sufficient  to  justify 
the  seizure  and  imprisonment  at  St.  Augustin,  in  East  Florida,  of 
more  than  thirty  of  the  most  influential  chiefs  of  the  American  party. 
They  were  all  of  the  number  of  those  who  had  taken  the  most  active 
part  in  the  organisation  of  the  republican  government,  and  who  had 
shown  themselves  the  most  ardent  partisans  of  the  present  war.  Then 
desirous  to  prevent  those  who  were,  or  whom  he  believed,  opposed 
to  Great  Britain,  from  assisting  the  Congress  with  their  pecuniary 
means,  or  with  a  hope  to  constrain  them  to  submission,  he  issued  a 
proclamation  purporting  the  sequestration  of  the  possessions  of  who- 
ever should  hold  correspondence  with  the  Congress,  act  in  its  name, 
join  the  enemies  of  England,  or  excite  the  people  to  revolt  by  word 
or  deed.  He  constituted  at  the  same  time,  a  commissioner  over 
sequestrated  estates,  with  obligation  to  account  to  the  families  of  the 
forfeited  for  a  part  of  their  nett  revenue  ;  a  fourth  to  those  consisting 
of  a  wife  and  children,  and  a  sixth  to  wives  without  children.  A 
clause  required,  however,  that  these  families  should  reside  in  the 
province.  These  different  measures,  combined  with  a  rigorous  watch- 
fulness over  the  movements  of  the  suspected,  appeared  to  the  English 
a  sure  guaranty  for  the  return  of  tranquillity  and  obedience  in  the 
province  of  South  Carolina.  And  as  to  North  Carolina,  it  could  no 
longer  hope  to  resist  them  when  the  weather  became  temperate,  and 
the  harvests  were  over.  We  shall  see,  in  the  course  of  this  history, 
how  far  these  hopes  were  confirmed  by  the  event. 

Whilst  the  season  had  caused  the  suspension  of  hostilities  in  the 
two  Carolinas,  and  while,  in  the  state  of  New  York,  the  superiority 
of  the  Americans  by  land,  and  that  of  the  English  by  sea,  had  occa- 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  301 

sioned  a  similar  cessation  of  arms,  an  unexpected  event  arrested  the 
general  attention.  During  some  time  a  design  had  been  maturing 
in  the  shades  of  mystery,  vvtiose  execution,  had  it  succeeded  to  the 
wish  of  its  authors,  would  have  involved  the  total  ruin  of  the  army  of 
Washington,  and,  perhaps,  the  entire  subjugation  of  America.  A  single 
instant  more,  and  the  work  of  so  many  years,  cemented  at  such  a  cost 
of  gold  and  blood,  might  have  been  demolished  to  its  foundations  by 
a  cause  altogether  unthought  of.  The  English  had  well  nigh  arrived 
by  means  of  treason,  at  that  object  which  with  five  years  of  intrigues 
and  of  combats  they  had  not  been  able  to  attain  ;  and  it  was  even  at 
the  hands  of  the  man  they  least  suspected,  that  the  Americans  were 
to  have  received  the  most  fatal  blow.  They  had  but  too  manifest  a 
proof  that  no  confidence  can  be  placed  in  courage- when  disunited 
from  virtue.  They  learned  that  men  who  displayed  the  most  enthu- 
siasm for  a  cause,  are  often  also  those  who  become  the  soonest 
unfaithful ;  and  that  an  insatiable  thirst  of  pelf,  coupled  with  mad  pro- 
digalities, easily  conduct  the  ambitious  spendthrift  to  barter  basely  for 
gold  even  the  safety  of  his  country.  Private  virtues  are  incontesta- 
bly  the  original  and  only  basis  of  public  integrity  ;  and  it  should  never 
be  forgotten,  that  the  man  without  morals,  who  arrives  at  the  first 
offices  of  the  republic,  has  no  other  object  but  to  satiate  his  ambition 
or  his  cupidity,  at  the  expense  of  his  fellow-citizens.  If  he  encounter 
obstacles,  he  is  ripe  for  deeds  of  violence  within,  and  treason  with- 
out. The  name  of  general  Arnold  was  deservedly  dear  to  all  the 
Americans ;  they  considered  him  as  one  of  their  most  intrepid  de- 
fenders. Numerous  wounds,  and  especially  that  which  had  almost 
deprived  him  of  the  use  of  one  leg,  had  forced  him  to  take  repose  at 
his  seat  in  the  country. 

The  Congress,  with  the  concurrence  of  Washington,  in  recom- 
pense for  his  services,  appointed  him  commandant  of  Philadelphia, 
immediately  after  that  city  was  evacuated  by  the  English,  and  return- 
ed under  American  domination.  Here  Arnold  lived  at  an  enormous 
expense,  and  showed  himself  extremely  grasping  in  order  to  support 
it.  He  had  established  himself  in  the  house  of  Penn,  and  had  fur- 
nished it  in  the  most  sumptuous  manner.  His  play,  his  table,  his 
balls,  his  concerts,  his  banquets,  would  have  exhausted  the  most  im- 
mense fortune.  His  own,  and  the  emoluments  of  his  employment, 
bein*  far  from  sufficient  to  defray  such  extravagance,  he  had  betaken 
himself  to  commerce  and  privateering.  His  speculations  proved 
unfortunate ;  his  debts  accumulated,  his  creditors  tormented  him. 
His  boundless  arrogance  revolted  at  so  many  embarrassments  ;  yet 
he  would  diminish  nothing  of  this  princely  state.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, he  conceived  the  shameful  idea  of  reimbursing  himself 
from  the  public  treasure  for  all  he  had  squandered  in  riotous  living. 
Accordingly,  he  presented  accounts  more  worthy  of  a  shameless 
usurer  than  of  a  general.  The  government,  astonished  and  indig- 
VOL.  n.  30 


302  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK.  XII, 

nant,  appointed  commissioners  to  investigate  them.  They  refused 
not  merely  to  approve  them  ;  they  reduced  the  claims  of  Arnold  to 
half.  Enraged  at  their  decision,  he  loaded  them  with  reproaches  and 
insults,  and  appealed  from  it  to  the  Congress.  Several  of  its  memhers 
were  charged  to  examine  these  accounts  anew,  and  to  make  report. 
They  declared  that  the  commissioners  had  allowed  Arnold  more  than 
he  had  any  right  to  demand.  His  wrath  no  longer  observed  measure  ; 
the  Congress  itself  became  the  object  of  the  most  indecent  invectives 
that  ever  fell  from  a  man  in  high  station.  This  conduct,  far  from 
restoring  tranquillity,  produced  a  quite  contrary  effect.  That  spirit 
of  order  for  which  the  Americans  are  distinguished,  did  not  permit 
them  to  quit  thus  an  affair  already  in  progress.  Arnold  was  accused 
of  peculation  by  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  and  brought  before  a  court 
martial  to  take  his  trial.  Among  the  charges  laid  against  him,  he 
was  accused  of  having  converted  to  his  own  use  the  British  merchan- 
dise he  had  found  and  confiscated  at  Philadelphia,  in  1778;  as  also 
of  having  employed  the  public  carnages  for  the  service  of  different 
private  individuals,  and  especially  for  his  own  and  that  of  his  associ- 
ates in  the  commerce  of  New  Jersey.  The  court  sentenced  him  to 
be  reprimanded  by  Washington.  This  sentence  neither  satisfied  the 
accused  nor  the  accusers.  The  latter  exclaimed  that  more  regard 
had  been  shown  to  the  past  services  of  Arnold  than  for  justice ;  the 
former  broke  into  bitter  complaints  of  the  iniquity  of  his  judges  and 
ingratitude  of  tiis  country.  His  pride  could  not  brook  so  public  a 
disgrace  ;  he  had  seen  himself  the  idol  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  he 
was  now  become  the  object  of  their  contempt,  if  not  hatred.  In 
the  blindness  of  his  vengeance,  and  in  the  hope  that  he  might  still 
glut  his  passion  with  British  gold,  since  he  no  longer  could  with  Ame- 
rican, he  resolved  to  add  perfidy  to  avidity,  and  treason  to  pillage. 
Determined  that  his  country  should  resume  the  yoke  of  England,  he 
developed  his  projects  in  a  letter  which  he  addressed  to  colonel  Ro- 
binson. General  Clinton  was  immediately  made  acquainted  with  its 
contents.  He  committed  this  secret  negotiation  to  major  Andre,  his 
aid-de-camp,  a  young  man  as  distinguished  for  the  suavity  of  his 
manners  and  the  gentleness  of  his  temper,  as  for  the  singular  comeli- 
ness of  his  person.  Arnold  and  Andre  corresponded  together  under 
the  assumed  names  of  Gustavus  and  Anderson.  The  American 
general  was  promised  a  corresponding  rank  in  the  British  army,  and 
considerable  sums  of  gold.  He,  on  his  part,  engaged  to  render  the 
king  some  signal  service.  The  consequence  of  this  understanding 
was  a  demand  that  West  Point  should  be  given  up  to  the  royal  troops. 
That  fortress,  situated  upon  the  western  bank  of  the  Hudson,  is  of 
extreme  importance,  in  that  it  defends  the  passage  of  the  mountains 
in  the  upper  part  of  the  river.  Accordingly,  the  Americans  had  been 
at  such  pains  and  expense  to  render  it  impregnable,  that  it  was  called 
with  reason  the  Gibraltar  of  America.  Into  this  all  important  citadel. 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  303 

Arnold  formally  pledged  himself  to  introduce  the  English.  Hence, 
pretending  to  have  taken  an  aversion  to  the  residence  of  Philadel- 
phia, and  that  he  wished  to  resume  an  active  service  in  the  army,  he 
requested  and  obtained  the  command  of  West  Point,  and  of  all  the 
American  troops  cantoned  in  that  quarter.  But  his  plan  embraced 
more  than  the  mere  delivery  of  the  fortress;  he  purposed  so  to  scat- 
ter his  forces  in  the  environs,  that  Clinton  might  easily  fall  upon  them 
by  surprise,  and  cut  them  off  at  the  same  stroke.  Masters  of  West 
Point,  and  having  no  more  enemies  before  them,  the  English  would 
then  have  marched  rapidly  against  Washington,  who  had  distributed 
his  troops  upon  the  two  banks  of  the  Hudson  ;  their  destruction  must 
have  been  total  and  inevitable.  Thus,  therefore,  besides  West  Point, 
and  those  passes  which  had  been  so  often  disputed,  and  for  which  the 
British  government  had  undertaken  the  fatal  expedition  of  Burgoyne, 
the  Americans  would  have  lost  their  whole  arrny,  their  artillery,  their 
munitions  of  war,  and  their  best  officers.  May  it  not  even  be  con- 
jectured that,  if  the  English  shauld  have  profited  of  the  confusion  and 
consternation  which  could  not  fail  to  have  resulted  from  so  sudden  a 
catastrophe,  the  United  States  would  have  found  themselves  necessi- 
tated to  receive  the  law  of  the  conqueror  ? 

About  the  middle  of  September,  Washington  had  been  called  to 
Hartford,  in  Connecticut,  upon  some  affairs  which  required  his  pre- 
sence. The  conspirators  considered  the  occasion  propitious  for  the 
accomplishment  of  their  designs.  It  was  agreed  mat,  in  order  to 
concert  more  particularly  the  last  measures,  major  Andre  should 
repair  secretly  to  the  presence  of  Arnold.  Accordingly,  in  the  night 
of  the  twenty-first  of  September,  he  landed  from  the  Vulture  sloop 
of  war,  which  already  long  since  Clinton  had  stationed  up  the  river 
not  far  from  West  Point,  to  facilitate  the  correspondence  between 
the  two  parties.  Arnold  and  Andre  passed  the  whole  night  in  con- 
ference. The  day  having  dawned  before  all  their  dispositions  were 
concluded,  the  British  afd-de-camp  was  concealed  in  a  secure  place. 
The  following  night,  he  wished  to  regain  the  Vulture  ;  but  the  boat- 
men would  not  convey  him  thither,  because  the  excess  of  his  pre- 
cautions had  inspired  them  with  some  distrust.  He  was  obliged  to 
take  the  way  of  the  land.  Arnold  gave  him  a  horse  and  a  passport 
under  the  name  of  Anderson.  Until  then  he  had  worn  the  British 
uniform  under  a  riding  coat ;  he  threw  it  off,  and  took  a  common 
dress,  though,  it  is  said,  much  against  his  will,  and  at  the  earnest 
importunity  of  Arnold.  He  had  already  safely  passed  the  American 
guards  and  outposts,  and  might  reasonably  hope  to  arrive  without 
obstacle  at  New  York  ;  but  fate  had  reserved  a  different  issue  for 
the  infamous  perfidy  of  Arnold  ;  and  the  generous  devotion  of  major 
Andre  towards  his  country.. 

As  he  was  going  through  Tarrytown,  a  village  situated  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  first  British  posts,  three  soldiers  of  the  militia,  who 


304  TUE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

happened  lo  be  there,  threw  themselves  across  his  passage.  He 
showed  them  his  passport ;  they  suffered  him  to  continue  his  route. 
All  of  a  sudden,  one  of  these  three  men,  more  distrustful  than  his 
comrades,  thought  he  had  observed  something  particular  in  the  person 
of  the  traveller  ;  he  called  him  back.  Andre  asked  them  where 
they  were  from.  'From  down  below,' they  replied,  intending  to 
say  from  New  York.  The  young  man,  too  frank  to  suspect  a  snare, 
immediately  answered,  '  and  so  am  1.'  They  arrest  him.  He  then 
declared  himself,  for  what  he  was,  a  British  officer.  He  offered  all 
the  gold  he  had  with  him,  a  valuable  watch,  rewards  and  rank  in  the 
British  army,  as  the  price  of  his  release  ;  all  his  efforts  were  vain. 
John  Paulding,  David  Williams,  and  Isaac  Van  Wert,  such  were  the 
names  of  the  three  soldiers,  were  found  incorruptible  ;  a  disinterest- 
edness the  more  worthy  of  eulogium,  as  they  were  poor  and  obscure. 
Thus  in  the  very  moment  when  one  of  the  most  distinguished  chiefs 
of  the  American  army,  a  man  celebrated  throughout  the  world  for 
his  brilliant  exploits,  betrayed  out  of  a  base  vengeance  the  country 
he  had  served,  and  sold  it  for  a  purse  of  gold,  three  common  soldiers 
preferred  the  honest  to  the  useful,  and  fidelity  to  fortune.  They 
diligently  searched  their  prisoner,  and  found  in  his  boots  several 
papers  written  by  the  hand  of  Arnold  himself,  containing  the  most 
detailed  information  with  respect  to  the  positions  of  the  Americans, 
their  munitions,  the  garrison  of  West  Point,  and  the  most  suitable 
mode  of  directing  an  attack  against  that  fortress.  Major  Andre  was 
conducted  before  the  officer  who  commanded  the  advanced  posts. 
Afraid  of  hurting  Arnold  by  an  immediate  disclosure  of  his  true 
character,  and  braving  the  danger  of  being  instantly  put  to  death  as 
a  spy,  if  it  should  be  discovered  that  he  had  concealed  his  real  name, 
he  persisted  in  affirming  that  he  was  Anderson,  as  indicated  by  his 
passport.  The  American  officer  was  at  a  loss  what  to  decide  ;  he 
could  not  persuade  himself  that  his  general,  after  having  so  often 
shed  his  blood  for  the  country,  was  now  resolved  to  betray  it.  These 
hesitations,  the  negations  of  Andre,  the  distance  at  which  Washington, 
and  even  Arnold,  found  themselves,  gave  the  latter  time  to  escape. 
As  soon  as  he  heard  that  Andre  was  arrested,  he  threw  himself  into 
a  boat  and  hastened  on  board  the  Vulture.  The  news  of  this  event 
excited  universal  amazement.  The  people  could  scarcely  credit  the 
treachery  of  a  man  in  whom  they  had  so  long  placed  the  utmost 
confidence.  The  peril  they  had  run  filled  them  with  consternation  ; 
the  happy  chance  which  had  rescued  them  from  it,  appeared  a 
prodigy.  '  God,'  they  said,  *  has  not  permitted  that  men  of  honor 
should  be  victims  of  perfidy  ;  it  is  his  almighty  hand  that  has  saved 
us  ;  he  approves  and  protects  the  cause  of  America.'  Maledictions 
were  heaped  upon  Arnold,  praises  upon  those  who  had  arrested 
Andre. 


BOOK   XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  305 

Meanwhile,  Washington  returned  from  Connecticut  to  his  camp. 
Suspecting,  first  of  all,  that  the  plot  might  have  more  extensive  rami- 
fications, and  not  knowing  on  what  individuals  to  fix  his  eye,  he 
busied  himself  in  taking  the  most  prompt  and  efficacious  measures 
to  baffle  their  pernicious  designs.  He  feared  also  lest  the  contagion 
of  example  might  incite  even  those  who  were  strangers  to  the  con- 
spiracy to  entertain  rash  desires  for  a  new  order  of  things.  He 
knew  that  the  way  once  cleared  by  some  audacious  individuals,  the 
multitude  are  but  too  apt  to  hurry  blindly  after  them.  These  appre- 
hensions offered  themselves  the  more  naturally  to  his  mind,  as  the 
pay  of  his  troops  was  considerably  in  arrear,  and  as  they  were  in 
want  of  many  of  the  necessaries  not  only  of  war,  but  even  of  life. 
The  precautions  of  the  commander-in-chief  were  fortunately  super- 
fluous. Nobody  stirred  ;  nothing  led  to  the  presumption  of  Arnold's 
having  had  accomplices. 

When  major  Andre,  from  the  time  elapsed,  could  infer  that 
Arnold  must  be  in  safety,  he  revealed  his  name  and  rank.  He 
appeared  less  solicitous  about  his  safety,  than  to  prove  that  he  was 
neither  an  impostor  nor  a  spy.  He  endeavored  to  refute  the  ap- 
pearances which  seemed  to  depose  against  him.  He  affirmed  that 
his  intention  had  been  merely  to  come  and  confer,  upon  neutral 
ground,  with  a  person  designated  by  his  general ;  but  that  thence  he 
had  been  trepanned  and  drawn  within  the  American  lines.  From 
that  moment,  he  added,  none  of  his  steps  could  be  imputed  to  his 
default,  since  he  then  found  himself  in  the  power  of  others.  Wash- 
ington, meanwhile,  created  a  court  martial ;  among  its  members, 
besides  many  of  the  most  distinguished  American  officers,  were  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette  and  the  baron  de  Steuben.  Major  Andre 
appeared  before  his  judges  ;  they  were  specially  charged  to  investi- 
gate and  define  the  nature  of  the  offence,  and  the  punishment  it 
involved,  according  to  the  laws  of  war.  The  demeanor  of  the  young 
Englishman  was  equally  remote  from  arrogance  and  from  meanness. 
His  blooming  years,  the  ingenuous  cast  of  his  features,  the  mild  ele- 
gance of  his  manners,  had  conciliated  him  an  interest  in  every  heart. 

In  the  meantime,  Arnold,  beirfg  safely  arrived  on  board  the  Vul- 
ture, immediately  wrote  a  letter  to  Washington.  He  impudently 
declared  in  it  that  it  was  the  same  patriotism  of  which  he  had  never 
ceased  to  give  proofs  since  the  origin  of  the  contest,  which  had  now 
prescribed  him  his  present  step,  whatever  men  might  think  of  it, 
always  so  ill  judges  of  the  actions  of  others.  He  added,  that  he 
asked  nothing  for  himself,  having  already  but  too  much  experience 
of  the  ingratitude  of  his  country,  but  that  he  prayed  and  conjured 
the  commander-in-chief  to  have  the  goodness  to  preserve  his  wife 
from  the  insults  of  an  irritated  people,  by  sending  her  to  Philadelphia 
among  her  friends,  or  by  permitting  her  to  come  and  rejoin  him  at 
New  York.  This  letter  was  followed  by  a  despatch  from  colonel 


306  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

Robinson,  likewise  dated  on  board  the  Vulture.  He  earnestly 
demanded  that  major  Andre  should  be  released,  urging  in  his 
defence,  that  he  had  gone  ashore  on  public  business  and  under  the 
protection  of  a  flag,  as  well  by  the  invitation  of  Arnold  as  by  the 
command  of  his  own  general  ;  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  regular 
passport  for  his  return  to  New  York  ;  that  all  his  doings  during  the 
time  he  had  passed  with  the  Americans,  and  especially  the  change 
of  his  dress  and  name,  had  been  dictated  by  the  will  of  Arnold. 
The  colonel  concluded  with  alleging  that  the  major  could  no  longer 
be  detained  without  a  violation  of  the  sanctity  of  flags  and  a  con- 
tempt for  all  the  laws  of  war  as  they  are  acknowledged  and  practised 
by  all  nations.  General  Clinton  wrote  in  much  the  same  style  in 
favor  of  Andre.  In  the  letter  of  that  general  was  enclosed  a  second 
from  Arnold  ;  its  language  could  not  pretend  to  the  merit  of  reserve. 
He  insisted  that  in  his  character  of  American  general,  he  was  invest- 
ed with  the  right  to  grant  Andre  the  usual  privilege  of  flags,  that  he 
might  approach  in  safety  to  confer  with  him  ;  and  that  in  sending 
him  back,  he  was  competent  to  choose  any  way  he  thought  the  most 
proper.  But  major  Andre  betrayed  less  anxiety  respecting  his  fate 
than  was  manifested  in  his  behalf  by  his  countrymen  and  friends. 
Naturally  averse  from  all  falsehood,  from  all  subterfuge,  desirous,  if 
he  must  part  with  life,  to  preserve  it  at  least  pure  and  spotless  to  his 
last  hour,  he  confessed  ingenuously  that  he  had  by  no  means  come 
under  the  protection  of  a  flag  ;  adding,  that  if  he  had  come  so 
accompanied,  he  should  certainly  have  returned  under  the  same 
escort.  His  language  manifested  an  extreme  attention  to  avoid 
imputing  fault  to  any  ;  abjuring,  on  the  contrary,  all  dissimulation  in 
regard  to  what  concerned  him  personally,  he  often  avowed  more  than 
was  questioned  him  ;  so  much  generosity  and  constancy  were  univer- 
sally admired.  The  fate  of  this  unfortunate  young  man  wrung  tears 
of  compassion  even  from  his  judges.  All  would  have  wished  to 
save  him,  but  the  fact  was  too  notorious.  The  court  martial,  on  the 
ground  of  his  own  confession,  pronounced  that  he  was,  and  ought  to 
be  considered  as  a  spy,  and  as  such  to  be  punished  with  death. 
Washington  notified  this  sentence  to  Clinton,  in  the  answer  to  his 
letter.  He  recapitulated  all  the  circumstances  of  the  offence,  invit- 
ing him  to  observe,  that  although  they  were  of  a  nature  to  justify 
towards  major  Andre  the  summary  proceedings  usual  in  the  case  of 
spies,  still  he  had  preferred  to  act  in  respect  of  him  with  more 
deliberation  and  scruple  ;  that  it  was  therefore  not  without  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  cause  that  the  court  martial  had  passed  the  judg- 
ment of  which  he  apprised  him.  But  Clinton,  half  delirious  with 
anguish  at  the  destiny  of  Andre,  whom  he  loved  with  the  utmost 
tenderness,  did  not  restrict  himself  to  the  efforts  he  had  alre.ady 
made  to  preserve  him.  He  again  wrote  to  Washington,  praying  him 
to  consent  to  a  conference  between  several  delegates  of  the  two 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  307 

parties,  in  order  to  throw  all  the  light  possible  upon  so  dubious  an  affair. 
Washington  complied  with  the  proposal  5  he  sent  general  Greene  to 
Dobbs  Ferry,  where  he  was  met  by  general  Robertson  on  the  part  of 
the  English.  The  latter  exerted  himself  with  extreme  earnestness 
to  prove  that  Andre  could  not  be  considered  as  a  spy.  He  repeated 
the  arguments  already  advanced  of  the  privilege  of  flags,  and  of  the 
necessity  that  controlled  the  actions  of  Andre  while  he  was  in  the 
power  of  Arnold.  But  perceiving  that  his  reasoning  produced  no 
effect,  he  endeavored  to  persuade  by  the  voice  of  humanity  ;  he 
alleged  the  essential  importance  of  mitigating  by  generous  counsels  the 
rigors  of  war ;  he  extolled  the  clemency  of  general  Clinton,  who 
had  never  put  to  death  any  of  those  persons  who  had  violated  the 
laws  of  war  ;  he  reminded,  that  major  Andre  was  particularly  dear  to 
the  general-in-chief,  and  that  if  he  might  be  permitted  to  reconduct 
him  to  New  York,  any  American,  of  whatever  crime  accused,  and 
now  in  the  power  of  the  English,  should  be  immediately  set  at  liberty. 
He  made  still  another  proposition  ;  and  that  was,  to  suspend  the  exe- 
cution of  the  judgment,  and  to  refer  the  affair  to  the  decision  of  two 
officers  familiar  alike  with  the  laws  of  war  and  of  nations,  such  as  the 
generals  Knyphausen  and  Rochambeau.  Finally,  general  Robert- 
son presented  a  letter  from  Arnold,  directed  to  Washington,  by 
which  he  endeavored  to  exculpate  the  British  prisoner,  and  to  take 
all  the  blame  of  his  conduct  upon  himself.  He  did  not  retire  till 
after  having  threatened  the  most  terrible  retaliations,  if  the  sentence 
of  the  court  martial  was  executed  ;  he  declared  in  particular,  that 
the  rebels  of  Carolina,  whose  life  general  Clinton  had  hitherto  gene- 
rously spared,  should  be  immediately  punished  with  death.  The 
interposition  of  Arnold  could  not  but  tend  to  the  prejudice  of  Andre; 
and  even  if  the  Americans  had  been  inclined  to  clemency,  his  letter 
would  have  sufficed  to  divert  them  from  it.  The  conference  had 
no  effect. 

Meanwhile,  the  young  Englishman  prepared  himself  for  death. 
He  manifested  at  its  approach,  not  that  contempt  which  is  often  no 
other  than  dissimulation,  or  brutishness ;  nor  yet  that  weakness 
which  is  peculiar  to  effeminate,  or  guilty  men,  but  that  firmness 
which  is  the  noble  characteristic  of  the  virtuous  and  brave.  He  re- 
gretted life,  but  he  sighed  still  deeper  at  the  manner  of  losing  it.  He 
could  have  wished  to  die  as  a  soldier,  that  is  to  be  shot ;  but  he  was 
doomed  to  the  punishment  of  spies  and  malefactors,  to  the  infamous 
death  of  the  halter.  This  idea  struck  him  with  horror;  he  painted 
it  with  force  to  the  court  martial.  It  made  him  no  answer,  not  will- 
ing to  grant  his  request,  and  esteeming  it  a  cruelty  to  refuse  it  ex- 
pressly. Two  other  causes  of  despair  increased  the  anguish  of  the 
unhappy  youth.  One  was  the  fear  that  his  death  would  reduce  to 
indigence  and  wretchedness  a  mother  and  three  sisters,  whom  he 
tenderly  loved  ;  and  whom  he  supported  with  his  pay  ;  the  second, 


308  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII, 

lest  the  public  voice  should  accuse  Clinton  of  having  precipitated 
him,  by  his  orders,  into  his  present  dreadful  situation.  He  could  not 
think,  without  the  most  bitter  regrets,  that  his  death  might  be  laid  to 
the  charge  of  that  man,  whom  he  loved  and  respected  the  most. 
He  obtained  permission  to  write  to  him  ;  he  used  it  but  to  recom- 
mend to  his  protection  his  unhappy  mother  and  sisters,  and  to  bear 
testimony  that  it  was  not  only  against  his  intentions,  but  even  against 
his  positive  orders,  that  he  had  introduced  himself  into  the  camp  of 
the  Americans,  and  had  assumed  a  disguise.  The  second  day  of 
October  was  destined  to  be  the  last  of  his  existence.  Brought  to  the 
foot  of  the  gibbet,  he  said  ;  and  must  I  die  thus?  He  was  answer- 
ed, that  it  could  not  be  otherwise.  He  did  not  dissemble  his  pro- 
found grief.  At  length,  after  having  past  a  few  moments  in  prayer, 
he  pronounced  these  words,  which  were  his  last ;  '  bear  witness  that 
I  die  as  a  brave  man  should  die.'  Such  was  the  just,  but  melan- 
choly end  of  a  young  man  deserving  in  so  many  respects  of  a  better 
destiny.  It  cast  a  damp  of  sadness  over  enemies  as  well  as  friends. 
Arnold  gnashed  with  rage,  if,  however,  that  polluted  soul  was  still 
capable  of  remorse.  The  English  themselves  eyed  him  with  abhor- 
rence, both  as  traitor,  and  as  original  cause  of  the  death  of  the 
hapless  Andre.  In  policy,  nevertheless,  any  instrument  being  thought 
good  provided  it  serves  the  end  proposed,  Arnold  was  created  briga- 
dier-general in  the  British  armies.  Clinton  hoped  that  the  name 
and  influence  of  this  renegade  would  induce  a  great  number  of  the 
Americans  to  join  the  royal  standard.  Arnold  at  least  was  well 
aware,  that  since  he  had  abandoned  them,  he  could  not  show  too 
much  fervor  for  the  cause  of  England.  And  such  being  the  irresist- 
ible ascendant  of  virtue,  that  even  the  most  depraved  are  forced  to 
assume  its  semblance,  he  thought  fit  to  publish  a  memorial,  by  which 
he  hoped  to  mask  his  infamy.  He  alleged  that  in  the  commence- 
ment of  the  troubles,  he  had  taken  arms  because  he  believed  the 
rights  of  his  country  were  infringed  ;  that  he  had  given  into  the 
declaration  of  independence,  although  he  had  thought  it  ill  timed  ; 
but  that  when  Great  Britain,  like  a  relenting  and  tender  mother,  had 
extended  her  arms  to  embrace  them,  offering  them  the  most  just 
and  the  most  honorable  conditions,  the  refusal  of  the  insurgents,  and 
especially  their  alliance  with  France,  had  entirely  changed  the  nature 
of  the  quarrel,  and  transformed  a  glorious  cause  into  a  criminal 
revolt ;  that  ever  since  that  epoch  he  had  been  desirous  to  resume 
the  relations  of  ancient  allegiance  towards  England.  He  declaimed 
with  violence  against  the  Congress ;  he  painted  in  the  most  odious 
colors  its  tyranny  and  avarice. j  he  railed  against  the  union  with 
France,  affecting  a  profound  grief  that  the  dearest  interests  of  the 
country  had  thus  been  sacrificed  to  an  arrogant,  inveterate  and  per- 
fidious enemy.  He  represented  France  as  too  feeble  to  establish 
independence,  as  the  bitterest  foe  of  the  protestant  faith,  as  deceitfully 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  309 

pretending  a  zeal  for  the  liberty  of  the  human  race,  while  she  held 
her  own  children  in  vassalage  and  servitude.  Arnold  finished 
with  declaring,  that  he  had  so  long  delayed  the  disclosure  of  his 
sentiments,  from  a  wish,  by  some  important  service,  to  effect  the 
deliverance  of  his  country,  and  at  the  same  time  to  avoid  as  much 
as  possible  the  effusion  of  blood.  He  addressed  this  memorial  to 
his  countrymen  in  general.  A  few  days  after,  he  published  another, 
directed  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  American  army.  He 
exhorted  them  to  come  and  place  themselves  under  the  banners 
of  the  king,  where  they  would  find  promotion  and  increase  of  pay. 
He  vaunted  of  wishing  to  conduct  the  flower  of  the  American  nation 
to  peace,  liberty  and  safety ;  to  rescue  the  country  from  the  hands 
of  France,  and  of  those  who  had  brought  it  to  the  brink  of  perdi- 
tion. He  affirmed  that  America  was  become  a  prey  to  avarice,  an 
object  of  scorn  for  her  enemies,  and  of  pity  for  her  friends  ;  that 
she  had  exchanged  her  liberty  for  oppression.  He  represented  the 
citizens  thrust  into  dungeons,  despoiled  of  their  property  ;  the  youth 
dragged  to  war,  blood  streaming  in  torrents.  '  What,'  he  exclaimed, 
'  is  America  now,  but  a  land  of  widows,  orphans  and  beggars  ?  If 
England  were  to  cease  her  efforts  for  her  deliverance,  how  could 
she  hope  to  enjoy  the  exercise  of  that  religion  for  which  our  fathers 
once  braved  ocean,  climate  and  deserts  ?  Has  not  the  abject  and 
profligate  Congress  been  seen  of  late  to  attend  mass,  and  to  partici- 
pate in  the  ceremonies  of  an  antichristian  church,  against  the  cor- 
ruptions of  which  our  piows  ancestors  would  have  borne  testimony 
at  the  price  of  their  blood  ?'  These  declamations  of  a  traitor  proved 
the  more  fruitless  the  more  they  were  insolent  and  exaggerated. 
America,  moreover,  had  writers  who  stepped  forward  to  refute  them, 
in  a  style  as  animated  as  the  reasoning  was  triumphant.  They 
observed,  among  other  things,  that  none  more  than  Arnold,  even  sub- 
sequent to  the  rejection  of  accommodation  with  England,  had  been 
the  devoted  and  obsequious  courtier  of  France,  none  more  than  him 
had  danced  attendance  upon  her  generals  and  agents  ;  that  on  the 
first  arrival  of  the  minister  Gerard  at  Philadelphia,  he  had  pressed 
him  to  inhabit  his  house  ;  that  he  had  lavished,  in  his  honor,  the  most 
sumptuous  banquets,  the  most  splendid  balls,  the  most  gorgeous 
galas  ;  that  he  had  been  the  supple  flatterer  of  Silas  Dearie,  the  most 
servile  tool  of  France,  in  a  word,  that  on  all  occasions  he  had  given 
the  French  grounds  to  believe  that  they  had  not  in  all  the  United 
States  a  more  sincere  friend  than  himself.  '  But  such,'  it  was  said, 
4  is  the  ordinary  conduct  of  the  ambitious ;  alternately  cringing  and 
supercilious,  they  are  not  ashamed  to  tax  others  with  their  own  vices.' 
Thus  Arnold  found  retorted  against  himself  those  arguments  from 
which  he  had  anticipated  the  most  success. 

As  to  the  Congress,  they  deemed  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  appear 
to  take  the  least  notice  of  the  perfidy  or  the  pamphlets  of  Arnold. 
VOL.  ii.  40 


310  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII, 

Only  to  testify  their  high  sense  of  the  noble  conduct  of  the  three 
soldiers  who  had  arrested  major  Andre,  they  passed  a  resolution 
creating  in  favor  of  each  of  them  a  life  annuity  of  two  hundred 
dollars,  free  of  all  deductions.  They  also  decreed  that  they  should 
be  presented  with  a  silver  medal,  struck  express,  bearing  upon  one 
face  the  word  Fidelity,  and  upon  the  other  the  following  motto; 
Viacit  amor  patritz.  The  executive  council  of  Pennsylvania  issued 
a  proclamation  summoning  Benedict  Arnold,  in  company  with  some 
other  vile  men,  to  appear  before  the  tribunals  to  make  answer  for 
their  defection,  and  declaring  them,  otherwise,  subject  to  all  the  pains 
and  penalties  usually  inflicted  on  criminals  convicted  of  high  treason. 
This  was  the  only  act  in  which  any  public  authority  deigned  to  make 
mention  of  Arnold. 

The  details  of  the  conspiracy  of  New  York  have  necessarily 
diverted  our  attention  for  some  time  from  the  theatre  of  war.  We 
proceed  now  to  recount  the  various  success  of  the  British  arms  in 
the  Carolinas.  The  month  of  September  approached  its  close,  when 
the  British  generals,  who  had  reenforced  their  troops  and  recruited 
their  necessary  stores  and  provision,  resolved  to  reenter  the  field  and 
complete  those  operations  which  they  had  commenced,  and  which 
were  to  be  the  most  important  fruit  of  the  victory  of  Cambden. 
They  flattered  themselves  that  the  rumor  alone  of  their  march  upon 
North  Carolina  would  suffice  to  determine  the  American  army  to 
evacuate  it  immediately.  They  already  beheld  in  no  distant  per- 
spective not  only  the  conquest  of  that  province,  but  also  that  of  Vir- 
ginia. They  calculated  that  when  to  the  possession  of  the  two 
Carolinas,  of  Georgia  and  New  York  they  should  have  added  this, 
Virginia,  so  fertile  and  so  powerful,  the  Americans,  crushed  by  the 
burthen  of  the  war,  must  of  necessity  submit  to  the  laws  of  Great 
Britain.  The  decline  and  humiliation  of  their  enemies  appeared  to 
them  inevitable.  Lord  Cornwallis  and  general  Clinton  were  to  co- 
operate simultaneously  to  bring  about  this  grand  'result ;  the  first,  by 
advancing  from  South  into  North  Carolina  ;  the  second,  by  sending 
a  part  of  his  army  from  New  York  into  the  lower  parts  of  Virginia, 
where,  after  having  passed  the  Roanoke,  it  was  to  operate  its  junc- 
tion with  the  army  of  Cornwallis  upon  the  confines  of  North  Caro- 
lina. In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  Clinton  had  detached  upon  the 
Chesapeake  bay  a  corps  of  three  thousand  men,  under  the  command 
of  general  Leslie.  He  landed  his  troops  as  well  at  Portsmouth  as 
upon  the  adjacent  points  of  that  coast,  ravaging  and  burning  all  the 
magazines,  and  especially  those  of  tobacco,  of  which  an  immense 
quantity  was  destroyed.  Many  merchant  vessels  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  English.  In  this  quarter,  they  were  to  wait  for  news  of  the 
approach  of  Cornwallis,  then  to  push  rapidly  forward  to  the  banks 
of  the  Roanoke,  where  the  junction  was  to  be  effected.  But  the 
distance  being  great,  and  as  unforeseen  accidents  might  impede  the 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  311 

contemplated  union  of  the  two  corps,  Clinton  had  directed  Leslie  to 
obey  the  orders  of  Cornwallis.  His  intention  was,  that  if  the  junc- 
tion by  land  was  found  subject  to  insurmountable  obstacles,  Corn- 
wallis might  cause  a  part  of  that  corps  to  come  round  to  him  in  the 
Carolinas,  by  way  of  the  sea.  That  general,  on  his  part,  had  put 
himself  on  the  march  from  Carnbden  upon  Charlottetown,  a  village 
situated  in  North  Carolina.  Nevertheless,  to  hold  South  Carolina  in 
check,  and  to  preserve  the  way  open  to  retreat  thither,  if  it  was 
necessary,  he  had  not  contented  himself  with  leaving  a  strong  garri- 
son in  Charleston.  Several  detachments  were  distributed  upon  dif- 
ferent points  of  the  frontier  ;  colonel  Brown  was  posted  at  Augusta, 
colonel  Cruger  at  Ninety  Six,  and  colonel  Turnbull  with  a  stronger 
corps  at  Cambden.  Lord  Cornwallis  had  then  advanced,  with  the 
main  body  of  the  army  and  some  cavalry,  by  the  way  of  Hanging 
Rock,  towards  Catawba,  while  Tarleton  with  the  rest  of  the  cavalry 
passed  the  Wateree  and  ascended  along  its  eastern  bank.  The  two 
corps  were  to  rendezvous,  and  reunite  at  Charlottetown.  They 
arrived  there  in  effect  about  the  last  of  September.  But  the  Eng- 
lish were  not  slow  in  perceiving  that  they  had  undcM-taken  a  far  more 
arduous  enterprise  than  they  had  contemplated.  The  country  in  the 
environs  of  Charlottetown  was  steril,  and  broken  by  narrow  and  intri- 
cate defiles.  The  inhabitants  were  not  only  hostile,  but  also  most  vigi- 
lentand  audacious  in  attacking  detached  parties,  in  cutting  off  couriers 
and  convoys  while  on  the  way  from  Cambden  to  Charlottetown. 
Hence  the  royalists  could  not  sally  into  the  open  country,  whether  to 
forage,  or  gain  intelligence,  except  in  strong  detachments.  Moreover, 
colonel  Sumpter,  always  enterprising,  and  prompt  to  seize  any  occa- 
sion for  infesting  the  British,  seemed  to  be  every  where  at  once, 
upon  the  frontiers  of  the  two  Carolinas.  Another  partisan  corps  of 
similar  audacity,  had  just  been  formed  under  (he  conduct  of  colonel 
Marion.  Finally,  the  alarming  intelligence  was  announced,  that 
colonel  Clarke  had  assembled  a  numerous  body  of  mountaineers 
from  the  upper  parts  of  the  Carolinas,  a  most  hardy  and  warlike 
race  of  men.  Though  the  valiant  defence  of  colonel  Brown  had 
defeated  a  coup  de  main  which  they  had  attempted  against  Augusta, 
yet  they  still  kept  the  field.  Their  chief  had  led  them  into  the 
mountainous  part  in  order  to  unite  with  colonel  Sumpter,  or,  at  least, 
if  the  corps  of  Ferguson  prevented  that,  to  await  new  reenforcc- 
ments  of  the  inhabitants  of  those  regions,  whose  ardor  he  well  knew. 
The  royalists  thus  found  themselves  surrounded  by  clouds  of  re- 
publicans. Placed  in  the  midst  of  a  country  where  every  thing 
combined  against  them,  they  more  resembled  a  besieged  army  than 
troops  marching  upon  an  expedition.'  An  unexpected  accident  came 
to  aggravate  yet  more  the  distress  of  their  position.  Colonel  Fergu- 
son, as  we  have  already  seen,  had  been  detached  by  lord  Cornwallis 
upon  the  frontiers  of  North  Carolina,  to  encourage  the  loyalists  to 


312  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XII. 

take  arms.     A  considerable  number  had  repaired  to  his  standard, 
but  the  greater  part  were  of  the   most   profligate   and  of  the  most 
ferocious  description   of  men.     Believing  any  thing  admissible  with 
the  sanction  of  their  chief,  they  put  every  thing  on  their  passage  to 
fire    and    sword.     Excesses    so  atrocious  must  have    inflamed   the 
coldest  hearts   with  the  desire  of  vengeance  ;  they  transported  the 
.  mountaineers  with  fury.     They  descended  into  the  plain  by  torrents, 
arming  themselves  with  whatever  chance  threw  within  their  reach, 
They  foamed  at  the  name  of  Ferguson ;  they  conjured  the  chiefs 
they  had  given  themselves,  to  lead  them  upon  the  tra"ck  of  this  mon- 
ster, that  they  might  make  him  expiate   the  ravages  and  blood  with 
which  he  had  stained  himself.     Each  of  them   carried,  besides  his 
arms,  a  wallet  and  a  blanket.     They  slept  on  the  naked  earth,  in  the 
open  air ;  the  water  of  the   rivulets  slaked  their  thirst,  they  fed  on 
the  cattle  they  drew  after  them,  or  on  the   game  they  killed  in  the 
forests.     They  were  conducted  by  the  colonels  Campbell,  Cleveland, 
Selby,   Seveer,  Williams,  Brandy   and   Lacy.     Every  where  they 
demanded  Ferguson  with  loud  cries.     At  every  step  they  swore  to 
exterminate  him.     At  length  they  found   him.     But   Ferguson  was 
not  a  man   that  any  danger  whatever  could  intimidate.      He    was 
posted  on  a  woody  eminence  which  commands  all  the  adjacent  plain, 
and  has  a  circular  base.     It  is  called  Kings  Mountain.    An  advanced 
guard  defended  its  approach  by  the  direct  road.     The  mountaineers 
soon  forced  them  to  fail  back ;  then,  forming  in  several  columns, 
they  endeavored  to  make  their  way  good  to  the  summit.     The  attack 
and  the  defence  were   equally  obstinate  ;    some  from  behind  trees, 
others  under  the  cover  of  rocks,  maintained  an  extremely  brisk  fire. 
At  length  those  commanded  by  Cleveland  arrived  upon  the  brow  of 
the  hill.     The   English  repulsed  them  with  the  bayonet.     But  the 
column  of  Selby  came  up  at  the  same  instant,  and   it  was  necessary 
to  dispute  the  ground  with   it  immediately.     It  began  to  give  way, 
when  colonel  Campbell  took  part  in  the  combat.     Ferguson  received 
him  with  gallantry  ;  but  what  could  avail  his  efforts   against  assaults 
incessantly  renewed  and  always  with  more  fury  !     He  was  surround- 
ed ;  and  he  did  ail  that  a  man  of  skill  and  courage  could   do  to  ex- 
tricate himself.     But  already  the  crown  of  the  mount  was  inundated 
with  Americans.     They  summoned  Ferguson. in  vain  to  surrender  ; 
he  perished  sword  in  hand.     His   successor  immediately  demanded 
and  obtained  quarter.     The  carnage  had  been  dreadful ;  the  royal- 
ists had  to  regret  above  eleven  hundred  men  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners,  a  loss  extremely  serious  in  the  present  circumstances.    All 
the  arms  and  munitions  fell  into  the  power  of  the  conquerors.     They 
observed  the  laws  of  war   towards  the  English  ;  but  they  displayed 
an  excessive  rigor  against  the  loyalists.     They  hung  several  without 
listening  to  their  remonstrances.     They  alleged,  that  this  execution 
was  only  a  just  reprisal  for  that  of  the  republicans  put  to  death  by 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  318 

the  loyalists  at  Cambden,  at  Ninety  Six,  and  at  Augusta.  They  even 
insisted  that  the  persons  whose  lives  they  had  taken,  had  forfeited 
them  by  their  crimes  according  to  the  laws  of  the  country.  Thus 
was  added  to  the  inevitable  rigors  of  war,  all  the  ferocity  of  civil 
dissentions. 

The  mountaineers,  after  this  victory,  returned  to  their  homes.  The 
check  of  Kings  Mountain  was  a  heavy  blow  to  the  British  interests 
in  the  Carolina*.  The  position  of  Cornwallis  became  critical.  The 
loyalists  no  longer  manifested  the  same  zeal  to  join  him  ;  and  he 
found  himself  with  a  feeble  army  in  the  midst  of  a  hostile  and  steril 
country.  He  clearly  foresaw  that  a  movement  forward  would  but 
increase  the  embarrassments  under  which  he  already  labored.  Com- 
pelled, therefore,  to  relinquish  for  the  present  the  invasion  of  North 
Carolina,  where  the  public  mind  was  decidedly  in  favor  of  the  re- 
publicans, he  resolved,  at  least,  to  maintain  himself  in  South  Carolina 
until  he  should  have  received  reenforcements.  He  accordingly 
abandoned  Charlottetown,  repassed  the  Catawba,  and  took  post  at 
Winnsborough.  From  that  point,  he  was  at  hand  to  correspond  with 
Cambden  and  Ninety  Six  ;  and  the  fertility  of  the  adjacent  country 
secured  him  better  quarters.  At  the  same  time  he  sent  orders  to 
general  Leslie,  who  was  still  in  Virginia,  to  embark  his  troops  forth- 
with, and  after  having  touched  at  Wilmington,  to  repair  with  all 
expedition  to  Charleston.  . 

The  retreat  of  the  English  from  Charlottetown  to  Winnsborough, 
and  their  defeat  at  Kings  Mountain,  animated  the  republicans  with 
uncommon  alacrity.  They  hastened  in  multitude  to  place  themselves 
under  the  standards  of  their  most  daring  chiefs,  among  whom  the 
more  prominent  were  the  colonels  Sumpter  and  Marion.  The  latter 
scoured  the  lower,  the  former  the  upper  parts  of  the  province. 
Sometimes  Cambden,  sometimes  Ninety  Six  were  menaced.  The 
royal  troops  could  scarcely  quit  their  camp  for  provision,  wood  or 
forage,  without  running  the  greatest  hazard  of  being  surprised.  To 
put  an  end  to  these  continual  alarms,  Tarleton  made  a  movement 
which  menaced  colonel  Marion  ;  but  the  American,  who  intended 
only  to  harass  his  enemy,  and  not  to  engage  him  in  the  open  field, 
retired  precipitately.  The  Englishman  pursued  him  ;  but  he  receiv- 
ed, at  the  same  instant,  orders  from  lord  Cornwallis,  enjoining  him 
to  turn  upon  colonel  Sumpter.  That  partisan  was  on  the  march 
towards  Ninety  Six  ;  he  had  already  surprised  major  Wemis  upon 
Broad  river,  and  captured  many  prisoners,  both  horse  and  foot. 
Tarleton,  exerting  a  scarcely  credible  diligence,  appeared  unexpect- 
edly in  the  presence  of  Sumpter,  who  was  encamped  upon  the  right 
bank  of  the  river  Tiger,  at  a  place  called  Blackstocks.  The  position 
of  the  Americans  was  formidably  strong  ;  it  was  covered  in  front  by 
the  river,  log  houses  and  palisades  ;  and  upon  the  two  flanks  by 
inaccessible  mountains,  or  narrow  and  difficult  defiles.  Tarleton, 


314  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

hurried  on  by  his  ardor,  and  fearing  lest  Sumpter  should  pass  the 
Tiger  and  escape  him,  left  his  light  infantry,  and  even  a  part  of  his 
legion,  behind,  and  pushed  forward  upon  the  enemy  with  a  body  of 
grenadiers  and  the  rest  of  his  cavalry.  The  action  was  engaged 
with  reciprocal  desperation.  A  British  regiment  was  so  roughly 
treated  that  it  was  compelled  to  fall  back  in  the  greatest  disorder. 
Tarleton,  to  restore  the  battle,  headed  an  impetuous  charge  upon  the 
centre  of  the  Americans  ;  they  received  it  without  giving  way.  The 
Englishman  then  found  himself  constrained  to  retreat,  leaving  upon 
the  field  of  battle  a  great  number  of  dead  and  wounded,  among 
whom  were  found  several  officers  of  note.  But  night  being  come, 
colonel  Sumpter,  who  was  dangerously  wounded  in  the  shoulder,  did 
not  judge  it  prudent  to  await  the  British  troops  that  Tarleton  had 
left  behind  him,  and  he  accordingly  repassed  the  river.  His  wound 
not  permitting  him  to  retain  the  command,  he  was  carried  by  faithful 
soldiers  into  the  secure  regions  of  the  mountains.  The  greater  part 
of  his  corps  then  disbanded.  Tarleton,  after  having  scoured,  for  a 
few  days,  the  country  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Tiger,  returned  by  easy 
marches  to  resume  his  position  upon  Broad  river,  in  South  Carolina. 
This  petty  war,  these  frequent  rencounters,  more  and  more  invigor- 
ated the  warlike  spirit  of  the  troops  of  the  two  parties. 

Meanwhile,  general  Gates  had  succeeded  in  assembling  some  few 
troops,  the  greater  part  cavalry,  and  in  order  to  support  the  partisans 
of  Congress,  as  well  as  to  afford  them  a  rallying  point,  he  recrossed 
the  river  Yadkin,  and  took  post  at  Charlottetown,  with  intent  to 
winter  there.  He  thought  that  hostilities  could  not  be  continued 
during  the  bad  season,  which  was  then  about  to  set  in.  While  he 
applied  himself  with  zeal  to  these  preparatory  dispositions,  and  for- 
tune seemed  inclined  to  smile  upon  him  anew,  general  Greene  arrived 
at  camp.  His  military  reputation  and  his  tried  devotion  to  the  cause 
of  the  republic,  had  decided  the  Congress  and  Washington  to  intrust 
him  with  the  command  in  the  southern  provinces,  in  the  room  of  Gates. 
The  latter  evinced,  in  this  conjuncture,  that  country  was  dearer  to  him 
than  power  and  glory.  He  supported  so  unpleasant  an  incident  with 
such  constancy,  that  he  did  not  betray  a  single  mark  of  discontent. 
When  he  passed  through  Richmond,  in  returning  to  his  own  province, 
the  assembly  of  Virginia  sent  a  deputation  to  compliment  him.  It 
gave  him  assurance  that  the  remembrance  of  his  glorious  achievements 
could  not  be  effaced  by  any  misfortune,  praying  him  to  be  persuaded 
that  the  Virginians  in  particular  would  never  neglect  any  occasion  to 
manifest  the  gratitude  they  bore  him,  as  members  of  the  American 
Union.  General  Greene  brought  with  him  no  reenforcement  from 
the  northern  army  ;  he  expected  to  find  sufficient  forces  in  the 
southern  quarter.  •  He  was  accompanied  only  by  colonel  Morgan 
with  some  riflemen,  who  had  acquired  the  highest  reputation,  ills 
army  was  consequently  extremely  feeble :  but  the  woods,  the 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  315 

swamps,  the  rivers,  with  which  the  country  was  every  where  broken, 
were  means  of  defence  sufficient  to  reassure  him.  As  his  intention 
was  merely  to  infest  the  enemy,  by  avoiding  general  actions  he  hoped 
to  be  able  to  harass,  and  little  by  little  to  reduce  him.  It  was  about 
the  same  time  that  general  Leslie  arrived  from  Virginia  at  Charles- 
ton, with  a  reenforcernent  of  more  than  two  thousand  regular  troops. 
He  found  fresh  orders  in  that  city,  in  pursuance  of  which,  he  put 
himself  immediately  on  the  march  with  fifteen  hundred  men,  to 
rejoin  lord  Cornwallis  at  Winnsborough. 

1781.  This  addition  of  force  renewed  with  the  British  general 
the  desire  to  reduce  North  Carolina,  and  to  proceed  thence  into 
Virginia.  But  the"  better  to  secure  the  success  of  this  enterprise,  a 
council  of  war  decided  that  it  should  not  be  confided  to  the  army  of 
Cornwallis  alone  ;  and  that  it  was  proper  that  it  should  be  supported 
by  another  expedition  simultaneously  directed  on  the  part  of  Virginia 
itself;  not  that  the  troops  which  could  be  employed  in  that  part  were 
in  a  situation  to  achieve  the  conquest  of  the  province  without  the 
assistance  of  lord  Cornwallis,  but  they  might  at  least  be  able  to  dis- 
courage the  Virginians  from  passing  reenforcements  to  general 
Greene.  Agreeably  to  this  plan,  Arnold  had  been  detached  to  the 
Chesapeake  bay,  where  he  was  to  disembark  his  troops  at  whatever 
point  he  might  judge  the  most  favorable  to  a  mischievous  impression. 
The  English  also  flattered  themselves,  that  his  name  and  example 
would  influence  a  great  number  of  the  Americans  to  desert  from  the 
colors  of  the  republic  to  those  of  the  king.  Arnold  received  this 
commission  with  ecstacy  ;  he  departed  to  execute  it  with  fifty  trans- 
ports and  sixteen  hundred  men.  The  moment  he  had  landed,  he 
commenced  the  most  shocking  ravages.  Richmond  and  Smithfield 
experienced  all  his  fury.  But  the  country  was  alarmed  on  all  parts, 
the  inhabitants  flew  to  arms;  he  was  obliged  to  fall  back  upon  Ports- 
mouth, where  he  labored  to  intrench  himself.  He  would  not  aban- 
don that  coast,  because  he  was  sensible  how  much  his  presence  dis- 
quieted the  Americans.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  he  could  not 
with  forces  so  insufficient  keep  the  field  in  the  midst  of  a  province 
whose  numerous  population  was  animated  by  the  most  violent  hatred 
against  England. 

This  piratical  expedition,  therefore,  produced  but  very  imperfect]} 
the  effect  which  the  British  generals  had  hoped  from  it.  It  delayed, 
it  is  true,  those  succours  which  the  Virginians  destined  for  the  Caro- 
linas;  but  not  one  of  them  joined  Arnold.  Devastations,  plunder, 
conflagrations,  had  no  such  fascination  as  could  gain  him  partisans. 
The  campaign  had  already  opened  in  South  Carolina.  The  two 
hostile  generals  manoeuvred  each  according  to  the  plan  he  had  fram- 
ed. Lord  Cornwallis  had  set  out  from  Winnsborough,  and  was 
marching  between  the  Broad  and  Catawba  river,  on  the  upper  route, 
towards  North  Carolina.  He  had  already  arrived  at  Turkey  Creek. 


316  THE    AMERICAN     WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

To  arrest  his  progress,  general  Greene  resolved  to  demonstrate  an 
intention  to  attack  Ninety  Six,  while  colonel  Morgan,  with  five  hun- 
dred Virginian  regulars,  some  companies  of  militia,  and  the  light 
horse  of  colonel  Washington,  was  detached  to  guard  the  passages  of 
the  river  Pacolet.  As  to  Greene  himself,  he  went  to  encamp  at  the 
confluence  of  Hicks  Creek  with  the  Pedee,  opposite  toCheraw  Hill. 
He  was  blamed  by  many  military  critics,  for  having  thus  divided  his 
forces.  In  effect,  if  the  English  had  pushed  rapidly  forward,  they 
might  have  thrown  themselves  between  the  corps  of  Greene  and 
Morgan,  and  crushed  them  both  without  difficulty.  But  perhaps  the 
American  genera!  had  calculated  that  the  royalists  were  embarrassed 
by  too  many  obstacles  to  act  with  such  celerity  ;  perhaps,  also,  he 
had  not  yet  heard  of  the  junction  of  Leslie  and  Cornwallis.  The 
latter  general  immediately  detached  Tarleton  with  his  legion  of  caval- 
ry and  a  body  of  infantry  to  cover  Ninety  Six.  On  arriving  in 
that  part,  Tarleton  found  every  thing  quiet  ;  the  enemy  had  retired 
after  some  light  skirmishes.  He  then  determined  to  march  against 
Morgan,  confident  of  being  able  either  to  rout  him  by  surprise,  or  at 
least  to  drive  him  beyond  the  Broad  river,  which  would  have  left  the 
ways  clear  to  the  royal  army.  He  consulted  lord  Cornwallis  by  let- 
ter, who  not  only  approved  his  design,  but  resolved  also  to  concur  to 
its  execution,  by  ascending  the  left  bank  of  the  Broad,  in  order  to 
menace  the  rear  of  Morgan.  Every  thing  went  well  for  them  at  first. 
Tarleton,  after  having  passed  witli  equal  celerity  and  good  fortune  the 
rivers  Ennoree  and  Tiger,  presented  himself  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Pacolet.  Morgan  retreated  thence  forthwith,  and  Tarleton  set  him- 
self to  pursue  him.  He  pressed  him  hard.  Morgan  felt  how  full  of 
danger  was  become  the  passage  of  Broad  river,  in  the  presence  of  so 
enterprising  an  enemy  as  now  hung  upon  his  rear.  He  therefore 
thought  it  belter  to  make  a  stand.  He  formed  his  troops  in  two 
divisions;  the  first  composed  of  militia,  under  the  conduct  of  colo- 
nel Pickens,  occupied  the  front  of  a  wood,  in  view  of  the  enemy; 
the  second,  commanded  by  colonel  Howard,  was  concealed  in 
the  wood  itself,  and  consisted  of  his  marksmen  and  old  continental 
troops'.  Colonel  Washington,  with  his  cavalry,  was  posted  behind 
the  second  division,  as  a  reserve,  Tarleton  soon  came  up,  and 
formed  in  two  lines ;  his  infantry  in  the  centre  of  each,  and  his  horse 
on  the  flanks.  Every  thing  seemed  to  promise  him  victory.  He  was 
superior  in  cavalry,  and  his  troops,  both  officers  and  soldiers,  mani- 
fested an  extreme  ardor.  The  English  attacked  the  first  American 
line ;  after  a  single  discharge,  with  little  harm  to  the  enemy,  it  fled 
in  confusion.  They  then  fell  upon  the  second  ;  but  here  they  found  a 
more  obstinate  resistance.  The  action  was  engaged  and  supported  with 
equal  advantage.  Tarleton,  to  decide  it  in  his  favor,  pushed  forward 
a  battalion  of  his  second  line,  and  at  the  same  time  directed  a  charge 
of  cavalry  upon  the  right  flank  of  the  Americans.  He  was  afraid  to 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  317 

attack  their  left,  supported  by  colonel  Washington,  who  had  already 
vigorously  repulsed  an  assault  of  the  British  light  horse.  The  manoeu- 
vre of  Tarleton  had  the  expected  effect ;  the  American  regulars  gave 
way,  and  were  thrown  into  disorder.  The  English  rushed  on,  per- 
suaded that  the  day  was  now  their  own.  Already  Tarleton,  with  his 
cavalry,  was  in  full  pursuit  of  the  routed,  when  colonel  Washington, 
whose  troop  was  still  entire,  fell  upon  the  enemy  with  such  impetu- 
osity, that  in  a  few  moments  he  had  restored  the  battle.  During  this 
interval,  colonel  Howard  had  rallied  his  continental  troops,  and  led 
them  back  upon  the  English.  Colonel  Pickens  had  also,  by  prodi- 
gious efforts,  reassembled  the  militia,  and  again  brought  them  to  the 
fire.  Morgan  was  visible  every  where  ;  his  presence  and  words  re- 
animated the  spirits  of  his  soldiers.  He  profited  of  that  moment  of 
enthusiasm  to  precipitate  them  in  one  general  charge  upon  the  enemy. 
The  shock  was  so  tremendous,  that  the  English  at  first  paused,  then 
recoiled,  and  soon  fled  in  confusion.  The  Americans  pursued  them 
with  inexpressible  eagerness.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  British  officers 
employed  exhortations,  prayers  and  threats,  to  stay  the  fugitives  ;  the 
discomfiture  was  total.  Tarleton  lost,  in  dead,  wounded  and  prison- 
ers, more  than  eight  hundred  men,  two  pieces  of  cannon,  the  colors 
of  the  seventh  regiment,  all  his  carriages  and  baggage.  He  regretted 
especially  the  horses  killed  or  taken  in  this  engagement.  The  nature 
of  the  country,  which  is  flat  and  open,  renders  cavalry  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  a  campaign  in  that  quarter.  ^ 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  battle  of  Cowpens,  the  effects  of  which 
were  heavily  felt  by  the  English  during  the  whole  course  of  the  war 
of  the  Carolinas  and  Virginia  ;  it  was,  in  a  word,  decisive  of  the  fate 
of  those  provinces.  The  destruction  of  the  British  cavalry,  the  total 
defeat  of  Tarleton,  who  had  been,  until  that  epoch,  the  terror  of  the 
inhabitants,  animated  them  with  fresh  spirits.  Dejection  and  de- 
spondency were  exchanged  for  confidence  and  enthusiasm.  The 
Congress  voted  public  thanks  to  colonel  Morgan,  and  presented  him 
with  a  medal  of  gold.  Colonels  Washington  and  Howard  received 
medals  of  silver,  and  colonel  Pickens  a  sword. 

The  news  of  the  sanguinary  check  of  Cowpens,  was  extremely 
afflictive  to  lord  Cornwallis.  He  had  lost  in  it  the  best  part  of  his 
light  troops,  and  they  were  to  have  been  the  principal  instrument  of 
his  ulterior  operations.  But  far  from  allowing  himself  to  be  discou- 
raged by  this  blow,  he  resolved  to  prosecute  his  designs  with  the 
corps  he  had  left.  He  hoped  to  obtain  from  it  the  same  service 
as  from  light  troops,  by  destroying  his  heavy  baggage,  and  all  the 
carriages  that  were  not  of  absolute  necessity.  Two  entire  days 
were  employed  in  the  destruction  of  superfluous  incurnbrances.  A 
few  wagons  only  were  kept,  for  the  accomnfodation  of  the  sick  and 
wounded,  and  the  transportation  of  salt  and  ammunition.  The  soldier 
witnessed  the  annihilation  of  his  most  valuable  effects  ;  the  casks  con- 
VOL.  ir.  41 


318  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

taining  wine  and  rum  were  all  staved,  and  the  troops  set  forward  with 
no  other  provision  than  a  small  quantity  of  flour.  The  royal  army 
submitted  to  all  these  inconveniences  with  admirable  temper  and 
patience,  and  manifested  the  utmost  eagerness  to  accomplish  the 
wishes  of  its  general.  He  had  two  objects  in  view  at  that  time.  One 
was,  to  fall  immediately  upon  Morgan,  worst  him,  retake  the  prisoners 
he  had  made,  and  prevent  his  junction  with  general  Greene,  who  still 
continued  upon  Hicks  Creek.  The  second,  and  by  far  the  most 
important,  was  to  push  forward  by  forced  marches  upon  Salisbury, 
and  towards  the  sources  of  the  Yadkin,  before  Greene  should  have 
crossed  that  river.  If  he  effected  this  design,  it  followed  of  necessity, 
that  the  American  general  would  be  cut  off  from  the  succours  he 
expected  from  Virginia,  and  constrained  either  to  retreat  precipitate- 
ly, with  the  loss  of  his  artillery  and  baggage,  or  to  accept  a  battle 
under  every  disadvantage.  Lord  Cornwallis  set  out  upon  the  first  of 
these  projects.  He  directed  his  march  with  celerity  upon  the  Ca- 
tawba,  in  the  hope  of  surprising  and  crushing  Morgan  before  he  could 
pass  that  river.  But  the  Americans  were  upon  their  guard.  After 
his  victory  of  Cowpens,  Morgan,  who  knew  very  well  that  Cornwallis 
was  not  far  off,  had  sent  his  prisoners  upon  his  rear,  under  the  guard  of 
an  experienced  officer,  and  soon  after  set  forward  himself  with  all  his 
troops  towards  the  Catawba.  Such  was  the  diligence  of  his  march, 
that  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  January  he  had  crossed  the  river,  with  all 
his  artillery,  stores,  baggage  and  prisoners.  The  Americans  were  no 
sooner  upon  the  left  bank  than  the  British  appeared  on  the  right  ;  the 
chagrin  of  Cornwallis  is  readily  conceived.  Morgan,  still  keeping 
his  prisoners  on  the  march  towards  Virginia,  neglected  no  measures 
that  might  tend,  if  not  to  arrest,  at  least  to  retard  the  progress  of  the 
royal  troops.  But  they  soon  had  even  the  elements  to  contend  with. 
There  had  fallen  the  preceding  night  such  an  abundant  rain  in  the 
neighboring  mountains,  that  the  ford  of  Catawba  became  immediately 
impassable.  If  this  swell  of  the  waters  had  taken  place  a  few  hours 
sooner,  Morgan  would  have  found  himself  in  a  critical  position. 

In  this  state  of  things,  general  Greene  arrived  at  the  .camp  of 
Morgan,  and  took  the  command  upon  himself.  Penetrating  the 
designs  of  Cornwallis,  he  had  left  orders  with  the  troops  stationed  at 
Hicks  Creek,  to  make  the  best  of  their  way,  without  baggage  or 
incumbrance  of  any  sort,  towards  the  mountainous  part,  in  order  to 
approach  the  sources  of  the  rivers  where  they  become  more  forda- 
ble.  Their  point  of  rendezvous  was  indicated  at  Guildford  Court 
House,  in  North  Carolina.  Whilst  Greene  rejoined  the  corps  of 
Morgan,  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Catawba,  general  Huger  executed 
his  orders  with  as  much  zeal  as  intelligence.  The  rains  were  such 
as  to  be  thought  extraordinary  even  at  this  season  ;  the  bridges  were 
broken,  the  streams  excessively  swoln,  the  roads  deep  and  heavy,  or 
stony  and  knobbed  by  frost.  The  soldiers  were  destitute  of  shoes, 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  319 

of  clothing,  and  often  of  bread.  They  seemed  to  vie  with  the  English 
in  constancy,  and  supported  all  their  sufferings  without  a  murmur. 
Not  one  of  them  deserted,  and  in  this  respect  they  had  more  merit 
than  their  adversaries.  The  Americans  in  disbanding,  repaired  to 
their  homes  and  repose  ;  whereas  the  English  deserter  must  have 
wandered  in  a  country  where  every  thing  opposed  him.  During  the 
march  of  this  division  upon  Guildford,  the  waters  of  the  Catawba 
diminished,  and  the  royal  troops  prepared  themselves  to  cross  it. 
But  the  republicans  seemed  determined  to  dispute  their  passage. 
Besides  the  intrepid  phalanx  of  Morgan,  all  the  militia  of  the  coun- 
ties of  Rohan  and  Mecklenburgh,  where  the  British  name  was 
loathed,  had  assembled  upon  that  point.  Notwithstanding  these 
obstacles,  Cornwallis  took  a  resolution  to  attempt  the  enterprise. 

He  was  excited  to  this  movement  by  the  hope  of  giving  the 
enemy  a  decisive  blow,  either  by  reaching  the  corps  of  Huger  before 
its  arrival  at  Guildford,  or  by  throwing  himself  between  it  and  Vir- 
ginia. He  accordingly  marched  and  counter  marched  along  the 
right  bank  of  the  Catawba,  holding  out  an  intent  to  pass  in  different 
places,  in  order  to  cluSe  the  attention  of  the  Americans.  But  his 
real  design  was  to  cross  at  Gowans  Ford.  In  effect,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  first  of  February,  the  English  entered  the  water;  the 
river  was  broad,  deep,  and  full  of  large  stones.  The  republicans 
were  drawn  up  on  the  left  bank,  and  commanded  by  general  David- 
son. But  this  corps  was  composed  entirely  of  militia  ;  Morgan  with 
his  veterans  guarded  another  passage.  The  English,  however,  had 
to  encounter  a  very  brisk  and  well  directed  fire  ;  but  they  supported 
it  with  intrepidity,  successfully  traversed  the  bed  of  the  river,  and 
gained  the  opposite  bank.  The  Americans  were  formed  to  receive 
them,  and  the  action  commenced.  General  Davidson  was  killed  at 
the  first  discharge  ;  his  militia  betook  themselves  to  flight,  and  the 
detachments  posted  at  other  points  ran  off  in  the  same  manner. 
The  whole  royal  army  arrived  without  obstacle  upon  the  left  bank. 
A  single  corps  of  militia,  amidst  the  general  route,  made  a  stand  at 
the  post  of  Tarrant ;  colonel  Tarleton  charged  them  vigorously  and 
routed  them  with  severe  execution.  But  colonel  Morgan  retired 
untouched,  and  with  celerity  towards  Salisbury.  He  hoped  to 
arrive  there  in  season  to  cross  the  Yadkin  at  that  place,  and  thus  to 
put  a  large  river  between  him  and  the  royal  army.  The  English 
followed  him  with  great  ardor,  panting  to  take  their  revenge  for  the 
defeat  of  Cowpens.  But  the  American  displayed  so  much  activity, 
and  threw  so  many  impediments  in  the  way  of  his  pursuers,  that  he 
passed  the  Yadkin  with  all  his  troops,  and  without  any  loss,  in  the 
first  days  of  February  ;  partly  by  the  ford,  and  partly  in  batteaux. 
He  drew  all  the  boats  he  could  find  to  the  left  bank.  The  English 
at  length  arrived,  under  the  conduct  of  general  O'Hara.  They  per- 
ceived the  enemy  drawn  up  on  the  opposite  side,  prepared  to  oppose 


320  THE    AMERICAN    AVAR.  BOOK    XII. 

their  passage.  They  would,  nevertheless,  have  attempted  it  but  for 
the  sudden  swell  of  the  Yadkin,  through  the  rains  that  fell  that  very 
day.  The  pious  inhabitants  of  America  considered  this  sudden 
increment  of  the  rivers  as  a  manifest  token  of  the  protection  which 
heaven  granted  to  the  justice  of  their  cause.  They  observed,  that  if 
the  waters  of  the  Catawba,  and  afterwards  those  of  the  Yadkin,  had 
swelled  a  few  hours  sooner,  their  army,  unable  to  cross,  ntust  have 
been  cut  in  pieces  by  the  furious  enemy  that  pursued  it.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  these  rivers  had  not  increased  all  of  a  sudden,  a  few  hours 
later,  the  British  would  have  passed  as  easily  as  the  Americans,  and 
would  have  intercepted  their  retreat.  These  two  consecutive  events, 
and  the  critical  moment  at  which  they  took  place,  were  esteemed 
alike  providential.  Seeing  the  impossibility  of  crossing  the  Yadkin 
at  the  ford  of  Salisbury,  which  is  the  most  commodious,  and  the 
most  frequented,  Cornwallis  resolved  to  march  up  the  river,  hoping 
to  find  it  fordable  at  the  place  where  it  branches  ;  this  he  effected  ; 
but  the  delay  occasioned  by  the  circuit,  afforded  the  Americans  time 
enough  to  reach  Guildford  without  being  disquieted.  It  was  there, 
that,  on  the  seventh  of  February,  the  two  divisions  of  the  American 
army  operated  their  junction  ;  that  of  general  Huger  which,  notwith- 
standing all  his  diligence,  was  the  last  to  arrive,  and  that  of  colonel 
Morgan.  Greene  felt  the  more  joy  at  this  union,  as  it  was  highly 
honorable  to  his  ability.  Thus  by  the  prudence  of  the  American 
commanders,  and  by  the  fortitude  and  celerity  of  their  soldiers, 
together  with  a  happy  coincidence  of  fortuitous  causes,  was  defeated 
the  double  plan  of  lord  Cornwallis.  He  could  neither  exterminate 
Morgan,  nor  prevent  his  reunion  with  Huger.  There  remained  now 
but  one  operation  which  could  indemnify  him  for  so  many  losses  ; 
and  that  was  to  cut  Greene  off  from  Virginia.  The  two  armies 
were  already  upon  the  confines  of  that  province.  It  is  separated 
from  North  Carolina  by  the  Roanoke,  which  in  its  upper  part  is 
called  the  Dan.  The  British  general  conceiving  that  river  not  ford- 
able  in  the  lower  parts,  calculated  that  if  he  could  gain  the  high 
country,  he  should  be  at  liberty  to  move  as  he  might  see  fit.  For 
supposing  that  Greene  could  not  pass  the  Dan,  he  would  then  be 
surrounded  on  all  sides  ;  on  the  north  by  Cornwallis  himself,  on  the 
west  by  great  rivers,  on  the  south  by  lord  Rawdon,  who  remained 
at  Cambden  with  a  respectable  force,  and  on  the  east  by  the  sea. 
Moreover,  notwithstanding  the  juncture  of  the  American  troops,  they 
were  still  so  inferior  to  those  of  the  English,  that  the  latter  consider- 
ed themselves  perfectly  assured  of  a  complete  victory.  The  two 
parties  were  equally  aware  that  success  must  depend  on  the  rapidity 
of  marches  ;  they  accordingly  both  bent  their  course,  with  all  possi- 
ble velocity,  upon  the  fordable  parts  of  the  Dan.  The  English, 
desirous  to  repair  the  time  lost  in  their  preceding  passages,  exerted 
prodigious  efforts,  and  occupied  the  fords  the  first.  The  position  of 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  321 

Greene  was  now  truly  critical.  He  turned  rapidly  towards  a  lower 
ford,  called  Boyds  Ferry,  uncertain  of  the  safety  or  destruction  of 
his  army,  since  he  was  ignorant  if  that  ford  was  practicable.  The 
royal  troops  pursued  him  with  vehemence  ;  they  looked  upon  their 
approaching  victory  as  a  positive  certainty.  Greene,  in  so  pressing 
an  emergency,  summoned  all  the  faculties  of  his  soul,  and  did  all 
that  could  have  been  expected  of  a  consummate  general. 

He  formed  a  strong  corps  of  his  best  light  troops,  consisting  in  the 
regiments  of  cavalry  of  Lee,  of  Bland,  and  of  Washington,  in  com- 
panies of  light  infantry,  drawn  from  regiments  of  the  line,  and  in 
some  riflemen.  He  charged  the  commander  of  this  corps  to  sustain 
the  efforts  of  the  enemy,  and  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  salvation  of 
the  army  was  in  his  hands.  As  to  himself,  with  the  rest  of  his  troops 
and  the  heavy  baggage,  he  proceeded  with  all  expedition  towards 
Boyds  Ferry.  The  royalists  pushed  forward  with  eagerness  from 
Salem  to  the  sources  of  the  Haw,  from  that  point  to  Reedy  Fork, 
from  there  to  Troublesome  Creek,  and  thence  towards  the  Dan. 
But  the  detached  corps  which  has  just  been  mentioned,  by  continual 
skirmishes,  and  the  breaking  up  of  roads  and  bridges,  materially 
retarded  their  march.  Greene  had  already  reached  the  margin  of 
the  river  ;  he  found  it  fordable  ;  some  boats  at  hand  accelerated  the 
passage,  he  gained  the  Virginian  shore  ;  all  the  baggage  was  passed 
over  with  equal  success.  Even  the  gallant  rear  guard,  which  had 
preserved  the  army,  arrived  a  little  after,  and  crossed  with  the  same 
happy  auspices,  to  the  safe  side  of  the  river. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  English,  full  of  earnestness,  made  their 
appearance  upon  the  right  of  the  Dan  ;  they  perceived  upon  the 
opposite  bank  the  American  army  formed  in  menacing  array.  All 
their  hopes  were  vanished  ;  the  fruit  of  all  their  efforts,  of  all  their 
sufferings,  was  lost  irrecoverably.  The  retreat  of  general  Greene 
and  the  pursuit  of  lord  Cornwallis,  are  worthy  to  be  placed  among 
the  most  'remarkable  events  of  the  American  war  ;  they  would  have 
done  honor  to  the  most  celebrated  captains  of  that,  or  any  former 
epoch. 

Compelled  so  unexpectedly  to  relinquish  the  object  of  his  sanguine 
hope,  lord  Cornwallis  meditated  upon  the  course  he  had  now  to 
pursue.  The  attack  of  Virginia,  with  forces  so  enfeebled  as  were 
his  own,  appeared  to  him  the  more  perilous,  as  the  American  army 
preserved  the  most  imposing;  attitude.  Under  this  consideration,  he 
determined  to  remain  in  North  Carolina,  of  which  he  was  master, 
and  set  himself  to  levy  troops  in  the  name  of  the  king.  With  this 
intent  he  quitted  the  banks  of  the  Dan,  and  repaired  by  easy  marches 
to  Hillsborough  ;  where  having  erected  the  royal  standard,  he  invited 
the  inhabitants,  by  an  energetic  proclamation,  to  form  themselves  into 
regular  companies.  But  these  efforts  were  not  attended  with  the 
success  he  had  hoped  ;  a  great  number  of  the  country  people  came 


322  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

to  his  head  quarters,  but  the  greater  part  to  satisfy  their  curiosity,  to 
gain  intelligence,  and  to  make  their  profit  of  it.  All  manifested  an 
extreme  repugnance  to  arming  against  the  Congress.  Lord  Cornwallis 
complained  publicly  of  their  coldness.  He  saw  that  he  could  place 
no  dependence  upon  the  assistance  of  the  people  of  this  province, 
formerly  so  celebrated  for  their  attachment  to  the  name  of  the  king. 
The  long  domination  of  the  republicans,  and  the  horrible  enormities 
committed  by  the  royal  troops  in  different  parts  of  the  American 
continent,  had  given  birth  to  sentiments  of  quite  another  cast.  In- 
sensibly detached  from  the  cause  of  the  king,  the  inhabitants,  besides, 
could  not  forget  the  vicinity  of  the  republican  army,  which  at  any 
moment  might  again  penetrate  into  their  province.  About  this  time, 
a  British  squadron,  and  a  body  of  troops  detached  from  Charleston, 
took  possession  of  Wilmington,  a  city  of  North  Carolina,  situated  not 
far  from  the  mouth  of  Cape  Fear  river.  They  fortified  themselves 
there,  seized  munitions  of  war,  and  even  some  vessels,  both  French 
and  American.  This  expedition  had  been  ordered  by  Cornwallis 
prior  to  his  departure  from  Winnsborough,  in  pursuit  of  Morgan.  Its 
principal  object  was  that  of  opening  a  communication  between  the 
country  about  Hillsborough  and  the  sea,  by  the  way  of  Cape  Fear 
river  ;  an  object  of  the  utmost  importance,  as  it  afforded  a  sure  mode 
of  passing  supplies  to  the  army. 

The  retreat  of  Greene  into  Virginia,  although  it  had  not  produced 
upon  the  minds  of  those  Carolinians  who  remained  faithful  to  the 
king,  all  that  effect  which  Cornwallis  had  expected  from  it,  had, 
nevertheless,  excited  in  some,  fresh  hopes  and  desires  of  a  new 
order  of  things.  The  British  general  redoubled  his  efforts  and  in- 
stances to  induce  them  to  take  arms.  The  district  situated  between 
the  Haw  and  the  Deep  river,  was  represented  as  particularly  abound- 
ing in  loyalists ;  Cornwallis  sent  them  Tarleton  to  animate  and 
imbody  them.  His  exhortations  were  not  in  vain.  The  family  of 
Pill,  one  of  the  most  considerable  of  the  country,  was  also  the  most 
ardent  to  set  the  example.  Already  a  colonel  of  that  family  had 
assembled  a  considerable  body  of  his  most  audacious  partisans,  and 
was  on  his  way  to  join  Tarleton.  But  general  Greene,  who  was  fully 
sensible  how  prejudicial  it  would  prove  to  the  arms  of  Congress  if  he 
suffered  its  cause  to  succumb  entirely  in  North  Carolina,  and  -fearing 
lest  the  loyalists  might  operate  a  revolution  in  that  province,  had 
detached  anew  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Dan,  a  body  of  cavalry 
under  the  conduct  of  colonel  Lee,  with  a  view  of  intimidating  the 
partisans  of  England,  reassuring  those  of  the  Congress,  and  disquiet- 
ing the  movements  of  the  enemy  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  He 
intended  also  himself,  as  soon  as  he  should  have  received  his  reen- 
forcements,  which  were  already  on  the  march,  to  repass  the  river, 
and  show  himself  again  upon  the  territory  of  the  Carolinas.  The 
recovery  of  those  provinces  was  the  fixed  aim  of  all  his  thoughts. 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  323 

Meanwhile,  colonel  Lee  was  by  no  means  tardy  in  acting  accord- 
ing to  the  instructions  of  his  general.  The  troop  assembled  by 
colonel  Pill  was  the  first  that  fell  in  his  way.  These  loyalists,  totally 
unacquainted  with  the  profession  of  arms,  knew  so  little  how  to  clear 
their  march,  that  thinking  they  were  going  to  meet  Tarleton,  they 
threw  themselves  headlong  into  the  corps  of  Lee.  The  American 
enveloped  and  charged  them  with  rapid  vigor.  The  loyalists,  still 
supposing  their  affair  was  with  Tarleton,  and  that  he  mistook  them 
for  republicans,  were  eager  to  make  themselves  known  by  reiterated 
cries  of  c  long  live  the  king.'  The  fury  of  the  assailants  did  but 
rage  the  fiercer,  and  in  a  few  instants  all  that  survived  were  obliged 
to  surrender.  Thus,  this  inexpert  troop  were  led  to  slaughter  by  a 
presumptuous  chief,  who  had  imagined  that  the  spirit  of  party  could 
fill  the  place  of  knowledge  and  talents  !  At  the  news  of  this  event, 
which  was  rather  an  execution  than  a  combat,  Tarleton,  who  was  not 
far  off,  put  himself  in  motion  with  intent  to  encounter  Lee  ;  but  an 
order  of  Cornwallis  checked  him,  and. drew  him  back  to  Hillsborough. 
The  cause  of  this  sudden  resolution  of  the  British  general,  was,  that 
Greene,  though  even  yet  he  had  received  only  a  small  part  of  his 
reenforcements,  had  boldly  repassed  the  Dan,  and  menaced  again  to 
overrun  Carolina.  Not,  however,  that  his  real  intention  was  to  give 
his  adversary  battle  before  having  assembled  his  whole  force  ;  but 
he  wished  to  show  Cornwallis  and  the  patriots  of  the  province  that 
he  was  in  being,  and  able  to  keep  the  field.  He  chose  a  position 
upon  the  left  of  the  Dan,  and  very  high  up,  towards  the  sources  of 
the  Haw,  in  order  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  fighting.  Cornwallis,  on 
hearing  that  the  American  banners  had  reappeared  in  Carolina, 
quitted  Hillsborough  forthwith,  and,  crossing  the  Haw  at  a  lower 
ford,  proceeded  to  encamp  near  Allemance  Creek,  detaching  Tarle- 
ton with  his  cavalry  to  scour  the  country  as  far  as  Deep  river.  Thus 
the  two  armies  found  themselves  so  near  each  other,  as  to  be  sepa- 
rated only  by  the  river  Haw.  Hence  frequent  skirmishes  ensued. 
In  one  of  these  rencounters,  Tarleton  did  great  mischief  to  the  corps 
of  Lee,  which  was  joined  by  the  mountaineers  and  militia,  under  the 
command  of  captain  Preston.  The  two  generals  manoeuvred  a  long 
time  with  uncommon  ability  ;  the  American  to  avoid  battle,  the 
Englishman  to  force  him  to  it.  Greene  had  the  good  fortune,  or  the 
skill,  to  continue  master  of  his  movements.  But  towards  the  middle 
of  March,  he  received  reenforcements,  which  consisted  principally  of 
continental  troops.  He  was  joined,  at  the  same  time,  by  militia  from 
Virginia,  under  the  conduct  of  general  Lawson,  as  also  by  some 
Carolinian  militia,  led  by  the  generals  Butler  and  Eaton.  Having 
acquired  more  confidence  in  his  strength,  Greene  took  a  resolution 
no  longer  to  decline  a  decisive  action,  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  march 
directly  to  the  enemy.  He  accordingly  pushed  forward  with  all  his 
troops,  and  took  post  at  Guildford  Court  House.  He  had  reflected 


324  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

that  being  superior  in  number,  and  principally  in  cavalry,  he  could 
not  experience  a  total  and  irreparable  defeat.  The  worst  conse- 
quence that  could  follow  a  loss  of  battle,  was  that  of  placing  him 
under  the  necessity  of  retiring  into  Virginia,  where  he  would  have 
found  the  utmost  facility  in  reestablishing  his  army.  He  had  also  to 
consider  that  the  numerous  militia  assembled  in  his  camp  would  soon 
disband,  unless  he  availed  himself  immediately  of  their  first  ardor. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  the  English  were  beaten,  far  from  their  ships, 
entangled  in  a  country  where  thf?y  were  detested,  and  without  means 
of  retreat,  how  could  their  army  escape  a  total  destruction  ?  They 
had  therefore  much  more  at  risk  than  the  Americans,  in  referring 
the  decision  of  their  fate  to  the  chance  of  arms. 

Lord  Cornwallis  saw  distinctly,  on  his  part,  that  it  would  be  an 
inexcusable  imprudence  to  remain  longer  in  the  midst  of  a  popula- 
tion, which  every  thing  taught  him  to  distrust,  while  a  formidable 
enemy  menaced  him  in  front.  But  retreat,  in  all  respects  so  preju- 
dicial to  the  interests  of  the  king,  was  accompanied  with  so  many 
dangers,  that  it  became  next  to  impracticable.  In  turning  his  eyes 
upon  his  camp,  the  British  general  beheld  all  soldiers  nurtured  in  the 
toils  of  war,  and  trained  to  victory  in  a  host  of  combats.  Banishing 
then  all  hesitation,  he  embraced  if  not  the  least  perilous,  assuredly  the 
most  honorable  course,  and  gave  orders  to  advance  upon  Guildford. 
This  resolution  was  undertaken  irrevocably  to  put  an  end  to  uncer- 
tainties by  striking  a  decisive  blow.  To  relieve  his  march,  and 
facilitate  his  retreat  in  case  of  a  check,  lord  Cornwallis  sent  his  car- 
riages and  baggage  under  strong  escort  to  Bells  Mills,  a  place 
situated  upon  the  Deep  river.  Greene  in  like  manner  passed  his 
wagons  to  Iron  Works,  ten  miles  in  the  rear  of  his  position.  The 
reconnoitring  parties  of  the  two  armies  went  out  in  all  directions  for 
intelligence.  The  legion  of  Lee  and  that  of  Tarleton  fell  in  with 
each  other  in  one  of  these  excursions,  and  a  fierce  conflict  ensued. 
Lee  at  first  had  the  advantage ;  but  he  was  obliged  to  give  way  in 
his  turn,  when  Tarleton  had  been  reenforced.  These  skirmishes 
were  but  the  prelude  of  the  battle  for  which  both  parties  were  pre- 
paring themselves. 

The  Americans,  on  their  side,  numbered  about  six  thousand  men, 
the  greater  part  militia  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  ;  the  remain- 
der consisted  in  regular  troops  from  Virginia,  Maryland  and  Dela- 
ware. The  English,  including  the  Hessians,  amounted  to  upwards 
of  twenty-four  hundred  soldiers.  All  the  adjacent  country  was 
clothed  with  thick  wood,  interspersed,  here  and  there,  with  spots  of 
cultivation.  A  gentle  and  woody  declivity  traversed  and  extended 
far  on  both  sides  of  the  great  road  which  leads  from  Salisbury  to 
Guildford.  This  road  itself  runs  through  the  centre  of  the  forest. 
In  front,  and  before  coming  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  there  was  a  field 
six  hundred  yards  in  breadth.  Behind  the  forest,  between  its  lower 


BOOK    XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  325 

edge  and  the  houses  of  Guildford,  lay  another  field  still  more  open, 
and  adapted  to  military  evolutions.  General  Greene  had  thrown  troops 
into  the  wood  that  covered  the  slope,  and  had  likewise  occupied  the 
contiguous  plain.  In  this  position  he  purposed  to  receive  the  enemy. 
His  order  of  battle  consisted  in  three  divisions  ;  the  first,  composed  of 
the  militia  of  North  Carolina,  and  commanded  by  the  generals  But- 
ler and  Eaton,  was  posted  towards  the  foot  of  the  hill,  upon  the  fore 
edge  of  ihe  forest,  its  front  was  covered  by  a  thick  hedge  ;  two 
pieces  of  cannon  defended  the  great  road.  The  second  division 
comprised  the  militia  of  Virginia,  under  the  conduct  of  the  generals 
Stevens  and  Lawson  ;  it  was  formed  in-the  wood  parallel  to  the  first, 
and  about  eight  hundred  yards  behind  it.  The  regular  troops,  under 
general  Huger  and  colonel  Williams,  filled  the  plain  which  extends 
from  the  forest  to  Guildford,  this  ground  permitted  them  to  manoeu- 
vre, and  to  signalise  their  valor.  Two  other  pieces  of  cannon,  plant- 
ed upon  an  eminence  which  covered  their  flank,  commanded  also  the 
highway. 

Colonel  Washington,  with  his  dragoons  and  Linch's  riflemen,  flanked 
the  right  wing,  and  colonel  Lee,  with  a  detachment  of  light  infantry 
and  the  dragoons  of  Campbell,  the  left.  The  British  general  drew 
up  on  his  part.  General  Leslie,  with  an  English  regiment  and  the 
Hessian  regiment  of  Bose,  occupied  the  right  of  the  first  line  ;  and 
colonel  Webster  with  two  English  regiments  the  left.  A  battalion  of 
guards  formed  a  sort  of  reserve  to  the  first,  and  another  under  gene- 
ral O'Hara  to  the  second.  The  artillery  and  grenadiers  marched 
in  close  column  upon  the  great  road.  Tarleton  was  posted  there 
likewise  with  his  legion  ;  but  his  orders  were  not  to  move,  except 
upon  emergency,  until  the  infantry,  after  having  carried  the  forest, 
should  have  advanced  into  the  plain  behind  it,  where  cavalry  could 
operate  with  facility.  The  action  was  commenced  on  both  sides 
by  a  brisk  cannonade.  The  English,  afterwards  leaving  their  artil- 
lery behind,  rushed  forward  through  the  fire  of  the  enemy  into  the 
intermediate  plain.  The  Carolinian  militia  suffered  them  to  ap- 
proach without  flinching,  then  began  to  fire.  The  English  made  but 
one  discharge,  and  immediately  ran  forward  to  charge  with  bayonets. 
The  Carolinians  showed  no  firmness.  Without  awaiting  the  shock 
of  the  enemy,  notwithstanding  the  strength  of  their  position,  they 
recoiled,  and  took  shamefully  to  flight.  Their  officers  vainly  endea- 
vored to  dissipate  their  terror,  and  to  rally  them.  Thus  the  first  line 
of  the  American  army  was  totally  routed.  General  Stevens,  seeing 
the  panic  of  the  Carolinian  militia,  hastened  to  reassure  those  he 
commanded,  by  giving  out  that  the  others  had  orders  to  fall  back, 
after  the  first  discharges.  He  opened  his  ranks  to  let  the  fugitives 
pass,  and  reclosed  them  immediately.  The  English  still  advancing, 
attacked  the  militia  of  Virginia.  These  bravely  withstood  their  shock, 
and  disputed  the  ground  with  them  for  some  time.  At  length,  obliged 
VOL.  it.  42 


326  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XII. 

to  give  way,  they  also  fell  back,  not  without  some  disorder,  upon  the 
continental  troops.  Meanwhile,  as  well  by  the  effect  of  the  combat, 
as  from  the  inequality  of  the  ground,  and  thickness  of  the  wood,  the 
line  of  the  British  was  likewise  broken,  and  open  in  several  places. 
Their  commanders,  to  fill  up  these  vacant  spaces,  pushed  forward  the 
two  reserves.  Then,  all  this  division  having  passed  the  forest,  formed 
in  the  plain  that  was  behind  it  and  fell  upon  the  continental  troops  ; 
but  all  the  impetuosity  of  this  attack  was  of  no  avail  against  the  intre- 
pidity of  that  division.  Their  resistance  was  so  obstinate,  that  victory 
for  a  while  appeared  uncertain.  General  Leslie,  finding  he  could 
make  no  impression  upon  the  left  of  the  Americans,  and  having  suf- 
fered excessively  in  the  attempt,  was  constrained  to  retire  behind  a 
ravine,  in  order  to  await  the  news  of  what  might  have  passed  in  other 
parts.  The  action  was  supported  in  the  centre  with  inexpressible 
fierceness.  Colonel  Stewart,  with  the  second  battalion  ol  guards, 
arid  a  company  of  grenadiers,  had  fallen  so  vigorously  upon  the 
troops  of  Delaware,  that  he  had  broken  them,  and  taken  from  them 
two  pieces  of  cannon  ;  but  the  Marylanders  came  promptly  to  their 
assistance,  and  not  only  restored  the  battle,  but  even  forced  the 
English  to  recoil  in  disorder.  At  this  moment  colonel  Washington 
came  up  with  his  cavalry,  charging  the  royalists  with  impetuosity ; 
he  put  them  to  flight,  cut  most  of  them  down,  and  recovered  the  two 
pieces  of  cannon. 

Colonel  Stewart  himself  perished  in  the  carnage.  At  this  instant 
the  fate  of  the  day  hung  by  a  single  thread.  If  the  Americans  had 
done  all  that  was  in  their  power,  the  whole  British  army  was  crushed. 
After  the  defeat  of  the  British  guards,  and  the  death  of  Stewart,  if 
the  republicans  had  occupied  the  hill  which  rises  on  the  side  of  the 
great  road  upon  the  hinder  border  of  the  wood,  and  furnished  it  with 
artillery,  it  cannot  be  doubted- that  victory  would  have  declared  for 
them.  For  then  the  English  would  not  have  had  power  to  advance 
fresh  troops  into  that  part ;  their  left  wing  would  have  been  separated 
from  the  centre  and  right ;  and  the  battalions  of  guards  would  not 
have  been  able  to  recover  from  the  confusion  into  which  they  had 
been  thrown.  But  the  Americans,  content  with  the  advantage 
they  had  already  obtained,  instead  of  taking  possession  of  the  height, 
repaired  to  the  posts  they  occupied  before  the  engagement.  At  sight 
of  this  error,  lieutenant-colonel  Macleod  hastened  to  take  advantage 
of  it ;  he  advanced  the  artillery,  placed  it  upon  the  aforesaid  emi- 
nence, and  opened  a  destructive  fire  against  the  front  of  the  conti- 
nental troops.  The  grenadiers  and  another  English  regiment  re- 
appeared at  the  same  instant  upon  the  right  of  the  plain,  and  made  a 
vigorous  charge  upon  their  flank.  Another  English  regiment  fell  at 
the  same  time  upon  their  left,  and  Tarleton  came  up  at  full  speed 
with  his  legion.  General  O'Hara,  though  dangerously  wounded, 
had  succeeded  in  rallying  the  British  guards.  All  these  succours 


BOOK   XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  327 

arrived  so  opportunely  that  the  disorder  of  the  centre  and  first  line 
was  promptly  repaired. 

The  American  regulars,  who  had  to  sustain  unsupported  the  whole 
weight  of  the  action,  finding  themselves  assailed  on  so  many  parts, 
began  to  think  of  their  retreat.  They  made  it  step  by  step,  without 
breaking  their  ranks ;  and  invariably  preserving  a  menacing  attitude. 
They  were  constrained,  however,  to  abandon  upon  the  field  of  battle 
not  only  the  two  field  pieces  which  they  had  retaken,  but  two  others 
besides.  Colonel  Webster,  then  rejoining  the  centre  with  his  left 
wing,  made  a  brisk  charge  upon  the  extremity  of  the  right  of  Greene, 
and  forced  it  to  give  way.  Cornwallis  abstained  from  sending  the 
cavalry  of  Tarleton's  legion  in  pursuit  of  the  Americans  ;  he  had 
need  of  them  in  another  part.  His  right  was  still  engaged  with  the 
left  of  Greene.  The  Hessian  regiment  of  Bose,  commanded  by 
colonel  de  Buy,  who  in  this  day  displayed  an  undaunted  valor, 
and  the  other  British  troops  exerted  the  most  desperate  efforts  to 
break  the  enemy,  who  defended  himself  with  equal  gallantry.  The 
ground  was  rough,  and  incumbered  with  trees  and  bushes ;  the  Ame- 
ricans availed  themselves  of  it  to  combat  as  marksmen  with  their 
accustomed  dexterity.  If  broken,  they  reformed,  if  forced  to  retire, 
they  returned,  if  dispersed,  they  rallied,  and  charged  anew.  In  the 
height  of  this  engagement,  or  rather  of  this  multitude  of  partial  ren- 
countres,  Tarleton,  who  had  defiled  behind  the  right  wing  of  the 
royalists,  and  who  was  covered  by  the  smoke  of  their  arms,  as  they 
had  purposely  fired  altogether  to  this  end,  fell  briskly  upon  the  ene- 
my, and  in  a  moment  swept  them  from  the  ground  they  occupied. 
The  militia  threw  themselves  into  the  wood,  and  the  Hessians  at  last 
found  themselves  entirely  disengaged  from  this  long  and  obstinate 
c.onfiict. 

Thus  terminated  the  stubborn  and  much  varied  battle  of  Guildford, 
which  was  fought  on  the  fifteenth  of  March.  The  American  loss  in 
killed,  wounded,  prisoners,  and  missing,  amounted  to  upwards  of 
thirteen  hundred  men.  The  prisoners  were  few.  Almost  all  the 
wounded  belonged  to  the  continental  troops,  and  the  fugitives  dispers- 
ed, or  returned  to  their  homes,  to  the  militia.  The  generals  H tiger 
and  Stevens,  were  among  the  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  British 
was,  in  proportion  to  their  number,  much  more  considerable.  Their 
dead  and  wounded  exceeded  six  hundred.  Besides  colonel  Stew- 
art, they  had  to  lament  colonel  Webster.  The  generals  Howard  and 
O'Hara,  the  first  in  the  army  after  lord  Cornwallis,  and  colonel 
Tarleton,  received  very  severe  wounds. 

After  the  action,  Greene  withdrew  behind  the  Reedy  Fork,  where 
he  remained  some  time  to  collect  the  fugitives  and  stragglers. 
Afterwards  continuing  his  retreat,  he  went  to  encamp  at  Iron  Works 
upon  Troublesome  Creek.  Cornwallis  remained  master  of  the 
field  of  battle.  But  he  was  not  merely  unable  to  reap  any  of  the 


328  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XlL 

ordinary  fruits  of  victory,  he  was  even  constrained  to  embrace  those 
counsels,  which  are  the  usual  resource  of  the  vanquished.  The 
fatigue  of  his  soldiers,  the  multitude  of  his  wounded,  the  strength  of 
the  new  position  which  the  American  general  had  taken,  and  the 
superiority  of  the  enemy  in  light  troops,  and  particularly  in  cavalry, 
prevented  him  from  pursuing  his  success.  Moreover,  the  number 
and  spirit  of  the  partisans  of  Congress  seemed  to  increase  with  the 
coldness  of  the  loyalists.  Far  from  rearing  the  crest  after  the  battle 
of  Guildford,  they  showed  themselves  quite  deaf  to  the  invocations 
of  Cornwallis,  who  urged  them  to  take  arms  and  assemble  under  his 
banners.  To  crown  his  embarrassments,  the  scarcity  of  provision 
became  continually  more  and  more  sensible.  These  motives  united, 
determined  the  British  general  to  fall  back  as  far  as  Bells  Mills, 
upon  the  Deep  river  ;  leaving  at  New  Garden,  those  of  his  wounded 
that  were  least  in  condition  to  move.  They  fell  into  the  power  of 
the  republicans. 

After  having  given  his  troops  a  few  days  repose  at  Bells  Mills, 
and  collected  some  provision,  he  marched  towards  Cross  Creek 
upon  the  road  to  Wilmington.  Greene  followed  him  briskly,  and 
with  a  cloud  of  light  infantry  and  horse  continually  infested  his  rear. 
He  did  not  cease  the  pursuit  till  Cornwallis  had  arrived  at  Ramsays 
Mills.  The  British  had  destroyed  the  bridge  at  that  place  over  the 
Deep  river,  and  the  country  being  excessively  steril,  afforded  no 
means  of  sustenance.  Swayed,  however,  by  his  daring  and  enter- 
prising character,  the  American  general  resolved  to  profit  of  the 
present  condition  of  the  royalists.  He  took  the  determination  to 
march  boldly  upon  South  Carolina,  which  was  then  almost  entirely 
stripped  of  troops.  He  accordingly  defiled  by  forced  marches 
towards  Cambden.  Though  worsted  at  Guildford,  Greene  thus 
showed  himself  in  the  field,  with  forces  more  formidable  than 
ever.  It  was  the  victors  who  fled  before  the  vanquished  ;  the  latter 
seemed  to  have  gained  new  alacrity  and  new  ardor  by  their  reverses. 

After  a  painful  march,  lord  Cornwallis  reached  Wilmington,  on 
the  seventh  of  April.  Here  he  held  a  council  upon  two  operations, 
both  of  extreme  importance.  One  was  to  repair  forthwith  to  the 
relief  of  South  Carolina  ;  the  other  to  march  into  Virginia,  in  order 
to  make  his  junction  with  the  troops  of  Arnold,  and  with  those  which 
had  lately  been  sent  thither  under  the  conduct  of  general  Philips. 
The  British  generals  were  much  divided  in  opinion  respecting  the 
course  to  be  adopted  in  a  conjuncture  which  might  decide  the  fate 
of  the  whole  war.  Some  were  inclined  that  the  army  should  march 
immediately  into  Virginia.  They  alleged,  'that  all  the  country 
between  the  Cape  Fear  river  and  Cambden  was  poor,  exhausted, 
and  interrupted  by  frequent  rivers  and  creeks  ;  that  the  passage  of 
the  Pedee  in  the  presence  of  so  formidable  an  enemy,  was  a  rash 
enterprise  ;  that  the  road  by  Georgetown  presented  the  same  diffi- 
culties ;  that  the  transportation  of  the  troops  to  Charleston  by  sea. 


BOOK  XII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  329 

was  an  undertaking  that  would  require  too  much  time  and  toil  ;  that 
there  was  nothing  to  fear  for  the  latter  city  ;  that  by  attacking  Vir- 
ginia with  an  imposing  force,  Greene  would  be  forced  to  abandon 
the  Carolinas  ;  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  arrive  in  time  to  the 
relief  of  lord  Rawdon,  who  was  then  at  Cambden  ;  and,  that  if  he 
was  beaten  before  the  arrival  of  reenforccments,  these  succours 
themselves  would  be  exposed  to  the  almost  inevitable  peril  of  being 
cut  in  pieces  by  an  enemy  incomparably  superior  in  force.' 

The  partisans  of  the  contrary  opinion  maintained,  'that  the  roads 
of  Virginia  were  not  less,  and  perhaps  more  difficult,  than  those  of 
the  Carolinas  ;  that  the  tediousness  of  embarkations  proceeded 
always  from  cavalry,  and  that  this  might  easily  make  its  way  good 
by  land  ;  the  cavalry  officers  had  asserted  it,  and  especially  Tarle- 
ton,  who  had  offered  to  execute  it ;  that  consequently,  with  fair 
wind,  nothing  was  easier  than  to  arrive  in  season  to  the  succour  of 
the  Carolinas  ;  that  since  it  had  not  been  possible  to  conquer  Vir- 
ginia, it  was  essential  at  least  to  retain  those  provinces  ;  that  the 
invasion  of  Virginia  involved  the  certain  sacrifice  of  two  provinces, 
already  in  possession,  if  not  of  three,  from  the  dubious  prospect  of 
gaining  one  only  ;  that  the  people  of  the  Carolinas,  emboldened  by 
the  approach  of  Greene,  and  by  the  distance  of  the  royal  army,  were 
already  openly  tending  to  a  new  order  of  things  ;  that  the  colonels 
Sumpter  and  Marion  showed  themselves  audaciously  in  the  open, 
field  ;  that  if  there  was  nothing  to  fear  for  Charleston,  there  was 
assuredly  equal  reason  for  security  with  respect  to  Cambden, 
defended  by  a  numerous  garrison,  and  a  general  as  skilful  as  valiant; 
that  so  long  as  the  places  of  Charleston  and  Cambden  should  remain 
in  the  power  of  his  majesty,  the  Carolinas  could  not  be  wrested  from 
his  authority,  without  being  immediately  and  easily  replaced  under 
the  yoke  ;  that  it  was  deeply  to  be  regretted  that  the  march  upon 
Cambden  had  not  been  undertaken  at  the  very  moment  when,  the 
army  being  still  upon  Cross  Creek,  it  was  ascertained  that  thence  to 
Wilmington  the  Cape  Fear  river  no  longer  afforded  an  open  and 
safe  navigation  ;  that  whatever  uncertainty  might  have  been  thrown 
upon  the  success  of  this  operation  by  the  delays  which  had  already 
taken  place,  it  was  nevertheless  still  possible,  and  that,  consequently, 
it  ought  to  be  undertaken.' 

The  first  opinion  obtained.  After  having  made  some  stay  at 
Wilmington,  for  the  refreshment  of  his  troops  and  the  collection  of 
provision,  Cornwallis  directed  his  march  upon  Virginia.  This  reso- 
lution of  the  commander  of  the  British  forces  had  the  most  remarka- 
ble consequences  ;  it  led  to  an  event  which  may  be  considered  as 
the  principal  cause  of  the  prompt  termination  of  this  war,  and  the 
consequent  acknowledgment  of  American  independence. 

END    OF    BOOK    TWELFTH. 


330  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XI11. 


BOOK     THIRTEENTH. 

1781.  After  having  pursued  each  other  alternately,  for  a  consi- 
derable length  of  time,  Greene  and  Cornwallis  diverged,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  first  upon  South  Carolina,  the  second  upon  Virginia.  But 
while  they  were  thus  contending  for  American  provinces,  England 
and  Holland  were  preparing  for  war,  and  had  even  already  com- 
menced reciprocal  hostilities.  The  former,  who  appeared  to  have 
anticipated  this  war  for  some  time  back,  and  who,  being  already  com- 
pletely armed,  could  seize  the  occasion  for  making  it  with  advantage, 
hoped,  by  a  sudden  and  impetuous  attack,  to  level  a  decisive  blow 
at  the  power  and  wealth  of  her  enemy.  Such  was  the  motive 
which  had  induced  her  to  hasten  her  declaration  of  war.  It  was  not 
doubted  in  England  but  that  the  success  which  would  be  gained 
over  Holland,  would  afford  ample  compensation  for  the  losses  which 
had  been  sustained  on  the  part  of  the  French  and  Americans.  The 
British  cabinet  expected  thus  to  bring  into  the  negotiations  for  peace, 
whenever  they  should  take  place,  such  an  aggregate  of  advantages, 
as  would  be  sufficient  to  procure  it  the  most  favorable  conditions. 
The  Hollanders,  on  the  other  hand,  persuaded  themselves  that  they 
saw  in  the  simultaneous  display  of  those  formidable  forces  to  which 
they  were  about  to  join  their  own,  the  sure  means  of  resuscitating 
their  ancient  maritime  glory.  They  were  especially  elated  with  the 
prospect  of  recovering  the  rich  possessions  which  had  been  wrested 
from  them  in  preceding  wars,  and  of  rescuing  their  commerce  from 
the  outrageous  vexation^  of  England.  The  ardor  which  animated  all 
minds,  manifested  itself  in  the  preparations  that  were  made  in  the 
ports  of  the  republic.  The  States-General  ordered  the  equipment 
of  ninety-four  ships  of  war,  of  which,  eleven  of  the  line,  fifteen  of 
fifty  guns,  two  of  forty,  and  the  rest  of  less  force.  Eighteen  thou- 
sand seamen  formed  the  crews  of  this  fleet.  Fast  sailing  vessels 
were  despatched  to  the  different  Dutch  possessions,  to  apprise  the 
governors  of  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  and  to  recommend 
them  the  greatest  vigilance.  The  king  of  France  ordained  that  in 
all  the  ports  of  his  dominions,  any  Dutch  vessels  found  therein  should 
receive  prompt  notice  of  the  new  danger  they  had  to  fear  at  sea,  on 
the  part  of  an  alert  and  enterprising  enemy.  In  taking  this  care  of 
the  interests  of  her  new  ally,  France  wished  to  manifest  her  grati- 
tude for  the  warmth  with  which  Holland  had  espoused  her  cause. 
But  unfortunately  all  these  precautions  could  not  operate  the  bene- 
ficial effects  which  were  expected  from  them.  The  English,  who 
long  before  the  rupture,  had  meditated  the  design  of  attacking  Hol- 
land, profited  with  success  of  all  the  means  which  they  had  prepared 
for  her  annoyance,  before  she  had  time  to  put  herself  in  a  state  of 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  331 

defence.  Some  ships  of  war  and  several  merchant  vessels  with 
valuable  cargoes,  fell  into  their  power.  In  the  number  of  the  first 
was  the  Rotterdam,  of  fifty  guns,  which  was  taken  by  the  Warwick 
ship  of  the  line.  But  these  losses  were  trivial,  in  comparison  with 
those  which  the  Dutch  sustained  in  the  East  Indies.  The  British 
commanders  in  that  part  had  received  early  instructions  to  make 
themselves  masters  of  the  possessions  of  the  republic,  whether  insular 
or  continental.  The  security  of  a  long  peace  had  occasioned  in 
them  a  desuetude  of  all  defensive  precaution  ;  and  thus  the  riches 
therein  amassed,  might  easily  become  the  prey  of  the  first  enemy 
who  should  present  himself. 

Admiral  Rodney,  who  towards  the  close  of  the  preceding  year  bad 
returned  from  New  York  to  St.  Lucia,  and  general  Vaughan,  con- 
certed their  operations  forthwith.  Herein  they  moved  with  the  more 
alacrity,  as  the  king,  by  a  late  order,  had  granted  to  his  land  and  sea 
officers  a  considerable  part  of  the  booty  that  should  be  gained  upon 
the  Dutch.  After  a  vain  attempt  to  recapture  the  island  of  St. 
Vincent,  and  having,  in  order  to  mask  the  real  design,  alarmed  the 
inhabitants  of  Martinico  by  a  sudden  appearance  upon  their  coasts, 
Rodney  and  Vaughan  presented  themselves  unexpectedly,  the  third  of 
February,  before  the  island  of  St.  Eustatius,  belonging  to  the  Dutch. 
Their  forces  consisted  of  seventeen  ships,  and  four  thousand  land 
forces.  This  island  was  as  defenceless  as  the  wealth  it  contained 
was  prodigious.  Although  it  is  rough  and  mountainous,  and  affords 
one  only  landing  place,  and  that  easily  defensible,  yet  the  governor, 
with  a  handful  of  men  for  all  garrison,  could  have  no  hope  of  being 
able  to  repulse  an  attack.  The  population  itself  comprised  but  a 
very  small  number  of  Dutch  ;  the  remainder  was  composed  of  men 
of  divers  countries  and  sentiments  ;  French,  Spaniards,  Americans, 
English,  all  persons  occupied  exclusively  with  their  commerce,  and 
strangers  to  military  service.  The  governor  himself,  almost  without 
soldiers  and  without  arms,  would  sooner  have  believed  any  thing  else, 
than  that  he  was  menaced  with  an  approaching  attack. 

The  island  of  St.  Eustatius,  is  by  nature  arid  and  steril.  It  pro- 
duces not  above  six  or  seven  hundred  hogsheads  of  sugar  a  year. 
But  it  was  become  at  this  epoch  the  most  frequented  and  richest  em- 
porium of  the  West  Indies.  Being  a  free  port,  it  attracted  avast 
conflux  of  merchants  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  assured  of  finding 
in  it  protection,  facility  of  exchanges,  and  money  in  abundance.  Its 
neutrality  in  the  midst  of  belligerent  powers,  had  brought  it  to  this 
flourishing  condition,  and  rendered  it  the  mart  of  nations.  Thither 
went  the  Spaniards  and  French  to  dispose  of  their  commodities, 
and  to  procure  the  manufactures  of  England.  Thither  repaired  the 
English  to  sell  these  merchandises,  and  to  buy  those  of  France  and 
Spain. 


332  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIIT. 

But  no  people  derived  more  profit  than  the  Americans  from  the 
fortunate  neutrality  of  St.  Eustatius.  They  carried  thither  the  pro- 
duce of  their  soi!,  and  to  the  incalculahle  utility  of  the  cause  they 
defended,  they  obtained  in  return,  arms  and  military  stores,  with 
which  the  French,  Spaniards,  Dutch,  and  even  the  English  them- 
selves, kept  that  market  well  supplied.  Hence,  an  orator  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  hurried  away  by  a  blameable  resentment,  did 
not  scruple  to  say  ;  '  that  if  St.  Eustatius  had  been  sunk  to  the  bot- 
tom of  the  ocean,  American  independence  would  have  been  crushed 
in  an  instant.'  The  facts  which  followed,  were  but  too  much  in  con- 
sonance with  this  inhuman  language.  All  Europe  resounded  with 
complaints  against  British  avarice. 

Rodney  and  Vaughan  sent  a  peremptory  summons  to  the  governor 
to  surrender  the  island  and  its  dependencies  within  an  hour  ;  accom- 
panied with  a  declaration  or  threat,  that  if  any  resistance  was  made, 
he  must  abide  by  the  consequences.  M.  de  Graaf,  totally  ignorant 
of  the  rupture,  could  scarcely  believe  the  officer  who  delivered  the 
summons  to  be  serious.  He,  however,  returned  for  answer,  that 
being  utterly  incapable  of  making  any  defence  against  the  force  which 
invested  the  island,  he  must,  of  necessity,  surrender  it;  only  recom- 
mending the  town  and  inhabitants  to  the  clemency  and  mercy  of  the 
British  commanders.  We  arc  about  to  relate  what  were  the  effects  of 
this  recommendation.  The  wealth  found  in  the  place  was  so  immense, 
as  to  excite  the  astonishment  even  of  the  conquerors,  notwithstand- 
ing even  their  intimate  previous  knowledge  of  its  nature  and  circum- 
stances. All  the  storehouses  were  not  only  filled  with  the  most 
precious  merchandises,  but  the  very  streets  and  beach  were  covered 
with  hogsheads  of  tobacco  and  sugar.  The  value  of  the  commodities 
was  estimated  at  a  loose,  but  supposed  moderate  calculation,  as  being 
considerably  above  three  millions  sterling.  All,  without  distinction, 
were  seized,  inventoried,  and  confiscated. 

The  loss  of  the  Dutch  was  severe ;  it  fell  principally  upon  their 
West  India  company,  with  the  magistracy  and  citizens  of  Amsterdam, 
to  whom  a  considerable  part  of  the  property  belonged.  The  English 
observed  it  with  no  little  gratification  ;  they  were  irritated  against  that 
city  more  than  against  any  other  part  of  the  United  Provinces,  on 
account  of  the  warmth  it  had  manifested  in  favor  of  France.  The 
greatest  weight  of  the  calamity,  however,  appears  to  have  fallen  upon 
the  British  merchants,  who,  confiding  in  the  neutrality  of  the  place, 
and  in  some  acts  of  parliament,  made  to  encourage  the  bringing  of 
their  property  from  the  islands  lately  taken  by  the  French,  had  accu- 
mulated a  great  quantity  of  West  India  produce,  as  well  as  of  Euro- 
pean goods,  in  this  place.  Nor  was  the  loss  of  the  Dutch  confined 
to  the  seizure  of  the  merchandise  on  shore  ;  above  two  hundred  and 
fifty  vessels  of  all  denominations,  and  many  of  them  richly  loaded, 
were  taken  in  the  bay ;  exclusive  of  a  Dutch  frigate  of  war,  of  thirty 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  333 

eight  guns,  and  five  armed  vessels  of  less  force.  But  fortune  showed 
herself  still  more  adverse  to  the  Hollanders.  Rodney  having  inform- 
ation that  a  fleet  of  about  thirty  large  ships,  richly  laden  with  sugar 
and  otiier  West  India  commodities,  had  just  before  his  arrival,  sailed 
from  Eustatius  for  Holland,  under  convoy  of  a  flag-ship  of  sixty  guns, 
he,  with  his  ordinary  activity,  immediately  despatched  two  ships  of 
the  line,  the  Monarch  and  Panther,  with  the  Sybil  frigate,  in  pursuit 
of  them.  These  soon  overtook  the  convoy.  The  Dutch  admiral, 
Krull,  notwithstanding  the  great  inferiority  of  his  force,  resolved  to 
brave  all  the  dangers  of  combat,  rather  than  to  surrender  dishonora- 
bly. With  his  ship,  the  Mars,  he  engaged  the  Monarch,  of  seventy- 
four  guns;  but  he  was  killed  soon  after  the  commencement  of  the 
action,  and  his  successor  immediately  struck.  The  Panther  and 
Sybil  having  in  the  mean  time  restrained  the  flight  and  separation  of 
the  merchantmen,  the  whole  convoy  was  taken. 

The  Dutch  colors  were  kept  up  for  some  time  in  the  fort  of  St. 
Eustatius ;  this  stratagem  was  fatal  to  a  considerable  number  of 
French,  Dutch,  and  American  vessels,  which  were  thus  decoyed  into 
the  hands  of  their  enemies.  The  violation  of  the  property  of  private 
men,  though  enemies,  a  violation  not  sanctioned  by  the  usages  of 
civilised  nations,  excited  energetic  remonstrances  on  the  part  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  British  West  India  islands,  and  of  Great  Britain 
itself,  so  far  as  they  were  interested.  They  alleged,  that  their  con- 
nections with  St.  Eustatius,  and  the  property  they  had  lodged  in  it, 
were  all  in  pursuance  to,  and  under  the  sanction  of  repeated  acts  of 
the  British  parliament ;  that  in  every  age,  all  conquerors  who  have 
not  chosen  to  be  classed  with  barbarians,  have  respected,  not  only  the 
private  property  of  their  fellow-citizens,  but  even  that  of  their  ene- 
mies ;  and  that  this  example  might  have  the  most  pernicious  conse- 
quences. l  In  effect,'  said  they,  '  if,  through  the  incalculable  chances 
of  war,  our  islands  should  fall  into  the  power  of  tjie  enemy,  would  he 
not  be  authorised  by  the  right  of  reprisal,  to  violate  the  property  of 
private  Englishmen,  and  even  to  ruin  them  totally  ?  Did  the  French 
give  an  example  of  this  barbarous  conduct  when  they  became  masters 
of  Grenada  f  Did  they  lay  hands  upon  the  property  of  a  single  pri- 
vate individual,  though  they  had  taken  the  island  by  assault,  and  with- 
out any  capitulation  ?  If  the  count  d'  Estaing  went  so  far  as  to 
sequester,  until  peace,  the  estates  of  absentees,  the  court  of  Versailles 
was  not  slow  to  condemn  this  resolution  of  its  admiral,  by  ordering 
the  removal  of  the  sequestrations.  St.  Eustatius  was  a  free  port, 
and  as  such  recognised  by  all  the  maritime  powers  of  Europe,  not 
excepting  England  herself.  Our  laws  had  not  only  permitted,  but 
even  encouraged  a  commerce  with  that" island.  The  officers  of  the 
British  customs  delivered  clearances  for  those  very  goods  destined 
for  St.  Eustatius,  which  are  now  subjected  to  confiscation.  Has  not 
this  trade  furnished  the  means  of  subsistence  to  the  islands  of  Anti- 
VOL.  IT.  43 


334  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

gun  and  St.  Christophers,  whose  inhabitants,  but  for  this  resource, 
must  have  perished  by  famine,  or  thrown  themselves  into  the  arms  of 
the  enemy  .?  The  colonists  of  St.  Eustatius  are  indebted  in  large  sums 
to  British  merchants  ;  how  will  they  be  able  to  clear  these  balances  if 
their  effects  remain  confiscated  ? 

'  In  a  word,  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  the  conquest  of  the  Dutch 
islands  by  the  arms  of  the  king,  has  been  undertaken  with  nobler 
views  than  that  of  pillaging  and  ruining  their  inhabitants.' 

All  these  representations  were  of  no  avail.  Rodney  had  acted  in 
strict  conformity  to  the  instructions  of  his  government.  He  answered 
the  complainers,  that  he  could  not  recover  from  his  astonishment  that 
British  merchants,  instead  of  sending  their  goods  into  the  windward 
islands  belonging  to  England,  had  sent  them  to  a  leeward  island, 
whither  they  could  only  have  been  transported  with  intent  to  supply  the 
wants  of  the  enemies  of  their  king  and  country.  But  it  is  to  be  observed, 
that  if  these  British  merchants  were  in  fault,  the  commanders  of  the 
king's  vessels  were  still  more  blameable  for  having  brought  in  and  sold 
at  this  same  port  of  St.  Eustatius,  the  prizes  they  had  captured  at  sea  ; 
some  laden  with  provisions,  others  with  arms  and  military  stores  ; 
which  thus  found  their  way  to  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  and 
served  to  recruit  their  resources  for  continuing  the  war.  Rodney 
added,  that  the  island  of  St.  Eustatius  was  Dutch,  every  thing  in  it 
was  Dutch,  was  under  the  protection  of  the  Dutch  flag,  and  as  Dutch 
it  should  be  treated.  The  vigor  of  these  principles  was  applied  like- 
wise to  the  neighboring  small  islands  of  St.  Martin  and  Saba,  which 
fell  at  the  same  time  into  the  power  of  the  English.  But  the  British 
commanders,  not  content  with  pillaging  property,  proceeded  to  wreak 
their  cruelty  on  persons.  All  individuals  not  English,  were  not  only 
banished  from  the  island,  but  subjected  to  the  most  odious  vexations. 
The  Jews,  who  were  numerous  and  wealthy,  were  the  first  to  expe- 
rience the  brutality  of  the  conqueror.  They  were  all  crowded  into 
the  customhouse;  searched  from  head  to  toot;  then  the  skirts  of 
their  coats  were  docked  to  the  waist.  Their  trunks  and  portmanteaux 
were  forced  open  and  ransacked.  Stripped  of  their  money  and  effects, 
they  were,  in  that  state  of  nakedness  and  wretchedness,  transported  as 
outlaws,  and  landed  ,on  the  island  of  St.  Christophers.  A  sea  captain 
named  Santon,  was  the  superintendent  and  chief  executioner  of  the 
barbarity  of  his  chiefs.  The  Americans  soon  shared  the  fate  of  the 
Jews.  After  having  undergone  a  total  spoliation,  these  unhappy  people 
were  sent  to  St.  Christophers,  as  a  race  devoted  to  misery  and  death. 
Among  them,  however,  were  many  of  those  loyalists,  who  had  been 
obliged  to  fly  their  native  country  through  the  part  which  they  had 
taken  in  support  of  the  British  cause  and  government. 

Thus  expelled  by  their  fellow-citizens  as  friends  to  the  English,  and 
expelled  by  the  English  as  friends  to  the  Americans,  these  ill  fated 
refugees  were  punished  as  severely  for  having  preserved  their  fidelity 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

towards  the  king,  as  if  they  had  violated  it.  The  assembly  of  St. 
Christophers  man'rfWted  the  most  honorable  compassion  for  these 
victims  at  once  of  rapine  and  of  cruelty;  they  passed  an  immediate 
act  for  their  relief  and  future  provision,  until  they  should  have  time 
to  recover  from  their  calamitous  situation.  The  French  and  Dutch 
merchants  were  banished  the  last  from  St.  Eustatius.  This  decree 
was  executed  with  particular  rigor  towards  those  of  Amsterdam.  In 
the  meantime,  public  sales  were  advertised,  invitation  given,  and  pro- 
tection afforded,  to  purchasers  of  all  nations  and  sorts ;  and  the  island 
of  St.  Etisfatius  became  one  of  the  greatest  auctions  that  ever  was 
opened  in  the  universe.  It  was  attended  by  an  immense  concourse 
of  the  merchants  of  friendly  or  neutral  nations  ;  they  bought  as  well 
for  their  own  account  as  on  commission  for  the  French  and  Spaniards, 
to  whom  their  vicinity  and  the  war  rendered  these  goods  more  valu- 
able. Thus,  after  having  so  cruelly  treated  the  inhabitants  of  St. 
Eustatius,  under  the  pretence  that  they  had  supplied  the  enemies  of 
England,  in  the  ordinary  way  of  commerce,  the  British  commanders 
undertook  themselves  to  supply  those  enemies  by  opening  a  public 
market,  and  bidding  buyers  by  proclamation.  Never  perhaps  was  a 
more  considerable  sale  ;  the  gains  of  Rodney  and  Vaughan  were 
immense  ;  but  it  was  fated  that  they  should  not  long  enjoy  them  ; 
heaven,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  had  in  reserve  an  exemplary  chastise- 
ment for  their  avarice. 

The  loss  of  St.  Eustatius  was  riot  the  only  misfortune  which  befell 
the  Dutch  in  the  West  Indies.  It  seemed  as  if  the  English,  in  their 
zeal  to  reduce  their  new  enemy,  had  forgotten  that  they  had  any 
other  to  encounter.  Holland  possessed  on  the  continent  of  South 
America,  in  that  vast  country  anciently  called  Guiana,  the  important 
colony  of  Surinam.  The  governor  had  made  no  preparations  for 
defence  ;  he  was  even  ignorant  of  the  declaration  of  war.  But  all 
of  a  sudden  he  was  visited  by  a  squadron  of  British  privateers,  mostly 
belonging  to  Bristol.  In  contempt  of  all  danger,  they  entered  the 
rivers  of  Demerary  and  Issequibo,  and  brought  out  from  under  the 
guns  of  the  Dutch  forts  and  batteries,  almost  all  the  vessels  of  any 
value  in  either  river.  The  colonists  of  that  part,  seized  with  con- 
sternation at  the  approach  of  these  audacious  cruisers  sent  to  make  a 
tender  of  their  submission  to  the  governor  of  Barbadoes  ;  requiring 
no  other  terms  but  a  participation  of  those  which  had  been  granted 
to  St.  Eustatius,  without  knowing  however,  what  they  were.  The 
governor  readily  consented  to  their  wishes.  When  shortly  after  they 
were  apprised  of  the  fate  of  St.  Eustatius,  they  began  to  tremble  for 
their  own.  But  Rodney  showed  himself  more  humane  towards  the 
colonists  of  Demerary,  Issequibo,  and  Berbice,  who  had  voluntarily 
put  themselves  under  the  British  dominion,  than  he  had  been  towards 
those  of  St.  Eustatius.  He  guaranteed  the  safety  of  persons  and 
property,  and  made  no  change  in  their  existing  laws  and  authorities. 


336  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Xlii, 

Thus  fortune  every  where  smiled  upon  the  English,  in  their  first 
attempts  against  the  Dutch  possessions  in  the  West  Indies.  They 
were  less  successful  against  the  Spaniards,  who  had  recently  invaded, 
in  considerable  force,  the  confines  of  West  Florida.  Don  Galvez, 
the  governor  of  Louisiana,  and  admiral  don  Solano,  after  having 
been  hattered  by  a  horrible  tempest,  had  arrived  before,  and  laid 
siege  to  Pensacola,  the  capital  of  that  province.  The  place  was 
strong  ;  and  general  Campbell,  the  commandant,  defended  himself 
for  a  long  time  with  great  valor.  But  a  bomb  having  fallen  upon  the 
powder  magazine,  it  exploded,  and  domolished  the  principal  redoubt. 
The  Spaniards  occupied  it  immediately,  and  made  their  dispositions 
for  assaulting  the  body  of  the  place.  Campbell  then  thought  it  better 
to  capitulate  ;  he  obtained  the  most  honorable  conditions.  Thus  all 
West  Florida,  which  had  been  for  the  English  one  of  the  most 
precious  fruits  of  the  war  of  Canada,  returned  after  a  few  years 
under  the  domination  of  the  Spaniards. 

The  order  of  history  requires  that  we  should  now  turn  our  atten- 
tion from  fields  of  battle,  upon  the  cabinets  which  directed  the 
operations  we  have  witnessed ;  and  that  we  should  endeavor  to 
describe  what  was,  at  this  period,  the  policy  of  the  belligerent 
powers. 

The  Americans  conceived  they  had  grounds  to  complain  bitterly 
of  the  French,  their  allies.  They  alleged  that,  saving  some  vain 
demonstrations  from  without,  France  had  afforded  them  no  effica- 
cious assistance  whatever ;  and  that  she  left  them  to  struggle  by 
themselves  against  a  powerful  enemy.  They  affirmed,  that  '  the 
French  troops  disembarked  at  Rhode  Island,  had  not  been  able  to 
render  them  any  service  through  defect  of  a  sufficient  naval  force  ; 
•that  they  must  continue  equally  useless,  so  long  as  they  were  not 
supported  by  a  respectable  squadron  ;  that  no  success  could  be  hoped 
for,  in  that  part,  without  being  master  at  sea  ;  that  meanwhile,  the 
English  continued  to  possess  Georgia,  the  greatest  part  of  South 
Carolina,  all  New  York,  and,  moreover,  they  had  now  invaded  Vir- 
ginia ;  that  not  a  French  battalion  had  been  seen  to  move  for  the 
defence  or  recovery  of  any  of  these  provinces  ;  that  while  awaiting  the 
cooperation  of  their  allies,  the  United  States  were  oppressed  by  the 
weight  of  an  enterprise  so  much  above  their  strength,  that  the  war 
consumed  their  population,  paralysed  all  industry,  suspended  all 
culture,  and,  consequently,  drained  the  sources  of  public  revenue  ; 
and  that  to  crown  so  many  calamities,  there  appeared  no  prospect  of 
their  termination.' 

While  the  Americans  thus  vented  their  discontent,  no  little  aston- 
ishment was  excited  in  Europe,  that  so  formidable  a  coalition  should 
have  proved  so  feeble  in  effect  against  the  common  enemy.  Far  from 
bending,  the  English  seemed,  on  the  contrary,  to  have  acquired  more 
elastic  forces,  and  a  more  daring  spirit.  They  pressed  the  Ameri- 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  337 

cans  with  vigor,  while  they  held  the  mastery  of  the  West  Indian 
seas,  possessed  themselves  of  the  Dutch  colonies,  made  conquests  in 
the  East  Indies,  and  kept  fortune  in  equilibrium  in  Europe.  This 
state  of  things  seemed  to  cloud  the  glory  of  the  French  and  Spanish 
names.  The  court  of  Versailles,  as  the  soul  and  principal  mover  of 
all  this  mass  of  forces,  was  itself  the  object  of  the  heavy  complaints 
of  the  Catholic  king,  who  reproached  it  for  not  having  promoted  the 
execution  of  his  favorite  projects,  the  conquest  of  Jamaica,  and  the 
red  union  of  Gibraltar  ;  the  siege  of  which  he  had  already  com- 
menced. The  Hollanders,  on  their  part,  who  already  felt  the  anguish 
of  so  considerable  losses,  exclaimed  that  they  were  abandoned, 
without  any  appearance  of  sympathy,  to  perils  which  they  should  not 
have  involved  themselves  'in  but  for  the  counsels  and  instigations  of 
France.  Their  complaints  were  the  more  dolorous,  as  they  had  just 
been  informed  that  a  formidable  expedition  was  fitting  out,  in  the 
ports  of  Great  Britain,  against  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  an  establish- 
ment so  vital  for  the  preservation  of  their  East  India  commerce. 
They  saw  themselves  menaced,  in  the  oriental  hemisphere,  with 
blows  no  less  cruel  than  those  which  had  so  lately  stunned  them  in 
the  New  World.  They  perceived  but  too  clearly  that  before  it 
would  be  possible  for  them  to  complete«their  preparations  of  defence, 
and  to  despatch  succours  into  those  remote  regions,  the  English 
would  have  time  to  accomplish  their  long  meditated  designs. 

Yielding  to  these  various  considerations  and  to  the  voice  of  his 
own  interest,  the  king  of  France  determined  to  exert  twofold  vigor 
and  activity  in  the  present  campaign,  in  order  to  repair  the  time  lost 
in  the  preceding  year.  Accordingly  the  labors  of  the  arsenal  at 
Brest  were  pushed  with  new  ardor,  while  upon  the  different  points  of 
the  kingdom,  the  land  forces  held  themselves  in  readiness  to  act. 
Three  principal  objects  were  contemplated  by  the  ministry.  The 
first  was,  to  send  such  a  fleet  to  the  West  Indies,  as  when  united 
to  the  squadron  already  in  the  ports  of  Martinico,  should  secure  to 
France  a  maritime  superiority  in  those  seas.  This  fleet,  the  com- 
mand of  which  was  intrusted  to  the  count  de  Grasse,  was  to  carry 
out  a  strong  body  of  land  troops.  By  means  of  this  reenforcernent, 
the  marquis  de  Bouille  would  find  himself  in  a  situation  to  undertake 
some  important  expedition  against  the  British  islands.  After  the 
accomplishment  whereof,  and  before  the  season  of  hostilities  should 
have  elapsed,  the  count  de  Grasse  was  to  repair  to  the  coasts  of 
America,  in  order  to  cooperate  with  the  count  de  Rochambeau  and 
general  Washington.  The  second,  was  to  send  a  squadron  into  the 
African  seas,  in  order  to  shield  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  from  the 
danger  that  menaced  it.  After  having  provided  for  the  security  of 
that  colony,  the  squadron  was  to  proceed  to  the  East  Indies,  where 
admiral  Hughes  had  given  a  temporary  superiority  to  the  British  flag. 
Finally,  the  ministers  meditated  a  brilliant  stroke,  in  the  seas  of 


33S  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

Europe,  in  favor  of  the  allied  courts,  and  principally  of  Spain.  An 
expedition  against  Minorca  was  decided  with  unanimity.  The  Eng- 
lish had  penetrated,  in  great  part,  the  plans  of  their  enemies  ;  and 
were  preparing  to  oppose  them  with  all  those  obstacles  which  they 
deemed  the  most  likely  to  render  them  abortive.  They  exerted  an 
extraordinary  activity  in  equipping  a  fleet,  which  was  to  carry  lord 
Cornvvallis  a  reenforcement  of  several  English  regiments  and  three 
thousand  Hessians.  It  was  hoped  that  this  addition  of  force  would 
enable  that  general  not  only  to  maintain  the  conquests  he  had  made, 
but  also  to  extend  still  further  the  progress  of  his  arms.  The  victo- 
ries of  Cambden  and  Guildford  had  inspired  the  British  nation  with 
new  confidence ;  all  promised  themselves  a  speedy  conclusion  of  the 
war,  and  the  subjugation  of  America.  The  British  ministers  even 
flattered  themselves  that  the  fleet  they  sent  to  the  West  Indies,  though 
it  was  not  considerable,  would  nevertheless  prove  sufficient,  by  its 
junction  with  the  naval  force  already  stationed  there,  to  uphold  the 
present  preponderance  of  England  in  those  seas.  The  public  atten- 
tion was  particularly  attracted  by  an  armament  which  consisted  of 
one  ship  of  seventy-four  guns,  one  of  fifty-four,  three  of  fifty,  with 
some  frigates,  cutters,  fire-ships  and  other  light  vessels.  This  squa- 
dron was  to  serve  as  escort  to  a  great  number  of  transports  loaded 
with  an  immense  quantity  of  arms  and  military  stores.  General 
Meadows  embarked  in  it  with  a  body  of  three  thousand  picked  sol- 
diers. The  fleet  was  under  the  orders  of  commodore  Johnstone. 
Manifold  were  the  conjectures  in  public  circulation  respecting  the 
object  of  this  expedition,  which  the  government  studied  to  cover  with 
impenetrable  secrecy.  It  was  generally  presumed  to  be  destined  for 
the  East  Indies,  in  order  to  reduce  all  the  French  possessions  in  that 
part.  This  supposition,  so  far  as  appeared  from  the  events  which 
followed,  was  not  destitute  of  foundation.  But  it  would  seem  also 
that  the  war  which  broke  out  against  Holland,  constrained  the  British 
ministry  to  change  the  destination  of  this  armament,  or  at  least  to 
restrict  it  to  the  attack  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  the  reen- 
forcement of  the  troops  which  guarded  the  establishments  in  the 
hither  peninsula  of  India.  It  was  deemed  essential  to  provide  for 
their  safety,  even  though  it  were  not  permitted  by  circumstances  to 
think  of  conquering  those  of  the  enemy.  But  of  all  the  cares  which 
occupied  the  British  cabinet  at  this  epoch,  it  assuredly  had  none 
more  urgent  than  that  of  revictualling  Gibraltar.  Herein,  besides 
the  importance  of  the  place,  the  honor  of  the  British  nation  was 
deeply  interested.  The  Spaniards  and  English  seemed  to  have  set 
each  other  at  defiance  at  the  foot  of  this  rock.  The  first  relying 
upon  the  fleet  which  they  had  at  Cadiz,  expected  to  be  able  to  in- 
tercept whatever  succours  should  approach  for  the  relief  of  the 
garrison.  It  already  began  to  suffer  excessively  from  the  scarcity  of 
provisions ;  the  supplies  which  admiral  Rodney  had  introduced  the 


BOOK   XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  339 

preceding  year,  were  almost  entirely  consumed,  and  what  remained 
were  so  marred  as  scarcely  to  be  edible.  Already  general  Elliot 
had  been  constrained  to  lessen  a  fourth  of  his  soldiers'  ration.  In 
order  to  give  them  the  example  of  privations,  the  officers  ceased 
to  dress  their  hair  with  powder.  But  the  inhabitants  of  the  city 
suffered  still  more  from  the  absolute  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 
Such  was  the  vigilance,  and  such  the  industry  of  the  Spaniards  in 
their  endeavors  to  cut  off  all  relief  by  sea,  that  since  the  supplies  of 
Rodney,  scarcely  a  few  vessels  from  the  African  shore  and  Minorca 
had  been  able  to  make  good  their  entrance  into  the  port  of  Gibraltar. 
But  how  far  was  these  feeble  succours  from  being  in  proportion  to  the 
exigency  !  Besides,  the  prices  which  the  masters  of  these  vessels 
demanded  for  their  commodities  were  so  exorbitant,  as  to  exceed 
the  faculties  of  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants.  The  miserable 
remains  of  the  old  provisions,  spoilt  as  they  were,  commanded  extra- 
vagant rates.* 

The  garrison  supported  all  their  sufferings  with  an  heroic  firmness; 
but  without  prompt  succours  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  that  for- 
midable place,  the  key  of  the  Mediterranean,  from  soon  returning 
under  the  domination  of  its  ancient  masters.  The  general  attention, 
in  England,  was  directed  towards  this  important  point. 

In  Holland,  meanwhile,  the  greatest  industry  was  exerted  in  equip- 
ping a  fleet  that  should  be  capable  of  maintaining  the  dignity  of  the 
republic,  and  of  resuscitating  its  ancient  glory.  It  was  particularly 
intended  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the  Baltic  against  the  rapacity 
of  England.  These  laudable  intentions,  however,  were  not  attended 
with  all  that  effect  which  was  to  have  been  wished.  The  government 
overruled  the  conflicting  parties,  but  it  could  not  prevent  their  fer- 
menting covertly.  Besides,  a  long  peace  had  enervated  minds,  and 
caused  the  neglect  of  naval  preparations. 

Such  were,  about  that  time,  the  projects  and  dispositions  of  the 
powers  engaged  in  this  memorable  contest.  The  preparatives  of 
war  were  immense;  the  universe  was  in  expectation  of  the  most 
important  events.  The  English  were  the  first  to  put  to  sea.  Their 
intent  was  to  succour  Gibraltar.  On  the  thirteenth  of  March,  a 
fleet  of  twenty-eight  ships  of  the  line  set  sail  from  Portsmouth.  It 
wns  obliged  to  cruise  some  days  upon  the  coasts  of  Ireland,  to  wait 
for  the  victualling  ships  and  merchantmen  which  were  assembled,  in 

*  Old  sea  biscuit,  quite  mouldy,  brought  a  shilling  sterling  the  pound  ;  and  difficult  to 
be  found.  Sour  flour,  and  damaged  peas,  were  worth  one  shilling  and  four  pence  the 
pound.  Black  salt,  the  sweepings  of  warehouses,  eight  pence  per  pound  ;  butter,  three 
shillings  per  pound;  a  turkey,  when  to  be  had,  thirty  shillings ;  a  sucking  pig  forty 
shillings;  a  duck,  ten  shillings  and  six  pence  ;  a  lean  fowl,  nine  shillings;  a  loin  of  veal 
at  least  a  guinea  ;  and  the  head  of  an  ox  was  sold  at.  a  still  greater  price.  Firewood 
was  so  scarce,  that  cold  water  was  used  for  washing  linen,  and  the  flatiron  was 
dispensed  with  ;  a  thing  which  proved  very  prejudicial  to  the  health  of  the  troops,  during 
the  cold,  humid  season,  which  prevailed  in  the  course  of  that  winter. 


340  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII, 

very  great  number  in  the  road  of  Cork.  The  convoys  bound  to  the 
two  Indies  departed  under  the  protection  of  the  fleet.  When  con- 
ducted out  of  danger  from  the  hostile  fleets,  they  were  to  continue 
their  voyage.  The  squadron  of  commodore  Johnstone  sailed  in 
company  with  the  great  fleet;  being  destined  upon  the  expedition 
against  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  it  was  to  escort  the  East  India 
convoy  up  to  that  point.  The  armament  was  commanded  by  the 
admirals  Darby,  Digby,  and  Lockhart  Ross,  each  heading  one  of 
the  three  divisions  of  which  it  was  composed.  The  necessity  of  re- 
victualling  Gibraltar  was  notoriously  evident,  and  the  preparations 
made  by  Great  Britain  for  its  accomplishment,  could  no  longer  be 
concealed.  The  English  themselves  openly  professed  their  inten- 
tions" on  that  head.  The  Spaniards  were  consequently  too  well 
advised,  not  to  have  taken  all  the  precautions  in  their  power  to  con- 
found the  efforts  of  their  enemies.  They  had  armed  in  the  port  of 
Cadiz,  a  fleet  of  thirty  sail  of  the  line.  The  court  had  placed  it 
under  the  conduct  of  don  Lewis  de  Cordova,  a  seaman  of  high 
reputation.  This  was  without  doubt  an  imposing  force,  and  the 
Spaniards  had  exaggerated  it  greatly  beyond  the  truth,  in  order  to 
deter  the  English,  if  possible,  from  executing  their  intended  enter- 
prise. Wishing  to  corroborate  also  by  his  audacity,  any  discouraging 
apprehensions  which  the  enemy  might  have  entertained,  don  Lewis 
often  issued  from  the  port  of  Cadiz  to  parade  along  the  coasts  of 
Portugal,  and  even  upon  the  route  which  the  English  must  keep  in 
sailing  towards  Gibraltar.  The  Spaniards,  moreover,  gave  out  that 
they  were  about  to  be  joined  by  strong  divisions  of  the  French  squa- 
drons then  at  anchor  as  well  in  the  Atlantic  ports  as  in  that  of  Toulon. 
There  was,  in  effect,  in  the  single  port  of  Brest,  so  formidable  a  fleet, 
that  it  would  have  sufficed  alone  to  make  a  stand  against  the  whole 
British  armament,  and  even  to  engage  it  with  good  hope  of  victory. 
No  less  than  twenty-six  sail  of  the  line  were  in  that  port  in  readiness 
to  put  to  sea.  If  this  fleet  should  have  made  its  junction  with  that 
of  Spain,  the  allies  would  have  acquired  such  a  preponderance  in 
those  seas,  as  to  have  rendered  the  revictualling  of  Gibraltar  an  ex- 
tremely difficult  exterprise  for  the  English.  The  Spaniards  confi- 
dently depended  upon  the  cooperation  of  the  French.  But  the  lat- 
ter had  it  too  much  at  heart  to  prosecute  their  designs  in  the  Wrest 
Indies,  and  upon  the  American  continent,  as  likewise  to  reestablish 
their  affairs  in  the  east,  to  be  willing  to  direct  all  their  efforts  singly 
towards  an  object  which  had  no  real  and  direct  utility  but  for  Spain 
alone.  Accordingly,  the  count  de  Grasse  put  to  sea,  the  twenty- 
second  of  March,  from  the  port  of  Brest,  shaping  his  course  towards 
the  West  Indies.  M.  de  Suffren  sailed  in  company  with  him,  having 
under  his  orders  a  squadron  consisting  of  five  ships  of  the  line,  seve- 
ral frigates,  and  a  strong  body  of  land  forces.  He  had  instructions 
to  separate  from  the  great  fleet  off  Madeira,  and  to  steer  to  the  south. 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  341 

towards  the  point  of  Africa  ;  to  preserve  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
and  afterwards  proceed  to  the  East  Indies.  Thus  all  these  naval 
forces,  charged  by  their  respective  governments  with  the  most  im- 
portant operations,  got  under  sail  almost  at  the  same  lime.  Without 
the  delay  which  detained  the  English  upon  the  coasts  of  Ireland,  it 
is  altogether  probable  that  the  French  would  have  fallen  in  with 
them,  and  that  they  would  have  settled  by  a  decisive  battle  in  the 
seas  of  Europe,  that  quarrel  for  which  they  were  going  to  fight  in 
the  two  Indies. 

Admiral  Darby,  sped  by  a  favorable  wind,  stood  for  Cape  St. 
Vincent,  which  having  made,  he  proceeded  with  the  greatest  circum- 
spection, on  account  of  the  proximity  of  the  Spanish  armament. 
But  don  Lewis  de  Cordova,  who  for  several  days  had  been  cruising 
in  the  bay  of  Cadiz,  was  no  sooner  apprised  of  the  approach  of  the 
English,  than  he  lost  all  .confidence  in  his  own  force.  Forgetting 
the  importance  of  the  post  he  had  to  defend,  instead  of  awaiting  the 
enemy,  he  returned  with  precipitation  to  Cadiz,  leaving  him  the  ways 
free  to  Gibraltar. 

Admiral  Darby  reconnoitred  Cadiz,  and  finding  the  Spaniards 
were  in  no  disposition  to  come  forth,  he  immediately  pushed  forward 
his  convoy,  consisting  of  about  a  hundred  sail,  under  the  guard  of  a 
certain  number  of  ships  of  war.  A  part  of  this  squadron  was  to 
take  post  in  the  bay  of  Gibraltar  itself,  to  cover  the  transports  against 
the  attempts  of  the  Spanish  gunboats ;  the  rest  was  destined  to  cruise 
at  the  entrance  of  the  strait,  towards  the  Mediterranean,  in  order  to 
oppose  any  hostile  force  that  might  present  itself  on  that  side.  The 
admiral  himself  remained  before  Cadiz  to  observe  the  motions  of  the 
Spaniards  with  due  diligence.  The  event  justified  his  dispositions. 
The  gunboats,  it  is  true," made  frequent  attacks  upon  the  transports, 
and  that  with  the  rnoi'e  audacity,  as  their  inconsiderable  size  screened 
them  in  a  manner  from  the  effects  of  the  enemy's  artillery.  The 
annoyance  of  this  musquito  fleet,  put  the  English  out  of  all  patience  ; 
but  still  it  had  no  result  of  any  importance.  They  succeeded  in 
getting  ashore  all  their  munitions  of  war,  and  ail  their  provisions  ; 
their  exultation  equalled  the  consternation  of  the  Spaniards  ;  all  Eu- 
rope was  in  astonishment.  The  king  of  Spain,  who  had  set  his  heart 
upon  the  conquest  of  Gibraltar,  and  who  had  already  expended  so 
much  treasure  in  the  prosecution  of  this  enterprise,  persuaded  him- 
self that  he  was  on  the  point  of  reaping  the  fruit  of  his  efforts. 
When  apprised  of  the  event  which  still  retarded  the  attainment  of 
his  hopes,  he  flattered  himself  that  his  land  troops  would  prove,  per- 
haps, more  fortunate  than  his  naval  forces.  His  ardor  was  also 
stimulated  by  an  eager  desire  to  wipe  ofF  the  stain  which  he  was 
apprehensive  would  attach  to  his  arms  from  the  relief  of  Gibraltar. 
The  labors  of  the  camp  of  St.  Roch  were  resumed  with  increase  of 
activity ;  the  trenches  and  works  which  beset  the  fortress,  were  fur- 
VOL.  n.  44 


o42  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

nished  with  an  immense  quantity  of  artillery.  The  batteries  mount- 
ed no  less  than  one  hundred  and  sixty  pieces  of  heavy  cannon,  with 
eighty  mortars  of  the  largest  caliher.  On  the  twelfth  of  April,  the 
British  fleet  being  still  at  anchor  in  the  port  of  Gibraltar,  the  ^vhoie  of 
this  train  began  to  shower  upon  the  place  its  tremendous  volleys  of  balls 
and  bombs.  The  narrow  extent  of  the  spot  upon  which  they  fell,  left 
no  other  refuge  to  the  besieged  but  the  casemates  and  vaulted  places. 
General  Elliot,  the  governor,  did  not  remain  a  peaceable  spectator 
of  this  tempest  ;  he  answered  it  bolt  for  bolt,  thunder  for  thunder. 
The  whole  mountain,  enveloped  in  flame  and  smoke  from  its  base  to 
its  summit,  resembled  a  volcano  in  the  height  of  the  most  terrible 
eruption.  The  two  neighboring  shores  of  Europe  and  Africa  were 
lined  with  people,  who  had  thronged  thither  to  contemplate  this  dread- 
ful spectacle.  But  the  inhabitants  of  the  unhappy  town  were  more 
exposed  even  than  the  soldiers  themselves.  Their  terror  was  great, 
but  their  dangers  were  still  greater.  The  limbs  of  the  dead  and  dying 
were  scattered  upon  the  ground  ;  women,  with  children  in  their  arms, 
ran  distractedly  imploring  a  shelter  which  could  not  be  offered  them. 
Some  were  seen  crushed  at  the  same  time  with  their  precious 
burthen;  and  torn  in  a  thousand  pieces  by  the  bursting  bombs. 
Others,  with  trembling  hands,  let  themselves  down  precipices  in 
order  to  retire  the  farthest  possible  from  the  seat  of.  danger  ;  many 
threw  themselves  into  the  casemates,  where,  breathing  an  infected 
air,  and  deprived  of  repose  by  the  dismal  cries  of  the  wounded  who 
expired  around  them,  they  thought  themselves  happy  in  having 
escaped  an  inevitable  death.  The  town,  situated  upon  the  declivity  of 
the  rock,  and  next  the  sea  towards  the  west,  was  demolished  to  its 
foundations.  The  Spanish  gunboats  contributed  especially  to  this 
disaster.  Under  cover  of  night,  they  slipped  between  the  British 
vessels,  and  after  having  effected  their  purpose,  profited  of  a  wind, 
which  commonly  springs  up  in  the  morning,  to  return  to  the  port  of 
Algesiras.  Their  destructive  fire  often  reached  those  unhappy  per- 
sons who  had  sought,  upon  the  flank  of  the  mountain,  a  refuge 
against  the  artillery  of  the  Spanish  lines.  It  continued  to  batter 
the  place  for  upwards  of  three  weeks  with  hardly  any  intermis- 
sion, and  was  answered  with  equal  vigor.  The  firing  was  then 
relaxed  on  both  sides  ;  the  besiegers  became  sensible  that  their  efforts 
resulted  in  little  more  than  a  vain  noise,  and  the  besieged  thought  it 
imprudent  to  expend  their  ammunition  without  necessity.  Scarcely 
a  few  shot,  discharged  by  intervals  from  the  fortress,  attested  that 
the  garrison  were  upon  the  alert  ;  the  greater  part  of  the  time,  gene- 
ral Elliot  observed,  in  apparent  tranquillity,  the  fruitless  toils  of  his 
enemy.  It  was  calculated  that  in  this  short  space  of  time,  the  Spa- 
niards consumed  fifty  tons  of  .gunpowder  ;  they  had  fired  seventy- 
five  thousand  volleys  of  cannon  balls,  and  twenty-five  thousand  of 
bombs.  Notwithstanding  the  narrowness  of  the  place  in  which  the 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  343 

English  were  immured,  they  had  lost  but  few. men  by  the  fire  of  this 
immense  artillery;  their  wounded  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  and 
fifty.  As  to  the  inhabitants,  seeing  t'heir  houses  destroyed,  and  in 
continual  dread  of  new  disasters,  they  demanded  permission  to  retire. 
General  Elliot  acquiesced  in  their  desires,  after  having  furnished 
them  with  all  the  assistance  in  his  power.  The  greater  part  em- 
barked in  the  fleet  which  had  victualled  the  place,  and  repaired  to 
England. 

Before  it  had  arrived  there,  fortune,  propitious  to  the  French, 
inflicted  a  heavy  stroke  upon  their  enemies  ;  which  was  considered 
as  a  just  chastisement  for  the  robberies  committed  at  St.  Eustatius. 
Intelligence  had  been  received  in  France,  that  a  numerous  convoy 
of  ships  laden  with  the  rich  spoils  of  that  island,  had  left  it  about  the 
last  of  March,  and  were  on  their  way  for  the  ports  of  Great  Britain. 
It  was  also  known,  that  this  convoy  was  to  be  followed  by  another 
not  less  valuable,  which  was  freighted  with  the  produce  of  Jamaica. 
The  first  was  guarded  by  four  ships  of  war  under  admiral  Hotham. 
The  moment  could  not  hnve  been  more  favorable  to  the  French, 
since  the  great  English  fleet  was  employed  in  succouring  Gibraltar. 
The  court  of  Versailles  knew  very  well  how  to  profit  of  so  fair  an 
occasion  ;  it  had  equipped  with  great  celerity  in  the  port  of  Brest,  a 
squadron  destined  to  intercept  the  expected  convoys.  The  cheva- 
lier de  la  Motte  Piquet  put  to  sea  the  fifteenth  of  April,  at  the  head 
of  eight  ships  of  the  line,  all  excellent  sailers.  He  struck  into  the 
middle  of  the  convoy  of  St.  Eustatius,  and  dispersed  it  entirely. 
Twenty-two  ships  fell  into  his  power,  two  others  were  taken  by  pri- 
vateers. Some  few,  with  the  ships  of  war  that  had  escorted  them, 
made  their  way  good  into  the  ports  of  Ireland.  The  British  mer- 
chants who  had  insured  the  captured  ships^  lost  by  this  stroke 
upwards  of  seven  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling.  Admiral  Darby, 
during  his  homeward  passage,  was  very  early  informed  ,of  the  disaster. 
He  instantly  made  his  dispositions  for  cutting  off  the  retreat  ol  la 
Motte  Piquet.  But  the  French  admiral,  attentive  to  all  the  movements 
of  the  enemy,  and  content  with  the  brilliant  advantages  which  he  had 
just  obtained,  left  the  convoy  of  Jamaica  to  pursue  its  voyage  in 
tranquillity,  and  returned  without  accident  to  Brest.  So  rich  a  cap- 
ture created  no  little  festivity  in  France. 

Those  who  had  projected  this  expedition,  and  those  who  had 
executed  it,  were  loaded  with  just  praises.  The  fleet  of  admiral 
Darby  recovered  the  ports  of  England.  In  the  meantime,  the  two 
fleets'of  Johnstone  and  Suffren  had  put  to  sea  for  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  These  two  admirals  had  the  most  exact  information  respect- 
ing each  other's  departure,  intended  route,  and  ulterior  destination. 
But  the  Englishman  was  obliged  to  touch  at  the  bay  of  Praya,  in  St. 
Jago,  the  most  considerable  of  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands.  He  was 
occupied  in  recruiting  his  water  and  provision  for  the  long  voyage 


344  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIII. 

he  was  about  to  undertake,  and  a  great  part  of  his  crews  were  on 
shore.     M.  de   Suffren  was  soon  apprised  of  it,   and   immediately 
shaped  his  course  with  press  of  sail  for  the  bay  of  Pray  a,  where  he 
hoped  to  surprise  the   enemy.     He   kept  so  close    along  under  a 
tongue  of  land   which  covers  the  port  towards  the  east,  that  he  was 
already  on   the   point  of  entering  it  without  being  discovered.     But 
the  British  ship  Isis,  which  lay  near  the  mouth  of  the  bay,  perceived 
beyond  the  eastern  point  the  tops  of  several  masts.     Afterwards,  by 
the  mode  of  manoeuvring,  it  was  known  that  they  were  French,  and 
the  signal  of  enemy  sails  was  given  immediately.     The  commodore 
recalled  his  crews   from  the  shore,  and  made  all  his  dispositions  for 
battle.     Meanwhile,  the  French   squadron   doubled   the    point,   and 
appeared  all  at  once  at  the  entrance  of  the  bay.     The  attack  com- 
menced forthwith.     The  English  had  one  ship  of  seventy-four  guns, 
four  others  of  inferior  force,  three  frigates,  with   several  East  India 
Company  ships,    armed    for   war.     The   French   had   two  ships  of 
seventy-four,  and  three  of  sixty-four  guns.     Alter  having  cannonaded 
the  Isis,  which  presented  herself  the  first,  they  forced  the  entrance 
of  the   harbor,  passing  into  the   midst  of  the  British  squadron,  and 
firing  double  broadsides,  M.  de  Trernignon,  with  his  ship  the  Hanni- 
bal, which  was  ahead  of  the  rest,  advanced   as  far  as  possible,  and 
with  admirable   intrepidity  cast  anchor  in  the  midst  of  the  British 
line,  which  assailed  him  from  right  and  left.     He  was  followed  by 
M.  de  Suffren,  in  the  Hero,  and   afterwards  the   chevalier  de  Car- 
daillac  joined   them    with  the  Artesien.     The  two  other  ships  could 
not   approacli  near  enough   to  support   them,  and    having  fallen  to 
leeward,  after  having  discharged  a  few  broadsides,  they  stood  out  to 
sea.     Two   British  ships,  the  Isis  and  the  Rornney,  were  unable  to 
take  any  considerable   part  in  the  action  ;  the  first  having  suffered 
severely  from   the  fire  of  the  French,  at  the  time  of  their  entrance 
into  the  bay,  the  second   finding  herself  advanced  too   far  within  it. 
The  engagement  was  therefore  reduced  to  that  of  three  ships  of  the 
line  on  either  side  ;  the  French  fired  both   starboard    and   larboard 
guns,  as  they  had   placed   themselves  in   the  centre  of  the  English. 
But  at  length,  the  British  frigates,  with  the  armed  ships  of  the  India 
Company,  having  rallied,  came  up  to  the  support  of  the  commodore. 
After  the  action   had   lasted  an   hour  and  a  half,  the  Artesien  having 
lost  her  captain,  and  being  no  longer  able  to  sustain  so  fierce  a  fire, 
cut   her  cables  and    drew  off.     M.  de  Suffren,  finding  himself  de- 
prived of  his  rear  guard,  and  exposed  to  be  cannonaded  at  once  on 
both  sides  as  well   as  in   front  and  rear,  took  a  similar  resolution  to 
withdraw  from  the  harbor.     The  retreat  of  the  Hero  and  Artesien 
left  the  Hannibal  alone  to  sustain  the  whole  weight  of  the  enemy's 
fire,  and  of  course,  she  suffered  excessively  ;  she  lost  first  her  mizen- 
raast,  then   her  mainmast,   and   at  last  her   rudder.     Nevertheless, 
by  incredible  exertions  she  made  her  way  good  to  the  mouth  of  the 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  345 

bay,  where  she  was  taken  in  tow  by  the  ship  Sphynx.  Her  masts 
being  refitted  as  well  as  it  was  possible,  she  rejoined  the  rest  of  the 
squadron.  The  English  would  fain  have  followed  the  French,  in 
order  to  recommence  the  engagement  ;  but  the  wind,  the  currents, 
the  approach  of  night,  and  the  disabled  state  of  the  Isis,  prevented 
them  from  doing  it.  Such  was  the  combat  of  Praya,  which  gave 
occasion  to  several  observations  upon  the  conduct  of  the  two  admi- 
rals. The  British  commander  was  censured  for  having  anchored  so 
imprudently  in  an  open  and  defenceless  bay,  when  he  must  have 
known  that  the  enemy  could  not  be  far  off.  Vainly  would  he  have 
alleged,  that  he  believed  himself  protected  by  the  neutrality  of  the 
place,  the  island  of  St.  Jago  belonging  to  the  crown  of  Portugal ;  for 
be  affirmed  himself,  that  when  the  French  see  an  opportunity  for 
seizing  their  advantage  they  are  not  wont  to  respect  these  neutrali- 
ties ;  an  accusation  which,  though  it  were  founded,  appears  not  the 
Jess  extraordinary  from  the  mouth  of  an  Englishman.  Commodore 
Johnstone,  committed,  besides,  great  errors,  in  landing  so  great  a 
part  of  his  crews,  in  placing  his  weakest  ships  at  the  entrance  of  the 
bay,  and  in  letting  the  Hannibal  escape  notwithstanding  her  crippled 
condition.  JM.  de  Suffren,  it  was  said  on  the  other  *  hand,  ought  not 
to  have  attempted  to  combat  at  anchor.  Every  probability  assured 
him  a  complete  victory,  if,  instead  of  losing  time  in  coming  to  anchor, 
he  had  immediately  resorted  to  boarding,  or  even  if  he  had  fought 
under  sail  an  enemy  that  was  in  a  good  degree  surprised  and  unpre- 
pared for  action. 

As  soon  as  the  British  squadron  was  refitted,  it  put  to  sea  in  pur- 
suit of  the  French  ;  but  finding  them  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle,  it 
avoided  a  second  engagement  ;  night,  which  soon  came  on,  separat- 
ed the  two  squadrons.  Commodore  Johnstone  returned  to  the  bay 
of  Praya.  M.  de  Suffren,  continuing  his  voyage  to  the  south,  and 
towing  the  Hannibal,  repaired  to  False  Bay  at  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  He  was  rejoined  there  by  his  convoy,  which,  during  his 
attack  of  Praya,  he  had  left  at  sea,  under  the  escort  of  the  corvette 
In  Fortune.  Thus  was  frustrated  the  design  which  the  English  had 
meditated  against  the  Cape.  Constrained  to  relinquish  all  hope  of 
conquest,  they  directed  their  force  against  the  commerce  of  their  ene- 
mies. Commodore  Johnstone  was  advised  by  his  light  vessels,  that 
several  ships  of  the  Dutch  East  India  Company,  very  richly  laden, 
lay  at  anchor  in  the  bay  of  Saldana,  not  far  from  the  Cape  itself. 
Upon  making  the  coasts  of  Africa,  acting  himself  as  pilot  to  his 
squadron  in  the  midst  of  shoals  and  reefs,  crowding  all  sail  by  night, 
concealing  himself  by  day,  he  manoeuvred  with  such  dexterity,  thai 
he  arrived  unexpectedly  before  the  bay.  He  captured  five  of  the 
most  valuable  ships  ;  the  others  were  burnt.  After  having  obtained 
this  advantage,  which  preserved  him  at  least  from  the  reproach  of 
having  undertaken  an  expedition  without  utility,  he  detached  a  part 


340  THE    AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  X11I. 

of  his  force  to  India,  under  general  Meadows,  and  returned  himself 
with  the  Romney,  his  frigates  and  rich  prizes,  to  England.  M.  de 
Suftren  having  thrown  a  strong;  garrison  into  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
continued  his  voyage  for  the  East  Indies.  Thus  the  war  which 
raged  already  in  Europe,  America,  and  Africa,  was  about  to  redouble 
its  violence  upon  the  distant  hanks  of  the  Ganges. 

Meanwhile,  Gibraltar  continued  to  hold  out ;  to  the  furious  attack 
given  that  place,  had  succeeded  an  almost  total  calm.  The  gun- 
boats, alone,  profited  of  the  obscurity  of  night,  to  keep  the  gar- 
rison in  continual  alarms.  In  order  to  restrain  them,  the  governor 
caused  his  advanced  batteries  to  be  armed  with  guns  and  mortar 
pieces,  peculiarly  calculated  to  throw  their  shot  to  a  great  distance. 
As  they  could  now  reach  the  camp  of  St.  Roch,  every  time  the  gun- 
boats made  their  attacks,  the  Spanish  lines  were  assailed  by  the  most 
violent  fire.  Don  Mendoza  having  perceived  that  general  Elliot  did 
thus  by  way  of  reprisal  for  the  assaults  of  the  gunboats,  ordered  the 
commanders  of  the  flotilla  to  desist  from  all  further  insult  against  the 
place,  and  to  keep  their  station  quietly  in  the  port  of  Algesiras.  He 
enjoined  them,  however,  to  exert  the  greatest  vigilance  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  supplies  into  the  place.  The  Spaniards  were  inde- 
fatigable in  pushing  forward  their  trenches.  They  had  now  brought 
them  quite  to  the  foot  of  the  rock,  so  that  the  circumvallation  extend- 
ed from  right  to  left  across  the  whole  breadth  of  the  isthmus  by 
which  the  rock  itself  connects  with  the  main  land.  They  had  exca- 
vated upon  their  left  the  mine  of  communication  between  their  outer 
circumvallation  and  the  parallels.  General  Elliot,  full  of  security 
upon  the  summit  of  the  rock  he  defended,  unwilling  to  lavish  his 
ammunition,  without  utility,  had  not  disturbed  the  workmen.  But 
when  he  saw  ihat  their  works  were  completed,  he  resolved  to  de- 
stroy them  by  the  most  unexpected  and  vigorous  sally.  The  twenty- 
seventh  of  November,  towards  midnight,  he  issued  from  the  place  at 
the  head  of  three  brigades  of  infantry,  commanded  by  general  Ross. 
These  troops  were  followed  by  a  great  number  of  pioneers,  miners 
and  engineers.  The  sally  was  conducted  with  suitable  order  and 
silence.  The  English  appeared  all  of  a  sudden  before  the  advanced 
guards,  and  routed  them  in  a  few  instants  ;  they  found  themselves 
masters  of  the  first  parallel  and  proceeded  to  destroy  it.  The  engi- 
neers, furnished  with  combustible  materials,  set  fire  to  every  thing 
that  was  capable  of  receiving  it.  The  carriages  of  the  cannon  were 
rendered  unserviceable,  and  the  pieces,  including  the  mortars,  were 
spiked  with  admirable  promptitude.  The  workmen  tore  up  the  plat- 
forms and  traverses,  and  levelled  the  breastworks  with  the  ground. 
All  the  magazines  were  successively  consigned  to  the  flames.  A  sin- 
gle half  hour  witnessed  the  destruction  of  those  works  which  had  been 
erected  at  so  vast  an  expense  of  toil  and  treasure.  The  Spaniards, 
whether  from  the  stupor  of  consternation,  or  supposing  the  enemy  to 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  347 

be  much  stronger  than  he  was  in  reality,  were  afraid  to  go  out  of 
their  carnp  to  repulse  him.  They  contented  themselves  with  keep- 
ins;  up  an  incessant,  though  harmless,  fire  with  halls  and  grape-shot. 
The  English,  after  having  accomplished  their  purpose,  returned 
sound  and  safe  into  the  fortress. 

In  the  meantime,  a  project  was  conceived  in  Europe,  the  execution 
of  which  could  not  fail  to  give  a  severe  shock  to  the  British  power  ia 
the  Mediterranean.  The  Spaniards  remained  very  ill  satisfied  with 
France  ;  they  helieved  themselves  authorised  to  reproach  her  with 
having  hitherto  consulted  exclusively  her  own  interests,  to  the  preju- 
dice of  her  allies.  They  complained,  with  peculiar  bitterness,  that 
she  had  in  no  shape  promoted  the  expeditions  of  Jamaica  and  Gibral- 
tar, as  if  she  were  loath  to  see  the  prosperity  of  the  Spanish  arms  in 
the  seas  of  America  and  upon  the  European  continent.  The  re- 
victualling  of  Gibraltar,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  by  dint  of  force, 
without  a  single  movement  of  any  sort  being  made  by  the  French  to 
prevent  it,  and  the  despair  experienced  by  the  Spaniards  at  having 
consumed  themselves  in  vain  efforts  for  the  reduction  of  that  place, 
had  prodigiously  increased  their  ill  humor,  and  caused  it  to  degene- 
rate into  an  open  discontent.  The  Spanish  people  murmured  in  bold 
language  ;  the  court  was  become  the  object  of  the  most  vehement 
animadversion.  It  was  accused  of  having  undertaken  this  expedition 
merely  in  subservience  to  the  ambitious  views  of  France,  and  not  at 
all  for  the  interests  of  the  Spanish  nation  ;  the  Spaniards  called  it  a 
court  war,  a  family  war.  Stimulated  by  the  vivacity  of  these  com- 
plaints, and  reflecting  moreover  that  the  reduction,  in  whatever  mode, 
of  the  British  power,  was  the  augmentation  of  her  own,  France  took 
the  resolution  to  give  into  some  enterprise  whose  immediate  fruit 
should  be  gathered  by  Spain.  An  expedition  against  Jamaica  neces- 
sarily involving  long  delays,  and  a  fresh  attack  upon  Gibraltar  pro- 
mising no  better  than  dubious  results,  it  was  determined  to  attempt 
an  operation,  the  success  of  which  appeared  the  more  probable,  as 
the  English  were  fur  from  expecting  it;  and  that  was,  the  conquest 
of  the  island  of  Minorca.  If  France  had  motives  for  wishing  it  with 
eagerness,  it  must  have  been  still  more  desirable  for  the  Spaniards. 
Minorca  is  so  favorably  situated  for  cruising,  that  it  was  become  the 
habitual  resort  of  an  immense  number  of  privateers.  Their  audacity 
was  not  confined  to  infesting  the  seas,  and  disturbing  the  navigation 
and  commerce  of  the  Spaniards  and  French  ;  they  even  intercepted 
neutral  vessels  employed  in  trafficing  with  these  two  nations  ;  this 
island  also  served  as  a  place  of  arms  for  the  English.  They  deposited 
in  it  the  munitions  of  war  and  provisions  which  they  drew  from  the 
neighboring  coasts  of  Africa,  whether  for  the  use  of  their  shipping  or 
for  the  consumption  of  Gibraltar.  The  facility  of  the  enterprise  was 
another  persuasive  invitation  to  attempt  it.  In  effect,  however  impos- 
ing was  Fort  St.  Philip,  from  its  position  and  works,  the  garrison  which 


348  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIII. 

guarded  it  was  far  from  corresponding  to  the  strength  and  importance 
of  the  place  ;  it  consisted  of  only  four  regiments,  two  of  them  British 
and  two  Hanoverians,  who  all  together  did  not  exceed  two  thousand 
men.  Notwithstanding  the  salubrity  of  the  air,  and  the  abundance  of 
fresh  provisions,  these  troops  were  infected  with  the  scurvy.  They 
were  commanded  by  the  generals  Murray  and  Draper. 

In  pursuance  of  the  plan  concerted  between  the  courts  of  Versailles 
and  Madrid,  the  count  de  Guichen  departed  from  Brest,  towards  the 
last  of  June,  with  eighteen  sail  of  the  line,  and  repaired  to  the  port 
of  Cadiz,  in  order  to  join  the  Spanish  fleet  which  awaited  him  there. 
He  had  under  him  two  general  officers  of  great  reputation,  M.  de  la 
Motte  Piquet,  and  M.  de  Beausset.  The  Spanish  fleet,  commanded  by 
don  Lewis  de  Cordova,  and  by  the  two  vice-admirals,  don  Gaston  and 
don  Vincent  Droz,  was  composed  of  thirty  ships  of  the  line.  A  corps 
of  ten  thousand  selected  troops  was  embarked  without  any  delay  en 
board  of  this  armament.  It  set  sail  the  twenty-second  of  July,  and 
after  having  been  much  thwarted  by  the  winds,  appeared  in  sight  of 
Minorca  the  twentieth  of  August.  The  debarkation  was  effected  in 
Musquito  bay.  The  whole  island  was  occupied  without  obstacle,  in- 
cluding the  city  of  Mahon,  its  capital.  The  garrison,  too  feeble  to 
defend  all  these  posts,  had  evacuated  them,  and  thrown  itself  into 
Fort  St.  Philip.  A  little  after,  four  French  regiments  arrived  from 
Toulon,  under  the  conduct  of  the  baron  de  Falkenhayn.  The  two 
courts  had  confided  the  general  command  of  all  the  forces  employed 
upon  this  expedition  to  the  duke  de  Crillon,  distinguished  as  well  for 
his  military  knowledge,  as  for  his  courage  and  thirst  of  glory.  He 
had  entered  into  the  service  of  Spain,  and,  as  a  Frenchman  of  illus- 
trious birth,  he  was  thought  the  most  suitable  personage  to  head  the 
common  enterprise. 

But  the  siege  of  Fort  St.  Philip  presented  difficulties  of  no  ordinary 
magnitude.  The  works  are  cut  in  the  solid  rock,  and  mined  in  all 
their  parts.  The  glacis,  and  covered  way,  likewise  cut  in  the  rock, 
are  mined,  countermined,  palisaded,  and  furnished  with  batteries 
which  defend  their  approaches.  Around  the  fosse,  which  is  twenty 
feet  in  depth,  runs  a  covered  and  looped  gallery,  which  affords  a 
secure  shelter  to  the  garrison.  Subterraneous  communications  are 
excavated  between  the  outer  works  and  the  body  of  the  place.  In 
the  latter,  which  forms  a  sort  of  labyrinth,  are  sunk  deep  wells  with 
djawn  covers,  and  barbacans  pierce  the  walls  in  all  directions.  The 
castle  itself,  also  surrounded  by  a  countermined  covered  way,  is 
defended  not  only  by  counterscarps  and  half  moons,  but  also  by  a 
wall  sixty  feet  high,  and  a  fosse  thirty-six  feet  deep.  Finally,  the 
nucleus,  which  is  a  square  tower  flanked  by  four  bastions,  presents 
walls  eighty  feet  high,  and  a  ditch  forty  feet  deep,  and  cut  in  the 
rock.  This  ditch  has  also  its  corridor  and  lodges.  In  the  centre  of 
all  is  an  esplanade  for  marshalling  the  garrison.  Around  it  are  con- 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  349 

structed  the  soldiers'  barracks,  and  magazines  for  the  munitions,  both 
bomb  proof,  and  all  wrought  in  the  hard  rock.  To  add  to  their  safety, 
the  English  had  totally  rased  the  neighboring  city  of  St.  Philip. 

The  allies  approached  the  citadel  with  circumspection  ;  its  lofty- 
position  overlooking  all  the  adjacent  country,  it  was  not  by  scooping 
trenches,  but  by  transporting  and  heaping  earth,  that  they  formed 
their  parallels.  They  raised  a  wall  of  about  two  hundred  feet  in 
length,  five  in  height,  and  six  in  thickness.  This  laborious  construc- 
tion was  finished,  without  the  besiegers  having  experienced  any  loss, 
as  Murray  did  not  attempt  a  single  sally,  whether  in  consequence  of 
the  weakness  of  the  garrison,  or  from  excess  of  confidence  in  the 
strength  of  the  place.  He  contented  himself  with  keeping  up  a  fire 
of  cannon  and  mortars,  which  produced  no  effect.  The  parallels 
being  completed,  the  duke  de  Crillon  unmasked  his  batteries,  and 
fulminated  the  fortress  with  one  hundred  and  eleven  twenty-four 
pounders,  and  thirty-three  mortar  pieces  opening  thirteen  inches  of 
diameter. 

During  the  siege  of  Fort  St.  Philip,  the  combined  fleets  of  France 
and  Spain,  amounting  to  near  fifty  sail  of  the  line,  under  the  count 
de  Guichen,  bent  their  course  towards  the  coasts  of  England.  The 
intention  of  the  French  admiral  was  to  throw  himself  in  the  way 
of  the  British  fleet,  and  to  attack  it.  The  great  inferiority  of  the 
British'  rendered  their  defeat  almost  inevitable.  The  count  de  Gui- 
chen also  designed  by  this  movement,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
passing  succours  from  England  to  Minorca.  He  even  hoped  to  cut 
off  and  capture  the  convoys  that  were  then  on  their  passage  from  the 
two  Indies,  bound  for  the  ports  of  Great  Britain.  His  views  were 
likewise  directed  upon  another  convoy,  which  was  assembled  at  the 
port  of  Cork,  in  Ireland,  in  order  to  watch  its  opportunity  to  make 
sail  for  the  East  and  West  Indies.  Perhaps  the  French  admiral  was 
not  without  hopes  that  the  sudden  appearance  of  so  formidable  an 
armament  upon  the  coasts  of  the  British  islands,  might  afford  him  an 
occasion  to  reach  them  with  a  stroke  .of  the  last  importance.  He 
hastened  therefore  to  occupy  the  entrance  of  the  channel  in  all  its 
breadth,  by  extending  his  line  from  the  isle  of  Ushant  to  those  of 
Scilly.  Admiral  Darby  was  then  at  sea  with  twenty-one  ships  of  the 
line,  and  on  the  way  to  meet  his  convoy.  He  had  the  good  fortune 
to  fall  in  with  a  neutral  vessel,  which  apprised  him  of  the  approach 
of  the  combined  squadrons.  But  for  this  intelligence,  he  must  inevi- 
tably lifcve  fallen  headlong  into  the  midst  of  forces  so  superior  to  h?S 
own,  that  he  could  hardly  have  retained  the  smallest  hope  of  safety. 
He  instantly  retired  with  all  sails  upon  Torbay.  He  was  there  soon 
reenibrced  by  several  ships  of  the  first  rank,  which  carried  his  fleet 
to  thirty  sail  of  the  line.  He  disposed  his  order  of  battle  in  the  form 
of  a  crescent  within  the  bay  itself,  although  it  is  open,  and  little  sus- 
ceptible of  defence.  These  dispositions,  however,  appeared  to  him 
VOL.  ii.  45 


350  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

sufficient  to  repulse  the  enemy,  in  case  they  should  present  them- 
selves. But  the  peril  was  really  extreme  ;  they  menaced  at  once  the 
fleet  and  the  maritime  cities.  None  was  more  exposed  than  Cork, 
an  unfortified  place,  and' containing  immense  magazines  of  every 
denomination.  All  England  was  thrown  into  a  state  of  the  most 
anxious  alarm.  The  allied  armament  at  length  appeared  in  sight  of 
Torbay.  The  count  de  Guichen  immediately  held  a  council  of  war, 
to  deliberate  upon  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  the  present  conjunc- 
ture. His  own  opinion  was  in  favor  of  attacking  the  British  fleet  in 
the  position  it  now  occupied.  He  alleged,  that  it  might  be  considered 
as  if  caught  in  a  net,  and  that  a  more  auspicious  occasion  could  never 
present  itself  for  wresting  from  Great  Britain  the  dominion  of  the  sea. 
He  represented  what  disgrace,  what  eternal  regrets,  would  be  incur- 
red by  allowing  it  to  escape  them.  He  maintained  that  the  enemy, 
cramped  in  his  movements  within  a  bay,  from  which  there  was  no 
outlet,  must  inevitably  become  the  prey  of  the  innumerable  fire-ships 
with  which  the  combined  fleets  might  support  their  attack.  Finally, 
he  declared  that  the  honor  of  the  arms  of  the  two  allied  sovereigns 
was  staked  upon  the  issue  of  this  expedition.  Don  Vincent  Droz  not 
only  concurred  in  the  opinion  of  the  admiral,  but  even  offered  to  lead 
the  attempt  at  the  head  of  the  vanguard.  But  M.  de  Beausset,  the 
second  in  command,  a  seaman  of  high  reputation,  manifested  a  con- 
trary opinion.  He  contended  that  the  situation  of  the  English  squa- 
dron would  enable  it  to  fight  them  at  their  great  disadvantage  ;  they 
could  not  attack  it  in  a  body,  but  must  form  their  line  ahead,  and 
fall  down  singly  upon  the  enemy.  This  would  expose  every  ship  to 
the  collected  fire  of  the  whole  British  fleet,  lying  fast  at  anchor,  and 
drawn  up  in  such  a  manner  as  to  point  all  its  guns  at  any  object  within 
its  reach.  He  concluded  with  observing,  that  since  an  attack  under 
such  circumstances  could  by  no  means  be  justified,  it  became  expe- 
dient to  bend  their  attention  exclusively  upon  an  expedition,  which, 
though  less  brilliant,  was  certainly  of  great  moment,  the  capture  of 
the  West  India  convoy,  probably  at  that  instant,  not  very  far  from  the 
shores  of  Europe.  Don  Lewis  de  Cordova,  and  all  the  other  Spanish 
officers,  with  the  exception  of  don  Vincent  Droz,  adopted  the  senti- 
ment of  M.  de  Beausset.  The  project  of  attacking  the  British  fleet 
was  therefore  rejected  by  a  majority  of  votes.  But  if  the  allies  would 
not,  or  knew  not  how  to,  profit  of  the  occasion  which  fortune  had 
provided  them,  she  seemed  to  take  her  revenge  in  baffling  the  designs 
to  which  they  had  given  the  preference.  Contagious  maladies  began 
to  rage  on  board  their  fleet,  and  especially  on  board  the  Spanish  ships. 
The  weather  became  shortly  after  so  tempestuous,  that  the  two  admi- 
rals were  obliged  to  think  of  their  safety.  The  count  de  Guichen 
returned  to  Brest,  and  don  Lewis  de  Cordova  to  Cadiz.  The  Bri- 
tish convoys  reached  their  ports  without  obstacles.  Thus  this  second 
appearance  of  the  allies  upon  the  coasts  of  England  proved  as  vain 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  351 

as  the  first.  Its  only  fruit  was  that  of  having  impeded  the  succours 
destined  for  Minorca.  But  if  this  campaign  between  France,  Spain 
and  England  passed,  in  the  seas  of  Europe,  without  any  great  effu- 
sion of  blood,  and  .almost  entirely  in  demonstrations  of  little  avail,  it 
wos  at  least  remarkable  for  the  reciprocal  animosity  manifested  be- 
tween the  English  and  Dutch.  It  brought  to  mind  those  fierce  and 
sanguinary  battles  which  had  procured  so  much  celebrity  for  these 
two  nations  in  the  seventeenth  century.  The  Dutch  carried  on  a 
very  lucrative  commerce  with  the  produce  of  their  colonies  in  the 
Baltic  sea.  Having  become,  as  it  were,  the  general  factors  of  the 
nations  of  the  north  and  of  the  south  of  Europe,  their  gains  were 
immense.  They  were  drawn,  besides,  towards  the  countries  of  the 
north,  by  the  necessity  of  procuring  from  that  part  all  the  articles 
employed  in  the  construction  of  shipping.  This  intercourse  was 
become  still  more  essential  to  them  since  their  rupture  with  Great 
Britain,  in  order  to  be  able  to  put  their  navy  in  a  condition  to  defend 
the  possessions  and  commerce  of  the  republic,  and  to  maintain  the 
honor  of  its  flag.  >Their  arsenals,  however,  were  far  from  being 
supplied  with  all  the  stores  and  materials  requisite  to  the  present 
emergency.  The  English  perceived  of  what  importance  it  was  for 
them  to  impede  the  supplies  of  their  enemies.  With  this  intent,  so 
early  as  the  month  of  June,  they  had  put  to  sea  four  ships  of  the 
line  and  one  of  fifty  guns,  under  the  command  of  admiral  Hyde 
Parker,  a  very  expert  seaman,  and  father  of  him  who  served  at  that 
time  upon  the  coasts  of  America.  His  instructions  were,  to  scour 
the  northern  seas,  and  do  all  the  harm  possible  to  the  Dutch  trade, 
and,  at  his  return,  to  take  under  his  protection  a  rich  convoy  which 
was  assembled  in  the  port  of  Elsineur. 

Admiral  Hyde  Parker  accomplished  his  mission  with  diligence  ; 
and  already,  being  returned  from  the  Baltic,  he  was  conducting  the 
convoy  through  the  German  ocean,  on  his  way  home.  Since  his 
departure  from  Portsmouth,  he  had  been  joined  by  other  ships, 
among  which  one  of  seventy-four  guns,  called  the  Berwick,  one  of 
forty-four,  named  the  Dolphin,  and  several  smaller  vessels  ;  so  that 
his  squadron  was  composed  of  six  sail  of  the  line,  exclusive  of  the 
rest.  The  Dutch,  during  this  time,  had  not  neglected  their  prepara- 
tives. They  had  succeeded  in  fitting  out  a  squadron  of  seven  ships 
of  the  line,  with  several  frigates  or  corvettes.  They  had  given  the 
command  of  it  to  admiral  Zouttnan.  He  set  sail,  towards  the  mid- 
dle of  July,  with  a  convoy  of  merchantmen,  which  he  purposed  to 
escort  into  the  Baltic.  The  Dutch  squadron  was  joined  soon  after 
by  a  stout  American  frigate  called  the  Charlestown  ;  and,  on  the  fifth 
of  August,  it  fell  in  with  admiral  Hyde  Parker  upon  the  Dogger 
Bank.  The  British  squadron  was  to  windward  ;  at  sight  of  the  im- 
posing force  of  the  enemy,  it  sent  its  convoy  homeward,  under  the 
guard  of  frigates,  and  bore  down  upon  the  Dutch.  The  latter,  as 


352  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIII. 

soon  as  they  discovered  the  English,  likewise  despatched  their  con- 
voy towards  their  own  ports,  and  prepared  themselves  for  battle. 
They  appeared  to  desire  it  with  no  less  ardor  than  their  adversaries. 
The  English  formed  their  line  with  seven  ships,  of  which  one  of 
eighty  guns,  but  old  and  in"  bad  condition,  two  of  seventy-four, 
excellent,  one  of  sixty-four,  one  of  sixty,  one  of  fifty,  and  lastly,  a 
frigate  of  forty-four.  The  line  of  the  Dutch  was  formed  in  like 
manner  with  seven  ships,  one  of  seventy-six,  two  of  sixty-eight,  three 
of  fifty-four,  and  one  frigate  of  forty-four.  The  light  vessels  kept 
themselves  aside  of  the  line,  ready  to  carry  succour  wherever  it 
might  be  required.  The  English  came  down  upon  the  Dutch  with 
with  full  sails,  and  before  the  wind  ;  the  latter  awaited  them,  firm  at 
their  posts.  A  profound  silepce,  the  ordinary  sign  of  pertinacious 
resolution,  reigned  on  board  of  both  squadrons.  No  other  sound 
was  heard  but  that  of  the  creaking  of  pullies,  the  whistling  of  the 
wind,  and  the  dashing  of  waves.  The  soldiers  were  formed  upon 
the  deck,  the  cannoniers  stood  by  their  pieces,  awaiting  the  signal  to 
commence  the  fire.  It  was  not  given  until  the  squadrons  were  within 
half  musket  shot  distance  of  each  other.  The  two  admiral  ships, 
namely,  the  Fortitude,  which  carried  Parker,  and  the  admiral  de 
Ruyter,  mounting  Zoutman,  attacked  each  other  close  along  side 
with  extreme  impetuosity.  The  other  ships  imitated  them,  and  soon 
the  action  became  general.  The  Dutch  had  the  superiority  in 
weight  of  metal,  and  in  the  aid  of  frigates,  particularly  in  that  of  the 
Charlestown.  The  rapidity  of  their  evolutions  enabled  them  to  act 
against  the  whole  line,  assailing  the  ships  of  the  enemy  in  flank. 
The  English,  on  the  other  hand,  were  advantaged  by  the  agility  of 
manoeuvres  and  a  better  supported  fire.  During  near  four  hours, 
the  action  was  kept  up  with  an  equal  spirit,  and  a  balanced  success. 
The  Dutch  stood  firm  upon  every  point  of  their  line,  and  the  English 
redoubled  efforts  to  carry  a  victory  which  they  deemed  it  beneath 
them  to  relinquish.  But  the  rage  of  men  was  constrained  to  yield  to 
the  force  of  elements.  The  ships,  on  the  one  part  as  well  as  on  the 
other,  were  so  terribly  shattered  that  they  were  no  longer  manage- 
able. They  floated  upon  the  water,  like  wrecks,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  wind,  and  their  relative  distance  became  at  length  so  great,  that 
it  was  impossible  to  renew  the  engagement.  The  English  received 
incalculable  damage  in  their  masts  and  rigging. 

After  some  hasty  repairs,  Hyde  Parker  endeavored  to  reform  his 
line,  in  order  to  recommence  the  battle,  provided  Zoutman  did  not 
decline  it.  He  attempted  to  follow  him,  on  seeing  him  stand  for  the 
Texel.  But  all  his  efforts  were  vain.  The  Dutch  ships,  however, 
were  in  no  better  condition.  During  the  passage  they  had  now 
before  them,  their  masts  fell  one  after  another  ;  the  leaks  were  so 
considerable,  that  the  work  of  pumps  became  fruitless.  All  the 
captains  successively  made  their  admiral  signals  of  distress.  The 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


Holland,  of  sixty-eight  guns,  went  to  the  bottom'  within  thirty  leagues 
of  the  Texel  ;  the  crew  had  but  just  time  to  save  themselves,  leav- 
ing in  their  precipitation  the  unhappy  wounded  to  a  certain  death. 
The  frigates  were  obliged  to  take  the  other  ships  in  tow  to  enable 
them  to  gain  the  port. 

The  loss  of  the  English  in  killed  and  wounded  amounted  to  four 
hundred  and  fifty,  among  whom  were  several  distinguished  officers. 
In  the  number  of  the  slain  was  captain  Macartney,  who  commanded 
the  Princess  Amelia,  of  eighty  guns.  The  valor  he  signalised  in  the 
combat  honored  his  last  moments  ;  but  it  was  still  less  astonishing 
than  the  intrepidity  of  his  young  son.  This  child,  yet  but  seven 
years  old,  remained  constantly  at  the  side  of  his  father  in  the  very 
height  of  the  action  ;  the  unfortunate  but  heroic  witness  of  the  stroke 
which  snatched  him  from  his  fond  affection.  Lord  Sandwich,  first 
lord  of  the  admiralty,  knowing  that  captain  Macartney  had  left  a  nu- 
merous family,  and  little  fortune,  adopted  this  courageous  infant.  In 
England,  unanimous  praises  were  lavished  upon  all  those  who  had 
combated  at  the  Dnsrger  Bank.  King  George  himself,  as  soon  as  he 
knew  that  admiral  Hyde  Parker  was  arrived  at  the  Nore,  went  to 
pay  him  a  visit  on  board  of  his  ship,  and  expressed  to  him  as  well 
as  to  all  his  officers,  the  high  sense  he  entertained  of  their  valiant 
conduct  in  this  bloody  rencounter.  But  the  old  seaman,  irritated 
against  the  board  of  admiralty,  who,  in  giving  him  so  inadequate  a 
force,  had  frustrated  him  of  an  occasion  for  signalising  himself  by  a 
great  victory,  told  the  king,  with  the  blunt  freedom  of  his  profession, 
that  he  wished  him  younger  officers  and  better  ships  ;  that  for  his 
own  part,  he  was  become  too  old  to  serve  any  longer.  In  defiance 
of  the  solicitations  of  the  sovereign,  of  the  courtiers  and  of  the 
ministers,  he  persisted  in  his  resolution,  and  immediately  tendered 
his  resignation. 

The  government  and  public  were  no  less  forward,  in  Holland,  to 
acknowledge  the  services  of  the  officers  and  men  who,  in  the  action 
of  the  fifth  of  August,  had  sustained  the  ancient  renown  of  the  flag 
of  the  United  Provinces.  The  stadtholder,  in  the  name  of  the  States- 
General,  addressed  public  thanks  to  rear-admiral  Zoutman,  apprising 
him  at  the  same  time  of  his  promotion  to  the  rank  of  vice-admiral. 
The  captains  Dedel,  Van  Braam,  and  Kindsburghen,  were  created 
rear-admirals.  The  same  honor,  and  particular  regrets  were  con- 
ferred upon  the  count  de  Bentinck,  who  was  put  ashore  mortally 
wounded.  He  had  displayed  equal  skill  and  gallantry  in  the  com- 
mand of  the  Batavia.  The  loss  of  the  Dutch  in  killed  and  wounded 
was  greater  than  that  of  the  English.  Such  was  the  issue  of  the 
naval  battle  of  Doggers  Bank,  the  best  conducted,  and  the  best 
fought  of  all  this  war.  It  would  be  impossible  to  decide  who  came 
off  with  the  advantage  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  Dutch,  having  been 
constrained  to  regain  their  ports  for  the  purpose  of  refitting,  found 


354  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  CBOOK    XIII. 

themselves  under  the  necessity  of  abandoning  their  design,  which  had 
been  to  repair  to  the  Baltic.  This  disappointment,  however,  did 
not  prevent  the  nation  from  cherishing  new  hopes ;  the  glorious 
recollection  of  past  times  revived  in  every  breast. 

As  soon  as  the  count  de  Guichen  had  reentered  the  port  of  Brest, 
the  French  government  began  to  frame  new  designs.  It  was  not 
ignorant  that  the  count  de  Grasse,  who  commanded  the  West  India 
fleet,  must  soon  stand  in  need  of  supplies  and  reenforcements,  both 
of  ships  and  troops.  Naval  stores  are  extremely  scarce  in  that 
quarter,  and  the  nature  of  the  climate  and  of  the  waters  is  singularly 
prejudicial  to  ships,  which  get  out  of  condition  there  with  an  incredible 
rapidity.  The  forces  which  had  been  sent  thither  in  this  and  the 
preceding  campaign  might  appear  sufficient  to  execute  the  plans 
which  had  been  forme'd  in  favor  of  the  United  States,  and  against  the 
more  feeble  of  the  British  islands.  But  in  order  to  attempt  the 
expedition  of  Jamaica,  to  which  Spain  was  continually  stimulating 
her  ally,  it  was  requisite  to  have  recourse  to  more  formidable  arma- 
ments, as  well  by  land  as  by  sea.  The  court  of  Versailles  was  also 
aware  that  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  East  Indies  required  that  fresh 
forces  should  be  sent  thither,  and  moreover  that  the  want  of  arms 
and  munitions  of  war  began  to  be  felt  with  urgency.  Orders  were 
therefore  given  for  the  immediate  equipment,  at  Brest,  of  a  convoy 
laden  with  all  the  necessary  articles.  Reenforcements  of  troops 
were  prepared  for  embarkation,  and  the  armament  was  pushed  with 
extraordinary  activity.  As  soon  as  it  was  in  readiness,  the  count  de 
Guichen  put  to  sea  at  the  head  of  the  great  fleet,  and  the  marquis  de 
Vaudreuil  with  a  particular  squadron.  The  convoys  destined  for  the 
two  Indies  sailed  under  their  protection.  After  having  escorted 
them  till  they  were  out  of  danger  from  the  fleets  upon  the  watch  in 
the  ports  of  England,  the  count  de  Guichen  was  to  stand  to  the  south, 
in  order  to  join  the  Spanish  squadron  in  the  port  of  Cadiz.  The 
object  of  their  combined  action  was  to  intercept  the  succours  which 
the  English  might  attempt  to  send  to  Minorca.  As  to  the  marquis 
de  Vaudreuil,  his  destination  was  to  conduct  the  reenforcements  of 
troops  to  the  West  Indies,  and  to  unite  with  the  count  de  Grasse, 
who  was  making  dispositions  in  concert  with  the  Spaniards  for  the 
attack  of  Jamaica. 

For  a  long  time  there  had  not  issued  from  the  ports  of  France 
convoys  so  numerous  and  so  richly  laden  with  stores  of  every  deno- 
mination. The  news  of  these  immense  preparations  soon  found  its 
way  to  England ;  but  strange  as  it  must  seem,  the  ministers  were  not 
informed  of  the  force  of  the  formidable  squadrons  that  were  to  escort 
the  transports.  They  consequently  directed  admiral  Kempenfeldt 
to  put  to  sea  with  twelve  ships  of  the  line,  one  of  fifty  guns,  and  four 
frigates,  in  order  to  cut  off  the  French  convoys.  But  the  count  de 
Guichen  had  nineteen  sail  of  the  line ;  and  Kempenfeldt,  instead  of 
taking,  ran  great  risk  of  being  taken. 


BOOK  XIII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  855 

In  defiance  of  all  probabilities,  chance  did  that  which  human  pru- 
dence could  not  have  brought  to  pass.  The  twelfth  of  December, 
the  weather  being  stormy,  and  the  sea  rough,  the  British  admiral  fell 
in  with  a  French  convoy.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  to  windward 
of  the  fleet  of  escort,  which  for  that  reason  could  not  act.  The 
Englishman  profited  with  great  dexterity  of  so  favorable  an  occasion, 
he  captured  twenty  vessels,  sunk  several,  and  dispersed  the  rest. 
He  would  have  taken  more  of  them  if  the  weather  had  been  less 
thick,  the  sea  more  tranquil,  and  the  number  of  his  frigates  greater. 
Night  came  on  ;  the  two  admirals  had  rallied  their  ships.  Kempen- 
feldt  sailed  in  company  during  the  whole  night,  with  intent  to  engage 
the  enemy  at  break  of  day.  He  knew  not,  however,  what  was  his 
force.  When  the  morning  came,  he  discovered  it  to  leeward,  and 
finding  it  so  superior  to  his  own,  he  changed  his  plan.  Not  willing 
to  lose  by  imprudence  what  he  had  acquired  by  ability,  or  a  benign 
glance  of  fortune,  he  made  the  best  of  his  way  towards  the  ports  of 
England,  where  he  arrived  in  safety  with  all  his  prizes.  The  num- 
ber of  his  prisoners  amounted  to  eleven  hundred  regular  troops,  and 
six  or  seven  hundred  seamen.  The  transports  were  laden  with  a 
considerable  quantity  of  artillery,  arms  and  military  stores.  The 
provisions,  such  as  wine,  oil,  brandy,  flour,  biscuit,  salt  meats,  &c. 
were  not  in  less  abundance.  But  this  loss  was  still  but  the  com- 
mencement of  the  disasters  of  the  French  fleet.  It  was  assailed,  the 
following  day,  by  a  furious  tempest  accompanied  with  continual  thun- 
der and  lightning,  and  a  most  impetuous  wind  from  the  southwest. 
The  greater  part  of  the  ships  were  obliged  to  recover  the  port  of 
Brest,  in  the  most  deplorable  condition.  Only  two  ships  of  the  line, 
the  Triumphant  and  the  Brave,  with  five  or  six  transports,  were  able 
to  continue  their  voyage.  This  event  had  the  most  afflicting  conse- 
quences for  France ;  she  had  not  only  to  regret  armaments  and  mu- 
nitions of  immense  value,  but  also  the  precious  time  consumed  in  tho 
reparation  of  the  ships  of  war.  Six  whole  weeks  elapsed  before  it 
was  possible  for  them  to  make  sail  anew  for  the  West  Indies.  This 
delay,  as  we  shall  see,  was  extremely  prejudicial  to  the  French  arms 
in  that  part. 

Whilst  the  war  was  thus  prosecuted  in  Europe  with  varied  success, 
the  count  de  Grasse  sailed  prosperously  towards  Martinico.  To 
accelerate  his  voyage,  he  had  caused  his  ships  of  war  to  tow  the 
transports.  Such  was  his  diligence  that  he  appeared  in  sight  of  that 
island  with  an  hundred  and  fifty  sail,  thirty  days  only  after  his  depar- 
ture from  Brest.  Admiral  Rodney  was  promptly  informed  of  the 
approach  of  the  French  admiral,  He  saw  very  clearly  the  import- 
ance of  preventing  the  junction  of  this  new  fleet  with  the  squadrons 
already  existing  in  the  ports  of  Martinico  and  of  St.  Domingo.  The 
count  de  Grasse  brought  with  him  twenty  ships  of  the  line,  with  one 
of  fifty  guns,  and  seven  or  eight  others  awaited  him  in  the  port? 


356 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 


above  mentioned.  Rodney  had  only  twenty-one  ships  of  the  line. 
It  is  true,  that  Hyde  Parker  had  four  others  at  Jamaica.  But  besides 
their  being  thought  necessary  to  the  defence  of  the  island,  they  were 
to  leeward  of  the  principal  fleet,  and  consequently  it  would  have 
been  next  to  impracticable  for  them  to  join  it.  Under  these  consi- 
derations Rodney  sent  the  two  admirals  Hood  and  Drake  with  seven- 
teen ships  to  cruise  before  the  entrance  of  Fort  Royal  harbor,  in 
Martinico,  whither  he  knew  the  count  de  Grasse  had  beat  the  course 
of  his  voyage. 

It  is  quite  difficult  to  explain  the  motives  which  induced  the  British 
admiral  to  establish  this  cruise  under  Fort  Royal ;  his  fleet  was  there 
liable  to  fall  to  leeward,  and  thus  to  be  compelled  to  leave  between 
itself  and  the  land  a  free  passage  for  the  French  fleet  into  the  port. 
A  station  more  to  windward,  off  the  point  of  Salines,  seemed  proper 
to  obviate  these  inconveniences.  It  was  written,  that  Hood,  who 
was  a  man  of  great  skill  in  naval  affairs,  had  made  remonstrances  on 
the  subject  of  these  dispositions  ;  but  that  Rodney,  whose  character 
was  headstrong,  had  dismissed  him  with  an  order  to  obey  punctually. 
The  event  soon  demonstrated  that  the  station  of  the  point  of  Salines 
would  have  been  more  suitable  than  that  of  Fort  Royal.  The  twenty- 
eighth  of  April,  at  evening,  the  count  de  Grasse  appeared  off  that 
point,  with  the  most  magnific  display  of  force.  Admiral  Hood  was 
immediately  apprised  by  his  frigates  of  the  appearance  of  the  French. 
He  instantly  formed  his  line  of  battle  and  bore  down  upon  the  ene- 
my. His  intention  was  to  press  to  windward  in  order  afterwards  to 
approach  so  near  the  coasts  of  Martinico  as  to  prevent  the  French 
from  passing  between  his  ships  and  the  land.  Night  came  on  during 
this  manoeuvre.  At  daybreak  the  English  discovered  the  fleet  of 
the  count  de  Grasse,  standing  along  the  coast  in  the  best  order.  His 
convoy  of  transports  defiled  behind  the  line  of  battle  which  he  pre- 
sented to  the  enemy.  All  his  efforts  were  exerted  to  double  the 
Diamond  Rock,  which  once  past,  nothing;  could  prevent  his  entrance 
into  the  port.  The  English  being  to  leeward,  were  not  able  to  pre- 
vent the  four  ships  of  the  line,  with  that  of  fifty  guns,  in  Fort  Royal 
harbor,  from  coming  out  to  join  the  great  fleet.  This  junction  carried 
the  forces  of  the  count  de  Grasse  to  twenty-six  sail  of  the  line  ;  and 
gave  him  a  decided  superiority  over  Hood,  although  that  admiral  was 
joined,  at  the  same  time,  by  a  ship  of  seventy-four  guns,  which  came 
from  St.  Lucia.  The  English,  however,  persuading  themselves  that 
a  part  of  the  French  ships  were  merely  armed  in  flute,  took  confi- 
dence and  again  bore  down  upon  their  adversaries.  The  French 
admiral,  mindful  to  save  his  convoy,  and  reposing  on  his  force,  neither 
sought  nor  shunned  an  engagement.  As  soon  as  the  English  were 
within  long  shot  of  the  French,  the  fire  commenced  on  both  sides. 
It  was  supported  thus,  at  a  great  distance,  for  about  three  hours,  with 
heavy  damage  to  the  first,  and  very  little  to  the  second.  During  the 


BOOK   XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  357 

action  the  convoy  entered  the  bay  of  Fort  Royal.  Disengaged  from 
this  care,  the  French  advanced  in  order  to  engage  the  enemy  in  close 
fight.  The  English,  on  the  contrary,  began  to  retire,  but  in  good 
order.  Their  ships  being  coppered,  had  such  a  superiority  in  point 
of  sailing,  that  it  became  impossible  for  the  count  de  Grasse  to  come 
up  with  them.  Besides,  the  French  rear  guard  not  having  crowded 
all  sail,  there  had  resulted  such  an  opening  between  it  and  the 
remainder  of  the  fleet,  that  admiral  Hood  was  near  profiting  of  it  to 
cut  the  line.  The  count  de  Grasse  perceived  it  in  time,  and  filled 
up  so  dangerous  a  void.  He  continued  to  pursue  the  English  for 
two  days,  and  afterwards  came  to  anchor  in  Fort  Royal.  Admiral 
Hood  had  gained  Antigua  ;  his  ships,  the  Centaur,  the  Russell,  the 
Torbay  and  the  Intrepid,  were  excessively  damaged  in  this  engage- 
ment. Admiral  Rodney  was  still  at  St.  Eustatius,  much  occupied 
with  the  sale  of  the  immense  booty  he  had  made,  when  he  learned 
that  the  count  de  Grasse,  after  having  obtained  an  advantage  over 
sir  Samuel  Hood,  was  safely  moored  at  Fort  Royal.  He  perceived 
that  it  was  time  to  think  of  something  besides  his  mercantile  interests, 
and  that  the  exertion  of  all  his  force  was  required  of  him  if  he  wished 
to  maintain  himself  in  the  West  Indies.  He  accordingly  directed 
the  promptest  dispositions,  and  hastened  with  three  ships  and  a  body 
of  troops  to  rejoin  admiral  Hood  at  Antigua.  His  plan  was,  to  put 
to  sea  again  immediately,  in  order  to  oppose  the  designs  of  the 
enemy,  who,  not  content  with  his  first  successes,  appeared  to  medi- 
tate others,  and  more  considerable.  The  French,  in  effect,  lost  no 
time  ;  they  were  disposed  to  profit  of  the  advantages  which  they  had 
now  secured  themselves. 

After  having  attempted,  though  without  effect,  to  surprise  St. 
Lucia,  they  proceeded  with  all  expedition  to  attack  the  island  of 
Tobago.  M.  de  Blanchelande  debarked  the  first,  at  the  head  of 
sixteen  hundred  men.  He  seized  Scarborough  and  the  fort  which 
defended  it ;  general  Ferguson,  the  governor,  had  little  over  four 
hundred  regular  troops  ;  but  they  were  supported  by  a  greater  num- 
ber of  militia,  well  trained,  and  much  attached  to  England.  These 
sentiments  were  common  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  Tobago.  The 
governor,  finding  himself  too  weak  to  defend  the  coasts,  withdrew 
into  the  interior  of  the  island,  to  a  post  called  Concordia.  From 
this  lofty  situation,  the  sea  is  discovered  on  the  right  and  on  the  left; 
an  important  advantage  for  being  promptly  apprised  of  the  approach 
of  succours.  The  marquis  de  Bouille  disembarked  soon  after,  with 
a  reenforcement  of  three  thousand  men.  He  made  his  junction 
with  M.  de  Blanchelande  under  the  walls  of  Concordia,  which  was 
then  closely  invested.  At  the  same  time,  the  count  de  Grasse 
appeared  in  sight  of  the  island  with  twenty-four  ships  of  the  line,  to 
prevent  its  being  relieved.  Governor  Ferguson,  as  soon  as  he  found 
himself  attacked,  had  despatched  a  swift  sailing  vessel  to  Rodney 
VOL.  IT.  46 


358  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

^ 

with  the  intelligence,  and  a  request  for  prompt  assistance.  Rodney 
had  already  passed  from  Antigua  to  Barbadoes.  Whether  he  be- 
lieved the  assailants  more  feeble,  and  the  besieged  more  strong,  than 
they  really  were,  or  that  he  was  not  apprised  of  the  sailing  of  the 
French  admiral  with  all  his  fleet  for  Tobago,  instead  of  repairing 
with  all  his  own  to  the  relief  of  that  island,  he  contented  himself  with 
sending  admiral  Drake  thither  with  six  sail  of  the  line,  some  frigates, 
and  a  body  of  about  six  hundred  troops.  Drake  approached  Toba- 
go ;  but  seeing  the  enemy  in  such  force,  he  relinquished  the  enterprise 
and  hastened  to  regain  Barbadoes.  The  count  de  Grasse  pursued 
him,  but  could  not  prevent  his  reaching  that  island  in  safety,  a\id 
advising  admiral  Rodney  of  the  critical  state  of  affairs.  Meanwhile, 
the  governor  of  Tobago  was  hard  pressed.  The  French  having 
taken  possession  of  different  heights  which  overlooked  Concordia, 
he  determined  to  retreat  to  a  post  on  the  Main  Ridge,  where  a  few 
huts  had  been  built,  and  some  provisions  and  ammunition  previously 
lodged  for  the  purpose.  The  garrison  was  already  arrived  at  Cale- 
donia, and  thus  occupied  the  road  or  path  which  leads  to  the  post 
which  they  had  in  view.  This  road  is  so  narrow  and  difficult  that  a 
few  men  might  defend  it  against  a  whole  army.  The  marquis  de 
Bouille  had  reflected,  that  time  and  the  nature  of  his  enterprise  did 
not  admit  of  the  lingering  process  of  a  regular  siege.  It  was  evident, 
however,  that  if  the  British  governor  should  intrench  himself  in  those 
inaccessible  positions,  the  reduction  of  the  island  would  require  a 
series  of  operations  as  protracted  as  perilous.  It  would  moreover 
prove  In  obstacle  to  the  execution  of  ulterior  designs.  Finally,  it 
was  to  be  presumed  that  Rodney  could  not  long  delay  to  appear. 
Under  these  considerations,  the  marquis  de  Bouille  thought  proper 
to  resort  to  more  expeditious  means  than  are  usually  employed  in 
war.  Departing  from  the  accustomed  lenity  of  his  character,  per- 
haps through  irritation  at  the  obstinacy  of  the  islanders,  and  perhaps, 
also,  from  resentment  for  the  late  transactions  at  St.  Eustatius,  he 
sent  to  apprise  the  governor  that  he  should  begin  with  burning  two 
habitations  and  two  sugar  plantations.  His  menaces  were  immedi- 
ately accomplished.  They  were  followed  by  that  of  consigning 
twice  as  many  to  the  same  fate,  at  the  commencement  of  every  four" 
hours,  until  the  island  was  laid  waste  or  that  a  surrender  should  be 
made. 

The  inhabitants,  convinced  that  perseverance  was  total  ruin,  were 
in  no  disposition  to  wait  the  slow  approach  of  succours  which  the 
precipitate  retreat  of  Drake  rendered  hourly  more  uncertain.  They 
began  to  murmur  ;  and  very  soon,  to  negotiate  for  conditions  with 
the  French  general.  Governor  Ferguson  at  length  perceived  the 
impossibility  of  controlling  events.  He  observed  a  manifest  dis- 
couragement in  his  regular  troops  themselves,  and  felt  that  the 
moment  of  capitulation  was  come.  He  obtained  honorable  terms, 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  359 

and  similar  to  those  which  the  marquis  de  Bouille,  naturally  gene- 
rous-towards  his  vanquished  enemies,  had  granted  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Dominica.  These  transactions  took  place  in  the  early  part  of 
June.  Admiral  Rodney  appeared  shortly  after  in  view  of  the  island 
with  all  his  armament.  But,  on  intelligence  of  its  surrender,  and  at 
sight  of  the  imposing  force  of  the  count  de  Grasse,  he  avoided  an 
engagement,  and  returned  to  Barbadoes.  In  this  manner,  the 
French  availing  themselves  with  equal  sagacity  and  promptitude  of 
their  naval  superiority  in  the  West  Indies,  both  galled  their  enemies 
at  sea,  and  deprived  them  of  a  rich  and  well  fortified  island. 

These  operations,  however,  were  still  but  a  part  of  the  plan 
formed  by  the  French  government,  and  committed  to  the  care  of  the 
count  de  Grasse.  The  instructions  of  that  admiral  enjoined  him, 
after  having  attempted  all  those  enterprises  which  the  season  should 
admit  of  in  the  West  Indies,  to  repair  with  all  his  force  to  the  coasts 
of  America,  and  there  to  cooperate  with  the  French  troops  and  those 
of  Congress,  to  the  entire  extirpation  of  the  British  power  in  those 
regions.  Washington  and  Rochambeau  awaited  his  arrival,  in  order 
to  commence  the  work.  Already,  by  means  of  swift  sailing  vessels, 
they  had  concerted  the  plan  of  their  combined  action,  after  their 
junction  should  have  taken  place.  It  was  hoped  by  the  republicans 
that  besides  his  fleet,  the  French  admiral  would  furnish  five  or  six 
thousand  land  troops,  munitions  of  war  and  provisions,  and  especially 
money,  of  which  the  Americans,  and  the  French  themselves,  expe- 
rienced the  greatest  penury.  Finally,  they  pressed  him  to  show 
himself  promptly,  as  well  to  support  their  efforts  as  to  prevent  the 
arrival  of  British  reenforcernents.  The  count  de  Grasse  was  per- 
sonally stimulated  by  these  important  considerations.  His  imagina- 
tion offered  him  a  vivid  perspective  of  the  glory  to  be  acquired  by 
achieving  what  the  count  d'  Estaing  had  attempted  in  vain,  namely, 
the  finishing  of  the  American  war  by  a  decisive  stroke.  He  accord- 
ingly made  sail  from  Martinico  for  Cape  Francois,  in  the  island  of 
St.  Domingo.  He  was  constrained  to  tarry  there  some  time,  to  take 
on  board  the  troops  and  military  stores  destined  for  the  continent. 
But  he  exerted  himself  in  vain  to  procure  the  needed  funds.  He 
was  joined,  in  that  anchorage,  by  five  ships  of  the  line.  All  his  pre- 
parations being  completed,  he  sailed,  the  fifth  of  August,  and  com- 
menced with  escorting  his  numerous  convoy  till  out  of  danger. 
Afterwards,  having  touched  at  the  Havannah  for  money,  which  the 
Spaniards  readily  furnished  him,  he  directed  his  course  with  a  favor- 
able wind  for  the  Chesapeake.  His  fleet,  composed  of  twenty-eight 
sail  of  the  line  and  -several  frigates,  carried  three  thousand  regular 
troops,  with  every  kind  of  succour  ;  and  might  be  considered  as  the 
great  hinge  upon  which  the  fortune  of  the  war,  at  least  in  America, 
was  to  turn. 


360  THE    AMERICAN    WAfc.  BOOK    Xlll. 

On  the  other  hand,  admiral  Rodney,  who  followed  with  an  atten- 
tive eye  the  movements  of  the  count  de  Grasse,  saw  the  importance 
of  taking  a  decisive  resolution.  He  instantly  detached  admiral 
Hood  to  the  coast  of  America  with  fourteen  sail  of  the  line  to  join 
admiral  Graves,  and  counteract  the  designs  of  the  enemy.  Being 
himself  in  feeble  health,  he  set  sail  for  England  with  some  ships, 
much  out  of  condition,  and  a  large  convoy.  Rodney  was  censured 
with  extreme  asperity  for  the  counsels  taken  by  him  about  that  time  ; 
and  some  even  made  him  responsible  for  the  sinister  events  which 
ensued  shortly  after.  His  adversaries  contended,  that  if  he  had 
sailed  with  all  his  force,  and  without  delay,  in  quest  of  the  French 
admiral,  had  touched  at  Jamaica,  in  order  to  make  his  junction  with 
the  squadron  of  Hyde  Parker,  and  then  had  proceeded  to  the  coasts 
of  North  America,  the  count  de  Grasse  would  at  least  have  found 
himself  compelled  to  relinquish  his  projects,  if  not  exposed  to  a 
defeat.  '  Instead  of  adopting  this  measure,'  said  they,  *  the  only  one 
that  suited  the  occasion,  Rodney,  by  returning  to  England  with  apart 
of  the  heaviest  ships  of  his  fleet,  has  reduced  it  to  an  alarming  state 
of  weakness,  and  abandoned  the  field  of  battle  to  the  enemy. 

*  It  is  a  capital  error  thus  to  have  divided  the  armament  into  several 
little  squadrons,  as  leaving  some  ships  at  the  leeward  islands,  where 
the  French  have  not  left  one,  and  detaching  three  others  to  Jamaica, 
which  nobody  thought  of  attacking,  and,  finally,  sending  sir  Samuel 
Hood  with  an  unequal  and  insufficient  force  to  America.  Is  it  possi- 
ble to  be  too  much  astonished  that  our  admiral  has  chosen  to  fritter 
away  his  force  into  small  parts,  at  the  very  moment  when  the  French 
assembled  all  theirs  upon  a  single  point .?  The  world  may  see  what 
are  the  effects  of  this  fatal  resolution,  it  has  already  cost  but  too 
many  of  England's  tears.'  Rodney  nevertheless  found  defenders. 
'  The  admiral's  return  to  Europe,'  they  answered,  '  was  rather  con- 
strained by  the  state  of  his  health,  than  decided  by  his  choice.  The 
ships  he  has  brought  with  him  are  in  such  a  worn  out  state,  that  they 
could  not  have  been  repaired  in  the  West  Indies.  The  French 
admiral  having  under  his  protection  a  rich  and  numerous  convoy,  it 
was  fairly  to  be  presumed  that  he  would  not  have  left  it  to  pursue  its 
homeward  voyage  without  a  respectable  escort.  It  was  even  to  be 
supposed  that  he  would  have  sent  the  greater  part  of  his  fleet  along 
with  the  merchantmen  to  France,  and  that  he  would  only  have 
retained  those  ships  which  were  in  condition  to  undergo  the  Ameri- 
can service.  But  independent  of  that  circumstance,  the  force  sent 
to  America  under  sir  Samuel  Hood,  when  combined  with  that  of 
admiral  Graves,  would  have  been  perfectly  adequate  to  sustain  the 
brunt  of  the  whole  French  fleet.  But  what  has  Graves  done  ? 
Instead  of  keeping  his  squadron  entire  and  together  in  the  port  of 
New  York,  he  preferred  to  fatigue  himself  in  a  fruitless  cruise  before 
Boston,  until  the  bad  weather  which  he  met  had  disabled  the  greater 


BOOK   XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  361 

part  of  his  ships.  Hence  it  followed  of  necessity  that  even  after  the 
arrival  of  admiral  Hood  at  New  York  our  force  was  still  inferior  to 
that  of  the  French.  It  indeed  now  appears  that  no  timely  notice 
had  been  received  by  admiral  Graves  either  of  the  count  de  Grasse's 
motions,  or  of  Hood's  destination  to  the  coasts  of  America.  But  if 
the  expresses  which  sir  George  Rodney  had  despatched  for  that 
purpose  were  taken  by  the  enemy,  or  otherwise  detained,  it  is  no 
fault  on  his  side  ;  it  is  a  misfortune  to  be  regretted  ;  but  which  could 
neither  have  been  absolutely  foreseen,  nor  prevented  if  it  could. 
Finally,  the  commander-in-chief  cannot  be  reproached  for  having 
detached  sir  Samuel  Hood  to  America,  instead  of  repairing  thither 
himself;  for  what  naval  officer  is  more  worthy  of  all  our  confidence 
than  Hood  ?' 

Without  undertaking  to  decide  between  these  opposite  opinions, 
we  shall  content  ourselves  with  remarking,  that  though,  in  military 
facts,  it  is  not  allowable  to  judge  by  the  event,  it  is  nevertheless  just 
to  consider  the  causes  which  have  produced  it ;  and  nothing  is  more 
certain  than  that  the  conduct  of  admiral  Rodney,  in  the  present 
conjuncture,  had  an  influence  upon  the  chances  of  the  continental 
struggle,  upon  the  fortune  of  America  herself,  and  even  upon  the 
issue  of  all  this  war. 

Having  sketched  the  events  which  signalised  the  present  year,  as 
well  in  Europe  as  in  the  West  Indies,  we  are  now  to  record  those 
which  occupied  the  scene  upon  the  continent  of  America.  It  was 
the  theatre  of  the  principal  efforts  of  the  two  parties  that  contended, 
arms  in  hand5  for  its  possession.  Every  where  else  the  contest  had 
in  view  the  success  of  the  campaign,  and  to  obtain  a  better  peace  ; 
there,  its  object  was  existence  itself.  But  before  undertaking  the 
portraiture  of  military  operations,  it  is  necessary  to  apply  the  atten- 
tion to  objects  which,  though  less  brilliant  and  glorious,  are  however 
the  first  source,  and  the  firmest  foundation  of  warlike  exploits.  Such, 
doubtless,  is  the  internal  administration  of  the  state.  The  situation  of 
the  United  States  at  the  commencement  of  the  year  1781,  presented,  in 
general,  only  objects  of  affliction  and  disquietude.  The  efforts  which 
the  Americans  had  made  the  preceding  year,  and  the  events  which 
had  passed  in  the  Carolinas,  had  revived  public  spirit  and  produced 
happy  effects.  But  these  effects  being  founded  only  upon  the  fugi- 
tive ardor  of  particular  men,  and  not  upon  a  settled  and  permanent 
order  of  things,  it  followed  that  discouragement  and  distress  reap- 
peared with  more  alarming  symptoms  than  ever.  The  public 
treasury  was  empty,  or  only  filled  with  bills  of  credit,  no  longer  of 
any  worth.  The  army  supplies  totally  failed,  or  were  only  procured 
by  compulsion,  accompanied  with  certificates  of  receipt,  which  had 
lost  all  sort  of  credit.  The  inhabitants  became  disgusted,  and  con- 
cealed their  commodities.  If  by  dint  of  effort  some  scanty  recruit 
of  provision  was  at  length  collected,  it  could  not  be  transported  to 


362  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

the  place  of  its  destination,  for  want  of  money  to  pay  the  wagoners. 
In  some  districts,  where  it  was  attempted  to  impress  them,  there  arose 
violent  murmurs  ;  which  even  degenerated  into  more  strenuous  col- 
lisions. No  where  had  it  been  possible  to  form  magazines  ;  scarcely 
did  there  exist  here  and  there  some  repositories,  which  often  con- 
tained neither  food  nor  clothing  of  any  denomination  ;  even  the 
arsenals  were  without  arms.  The  soldiers,  covered  with  tatters,  or 
half  naked,  destitute  of  all  comforts,  implored  in  vain  the  compassion 
of  the  country  they  defended.  The  veterans  deserted  ;  the  recruits 
refused  to  join  the  army.  The  Congress  had  decreed  that  by  the 
first  of  January,  there  should  be  thirty-seven  thousand  men  under 
arms  ;  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  have  mustered  the  eighth  part 
of  that  number  in  the  month  of  May.  In  a  word,  it  seemed  as  if 
America,  at  the  very  crisis  of  her  fate,  was  about  to  prove  wanting 
to  herself,  and  that  after  having  gained  the  better  part  of  her  career, 
she  was  more  than  half  inclined  to  retrace  her  steps.  Far  from  the 
Americans  being  thought  capable  of  waging  an  offensive  war,  it  was 
scarcely  believed  that  they  could  defend  their  firesides.  Already,  it 
began  to  be  feared  that  instead  of  assisting  the  French  to  drive  out 
the  soldiers  of  king  George,  they  would  prove  unable  to  prevent  the 
latter  from  expelling  the  troops  of  Lewis  XVI.  So  disastrous  was 
the  change  of  fortune  occasioned  by  the  exhaustion  of  the  fianances, 
and,  still  more,  by  the  want  of  a  system  of  administration  proper  to 
reestablish  them.  This  state  of  things  was  not  overlooked  by  the 
American  government,  and  it  exerted  every  utmost  effort  to  apply  a 
remedy.  But  its  power  was  far  from  corresponding  to  its  intentions. 
The  only  means  that  Congress  had  for  administering  to  the  wants  of 
the  state,  consisted  in  a  new  emission  of  bills  of  credit,  or  an  increase 
of  taxes.  But  the  paper  money  had  lost  all  sort  of  value.  The 
Congress  itself  had  been  constrained  to  request  the  different  states  to 
repeal  the  laws  by  which  they  had  made  the  bills  of  credit  a  tender 
in  all  payments.  It  had  even  ordained  that  in  all  future  contracts  for 
the  supplies  of  the  army,  the  prices  should  be  stipulated  in  specie. 
This  was  the  same  as  declaring  formally  that  the  state  itself  would 
no  longer  acknowledge  its  own  bills  for  current  money,  and  that  this 
paper  not  only  no  longer  had,  but  no  longer  could  have,  the  least 
value.  As  to  taxes,  the  Congress  had  not  the  right  to  impose  them  ; 
it  belonged  exclusively  to  the  provincial  assemblies.  But  these 
exercised  it  with  more  backwardness  than  could  comport  with  the 
public  interests.  This  coldness  proceeded  from  several  causes. 
The  rulers  of  the  particular  states  were,  for  the  most  part,  men  who 
owed  their  places  to  popular  favor.  They  apprehended  losing  it,  if 
they  subjected  to  contributions  of  any  importance,  the  inhabitants  of  a 
country  where  from  the  happy,  shall  I  call  it,  or  baleful  facility  of 
issuing  paper  money,  to  answer  the  public  exigencies,  they  were 
accustomed  to  pay  no  taxes,  or  next  to  none.  Moreover,  although 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  363 

the  bills  of  Congress  were  entirely  discredited,  the  particular  states 
still  had  theirs,  which  though  much  depreciated   were  still  current  at 
a  certain  rate ;  and  the   provincial  legislatures  apprehended,  and  not 
wi'hout  reason,  that  taxes  payable  in  specie,  would  cause  them  to 
fall  still  lower.     Nor  should  it  be  passed  over  in  silence,  that  no  gene- 
ral regulation  having  established  the  quota  of  contribution  to  be  paid 
by    each  province  according  to  its   particular   faculties,  all  through 
mutual  jealousy   were  reluctant  to   vote  taxes  for  fear  of  loading 
themselves  more  than  their  neighbors.     Such  was  the  spirit  of  dis- 
trust and  selfishness  which  made  its  appearance  every  where,  when- 
ever it  was  necessary  to  require  of  the  citizens  the  smallest  pecuniary 
sacrifice.     While  they  were  looking   at  one  another   with   a  jealous 
eye,  and  none   would  give  the  example,  the   finances   of  the  state 
were  entirely  exhausted,  and  the  republic  itself  was  menaced  with  a 
total  dissolution.     It  could  not  be  hoped,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the 
particular  states  would  consent  to  invest  the  Congress  with  authority 
to  impose  taxes,  as  well  because  men  with  authority  in  hand  are  little 
disposed  to  part  with  it,  as  because  the  opinions  then  entertained  by 
the  Americans  on  the  subject  of  liberty,  led  them  to  view  with  dis- 
quietude any  increase  of  the  power  of  Congress.     Finally,  it  should 
be  observed,  that  at  this  epoch,  the  Americans  cherished  an  extreme 
confidence  in  the  pecuniary  succours  of  friendly  powers,  and  especially 
of  France.     They  were  persuaded  that  no  more  was  necessary  than 
that   a  minister  of  Congress   should   present  his  requisition   to  any 
European  court,  in  order  to  obtain  immediately  whatever  sums  of 
money  it  might  please  him  to  specify.     As  if  foreigners  were  bound 
to  have  more  at  heart  than  the   Americans  themselves,  the  interests 
and  prosperity  of  America.     In  a  word,  the  resource  of  paper  money 
was  no  more,  and  that  of  taxes  was  yet  to  be  created.     Nor  could  it 
be  dissembled,  that  even  upon  the  hypothesis  of  a  system  of  taxation 
in  full  operation,  and   as  productive  as  possible,  the  produce  would 
still  fall  infinitely  short  of  supplying  the  gulf  of  war,  and,  by  conse- 
quence,   that  the  revenue    would  continue    enormously    below    the 
expense.     Indeed,  so  ruinous  were  the  charges  of  this  war,  that  they 
amounted  to  no  less  than  twenty  millions  of  dollars  a  year ;  and  not 
more  than  eight  could   have   been  counted  upon,  from  the  heaviest 
taxes  which,  under  these  circumstances,   the  United  States  would 
have  been  able  to  bear.     A  better  administration  of  the  public  treasure 
might  doubtless  have  diminished  the  exorbitant  expenses  of  the  military 
department ;  but  it  is  nevertheless  clear  that  they  would  always  have 
greatly  exceeded  the  revenue.     Actuated  by  these  different  reflec- 
tions, the  Congress  had  hastened   to  instruct  doctor  Franklin  to  use 
the  most  pressing  instances  with  the  count  de  Vergennes,  who  at  that 
time   had  the   principal  direction  of  affairs  relating  to  America,  in 
order  to  obtain  from  France  a  loan  of  some  millions  of  livres,  towards 
defraying  the  expense  of  the  war.     Franklin  was  also  directed  to 


364  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII, 

solicit  permission  of  the  court  of  Versailles  to  open  another  loan  for 
account  of  the  United  States,  with  the  French  capitalists  that  were 
inclined  to  favor  the  cause  of  America.  The  same  instructions  were 
sent,  with  a  view  of  effecting  similar  loans,  to  John  Adams,  and  John 
Jay  ;  the  first,  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  near  the 
republic  of  Holland  ;  the  second,  at  the  court  of  Madrid.  The  latter 
was  to  insinuate  to  Spain,  so  great  was  the  discouragement  which 
prevailed  at  that  time  in  America,  that  the  United  States  would  re- 
nounce the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  even  the  possession  of 
a  port  upon  that  river ;  the  other  was  to  persuade  the  Dutch  that 
important  commercial  advantages  would  be  granted  them.  Franklin, 
especially,  was  to  represent  to  France,  that  without  money  the  affairs 
of  America  were  desperate.  It  was  recommended  to  these  different 
envoys  to  set  forth  all  the  resources  which  America  offered  as  gua- 
rantee of  her  fidelity  in  fulfilling  her  engagements.  The  Congress 
attached  so  much  importance  to  the  success  of  these  negotiations, 
that  not  content  with  having  sent  these  new  instructions  to  their  mi- 
nisters, they  also  despatched  colonel  Laurens  to  France,  with  orders 
to  support  by  the  most  urgent  solicitations  the  instances  of  Franklin 
at  the  court  of  Versailles. 

The  court  of  Madrid  was  inflexible,  because  Jay  would  not  agree 
to  the  renunciation  above  mentioned.  Holland  showed  herself  no 
better  disposed,  because  she  doubted  the  responsibility  of  the  new 
state.  France  alone,  who  judiciously  considered  that  aiding  the  vic- 
tory of  the  United  States,  and  preserving  their  existence,  was  of  more 
worth  to  her  than  the  money  they  demanded,  granted  six  millions  of 
livres,  not  as  a  loan,  but  as  a  gift.  She  seized  this  occasion  to  ex- 
press her  dissatisfaction  at  the  coldness  with  which  the  Americans 
themselves  contemplated  the  distress  of  their  country.  '  She  exhorted 
them  to  reflect,  that  when  it  is  desired  to  accomplish  honorable  enter- 
prises, it  is  requisite  not  to  be  avaricious  in  the  means  of  success. 
The  court  of  Versailles  did  not  omit  to  make  the  most  of  its  munifi- 
cence, by  setting  forth  all  the  weight  of  its  own  burdens.  But  the 
sum  it  gave  being  too  far  short  of  the  wants,  it  consented  to  become 
security  in  Holland,  for  a  loan  of  ten  millions  of  livres,  to  be  negoti- 
ated there  by  the  United  States.  Notwithstanding  this  guarantee,  the 
loan  progressing  but  slowly,  the  king  of  France  consented  to  make  an 
advance  of  the  sum  total,  which  he  drew  from  his  own  treasury.  He 
would  not,  however,  authorise  the  loan  proposed  to  be  opened  with 
his  subjects.  The  Americans  had  thus  succeeded  in  procuring  from 
the  court  of  France  a  subsidy  of  sixteen  millions  of  livres.  A  part 
of  this  sum,  however,  was  already  absorbed  by  the  payment  of  pre- 
ceding draughts  of  the  Congress  upon  Franklin,  for  particular  exi- 
gencies of  the  state.  The  remainder  was  embarked  for  America  in 
specie,  or  employed  by  colonel  Laurens  in  purchases  of  clothing, 
arms,  and- munitions  of  war-.-  The  intention  of  the  giver  of  the  six 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  365 

millions  was,  that  this  sum,  being  specially  destined  for  the  use  of  the 
American  army,  should  be  kept  in  reserve,  at  the  disposal  of  general 
Washington,  or  placed  in  his  hands,  to  the  end  that  it  might  not  tall  into 
those  of  other  authorities,  who  might  perhaps  apply  it  to  other  branches 
of  the  public  service.  This  condition  was  far  from  being  agreeable 
to  the  Congress  ;  on  the  contrary,  it  displeased  that  body  particularly, 
under  the  impression  that  its  soldiers  would  thus  become,  as  it  were, 
stipendiaries  of  France  ;  and  it  feared  lest  they  might  abate  much  of 
their  dependence  on  itself.  It  therefore  decreed,  that  the  articles 
bought  with  the  money  given  by  France,  should  be  consigned,  on 
their  arrival  in  America,  to  the  department  of  war;  but  that  all  the 
ready  money  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  treasurer,  to  re- 
main under  his  charge,  and  to  be  expended  agreeably  to  the  orders 
of  Congress,  and  for  the  service  of  the  state.  This  succour  on  the 
part  of  France,  was  of  great  utility  to  the  United  States  ;  it  increased 
exceedingly  their  obligations  towards  Lewis  XVI.  But  before  the 
negotiations  which  led  to  it  were  terminated,  and  the  money  or  sup- 
plies were  arrived  in  America,  a  long  time  had  elapsed  ;  and  the 
evil  was  grown  to  such  a  head,  that  the  remedy  had  well  nigh  come 
too  late.  The  subsidy  in  itself  was  by  no  means  adequate  to  the 
necessity.  But  even  had  it  been  sufficient  to  answer  the  present  exi- 
gencies, it  could  not  be  considered  as  having  accomplished  its  object, 
so  long  as  the  same  disorder  continued  to  reign  in  the  public  expenses. 
The  treasury  suffered  still  less  from  the  poverty  of  revenues  than 
from  the  prodigalities  it  had  to  supply.  It  had  not  escaped  the  Con- 
gress that  this  primordial  defect  in  the  administration  of  the  finances 
was  the  source  of  those  perpetual  embarrassments  which  had  beset 
them  since  the  origin  of  the  revolution.  Firmly  resolved  to  intro- 
duce into  that  department  a  rigorous  system  of  order  and  economy, 
they  appointed  for  treasurer  Robert  Morris,  one  of  the  deputies  of 
the  state  of  Pennsylvania  ;  a  man  of  high  reputation,  and  possessed 
of  extensive  knowledge  and  experience  in  commercial  and  financial 
affairs.  His  mind  was  active,  his  manners  pure,  his  fortune  ample, 
and  his  zeal  for  independence  extremely  ardent.  He  was  author- 
ised to  oversee  and  direct  the  receipt  and  disbursement  of  the  public 
money,  to  investigate  the  state  of  the  public  debt,  and  to  digest  and 
report  a  new  plan  of  administration.  If  the  charge  imposed  on  Mor- 
ris was  ponderous,  the  talent  and  firmness  with  which  he  sustained  it, 
were  not  less  astonishing.  He  was  not  slow  in  substituting  regularity 
for  disorder,  and  good  faith  in  the  room  of  fraud.  * 

The  first,  the  most  essential  of  the  qualities  of  an  administrator, 
being  exactness  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  obligations-,  the  new  treasurer 
adhered  with  rigor  to  an  invariable  punctuality.  He  soon  gathered 
the  fruits  of  it ;  instead  of  a  general  distrust,  there  sprung  up,  by  little 
and  little,  an  universal  confidence.  One  of  the  first  operations  of  the 
treasurer  was  to  lay  before  Congress  an  outline  of  a  national  6an&, 
VOL.  u.  47 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    X1I1. 

for  all  the  United  States  of  America.  He  assigned  to  this  bank  a 
capital  of  four  hundred  thousand  dollars,  divided  in  shares  of  four 
hundred  dollars  each,  in  money  of  gold  or  silver,  to  be  procured  by 
means  of  subscriptions;  by  the  same  means  this  capital  miidn  be 
increased,  when  expedient,  and  according  to  certain  restrictions. 
Twelve  directors  were  to  manage  the  bank  ;  it  was  recognised  by 
Congress  under  the  name  of  the  president,  directors  and  company  of 
the  bank  of  North  America.  All  its  operations  were  to  be  subject  to 
the  inspection  of  the  treasurer.  Such  were  the  bases  and  principal 
features  of  this  establishment.  The  utility  to  be  derived  from  it  was, 
that  the  bills  of  the  bank,  payable  on  demand,  should  be  declared 
legal  money  for  the  payment  of  all  excises  and  taxes  in  each  of  the 
United  States,  and  receivable  into  the  chests  of  the  public  treasury 
as  gold  or  silver.  The  Congress  adopted  this  plan  by  a  special 
decree.  Subscribers  presented  themselves  in  throng,  and  all  the 
shares  were  soon  taken.  The  States  realised  an  extraordinary 
benefit  from  this  institution.  The  treasurer,  by  means  of  exchequer 
notes,  was  enabled  to  anticipate  the  produce  of  imposts  and  taxes. 
Not  content  with  having  brought,  by  means  of  the  bank,  the  capitals 
and  credit  of  the  stockholders  to  the  support  of  public  credit,  he  was 
disposed  to  operate  the  same  effect  in  his  own  name,  and  with  his 
private  credit.  He  accordingly  threw  into  circulation  no  small  sum 
of  obligations  signed  by  himself,  and  payable  at  different  terms  out  of 
foreign  subsidies,  or  even  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  United  States. 
And  although  with  time  these  obligations  had  amounted  to  upwards 
of  five  hundred  and  eighty-one  thousand  dollars,  they  still  never  de- 
preciated, excepting,  perhaps,  a  little  towards  the  end  of  the  war  ; 
so  great  was  the  confidence  of  the  public  in  the  good  faith  and 
punctuality  of  the  treasurer.  Thus,  at  that  very  epoch  in  which  the 
credit  of  the  state  was  almost  entirely  annihilated,  and  its  bills  nearly 
without  value,  that  of  a  single  individual  was  stable  and  universal. 
It  is  impossible  to  overrate  the  advantages  which  resulted  to  the 
government  from  having,  in  these  obligations  of  the  treasurer,  the 
means  of  anticipating  the  produce  of  taxes,  at  a  time  when  such  an- 
ticipation was  not  only  necessary,  but  indispensable.  By  this  aid  it 
was  enabled  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  the  army,  no  longer  by  way 
of  requisitions,  but  by  regular  contracts.  This  new  mode  had  the 
most  happy  effects  ;  it  produced  economy  in  purchases,  exactness  in 
supplies,  and  a  cordial  satisfaction  among  the  people,  who  had  always 
manifested  an  extreme  disgust  at  the  compulsory  requisitions.  It 
cannot  be  advanced,  assuredly,  that  this  anticipated  employment  of 
the  produce  of  taxes  is  an  example  to  be  imitated  ;  nor  even  can  it 
be  denied,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  has  dangers.  But  Robert  Morris 
had  the  faculty  of  using  this  resource  with  so  much  discretion,  and  of 
introducing  so  admirable  an  order  and  economy  into  all  parts  of  the 
public  expense,  that  no  manner  of  inconvenience  resulted  from  it. 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  307 

But  a  foundation  was  necessary  to  all  these  new  dispositions  of  the 
treasurer ;  and  this  foundation  consisted  in  taxes.  The  Congress 
therefore  decreed  lhat  the  states  should  be  required  to  furnish  the 
treasury,  by  way  of  assessments,  with  the  sum  of  eight  millions  of 
dollars  ;  and  at  the  same  time  determined  what  should  be,  in  this 
sum.  the  contingent  of  each  state.  Such  was  the  urgency  of  the 
affairs  of  the  republic,  and  the  confidence  that  all  had  placed  in  the 
treasurer,  that  the  states  conformed  willingly  to  this  new  decree  of 
Congress;  and  thus  an  efficacious  remedy  was  at  length  applied  to 
the  penury  of  the  treasury.  The  solicitude  of  Robert  Morris  for  the 
prosperity  of  the  state  did  not  encl  here. 

The  province  of  Pennsylvania,  as  a  country  abounding  in  wheat, 
was  that  from  which  was  drawn  the  greater  part  of  the  supplies  of 
flour  for  the  use  of  the  army.  The  want  of  money  had  occasioned, 
towards  the  beginning  of  the  year,  an  extreme  slowness  in  the  de- 
livery of  these  supplies.  But  Morris  was  no  sooner  in  place,  than 
he  employed  his  private  credit  in  the  purchase  of  flour  for  the  sol- 
diers. He  afterwards  undertook,  with  the  approbation  of  govern- 
ment, to  furnish  the  requisitions  for  similar  supplies  that  might  be 
made  upon  Pennsylvania  during  the  present  year,  on  condition,  how- 
ever, of  being  authorised  to  reimburse  himself  from  the  produce  of 
the  apportioned  contribution  of  that  province.  It  amounted  to  up- 
wards of  eleven  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  dollars.  In  this  man- 
ner, by  the  cares  of  the  treasurer,  public  credit  was  resuscitated,  and 
the  exhausted  treasury  was  sufficiently  replenished  to  meet  expenses. 
To  him  it  was  principally  owing  that  the  armies  of  America  did  not 
disband  ;  and  lhat  the  Congress,  instead  of  yielding  to  an  inevitable 
necessity,  recovered  the  means  not  only  of  sustaining  the  efforts  of  the 
enemy,  but  even  of  resuming  the  offensive  with  vigor  and  success. 
Certainly,  the  Americans  owed,  and  still  owe,  as  much  acknowledg- 
ment to  the  financial  operations  of  Robert  Morris,  as  to  the  negotia- 
tions of  Benjamin  Franklin,  or  even  to  the  arms  of  George  Washington. 

Before  the  salutary  effect  of  this  new  system  had  braced  the  tot- 
tering state,  a  sinister  event  had  given  room  to  fear  that  the  present 
year  would  prove  the  last  of  the  republic.  The  terror  it  occasioned 
was  the  first  cause,  or  at  least  the  most  powerful  incitement,  of  the 
introduction  of  a  better  method.  At  this  time,  as  we  have  already 
remarked,  the  soldiers  experienced  the  most  intolerable  destitution, 
not  only  of  all  the  parts  of  military  equipment,  but  even  of  articles 
the  most  necessary  to  life.  Their  discontent  was  extreme.  A  par- 
ticular motive  still  aggravated  the  ill  humor  of  the  regular  troops  of 
Pennsylvania.  They  had  enlisted  for  three  years, or  during  all  the  war. 
The  ambiguity  of  the  terms  of  their  engagement  led  them  to  think  it 
had  expired  with  the  year  17SO.  They  claimed  therefore  the  right  to 
return  to  their  homes,  while  the  government  contended  that  they  were 
bound  to  serve  till  the  end  of  the  war.  These  two  causes  combined. 


368  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    Xlfi- 

so  heated  all  heads,  that  a  violent  tumult  broke  out  in  the  night  of  the 
first  of  January.  The  mutineers  declared  that  they  would  march 
under  arms,  to  the  very  place  where  Congress  was  in  session,  in  order 
to  obtain  the  redress  of  their  grievances.  Their  number  amounted  to 
near  fifteen  huudred  men.  The  officers  endeavored  to  quell  the  in- 
surrection, but  it  was  in  vain  ;  and  in  the  riot  that  ensued,  several  of 
the  seditious  and  one  officer  were  killed.  General  Wayne  presented 
himself,  a  man  by  his  valor  of  great  authority  with  the  soldiers  ;  he 
advanced  against  the  mutineers  pistol  in  hand  ;  but  he  was  told  to 
take  care  what  he  was  about  to  do,  or  that  even  he  would  be  cut  to 
pieces.  Already  their  bayonets  were  directed  against  his  breast. 
Immediately  after,  collecting  the  artillery,  baggage  and  wagons,  which 
belonged  to  their  division,  they  put  themselves  on  the  march,  in  the 
best  order,  upon  Middlebrook.  At  night  they  intrenched  themselves 
with  the  same  caution  as  if  they  had  been  in  an  enemy's  country. 
They  had  elected  for  their  chief  a  certain  Williams,  a  British  deser- 
ter, and  had  given  him  a  sort  of  council  of  war,  composed  of  all  the 
sergeants  of  the  companies.  From  Middlebrook  they  marched  upon 
Princeton,  and  encamped  there.  They  would  not  suffer  officers 
among  them.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  general  St.  Clair,  and 
colonel  Laurens,  who  had  hastened  to  Princeton  to  endeavor  to  allay 
the  ferment,  were  constrained  to  leave  the  town. 

The  news  of  the  insurrection  reached  Philadelphia.  The  Con- 
gress viewed  the  affair  in  that  serious  light  which  its  importance  de- 
manded. They  immediately  despatched  commissioners,  among 
whom  were  generals  Reed  and  Sullivan,  to  investigate  facts  and 
ordain  measures  calculated  to  reestablish  tranquillity.  Arrived  in  the 
vicinity  of  Princeton,  they  sent  to  demand  of  the  mutineers  what  was 
the  motive  of  their  conduct,  and  what  would  content  them  ?  They 
answered  with  arrogance,  that  they  were  determined  to  be  put  off  no 
longer  with  empty  promises;  and  their  intention  was,  that  all  the 
soldiers  who  had  served  three  years  should  have  their  discharge  ; 
that  those  who  should  be  discharged,  and  those  who  should  remain 
in  service,  should  receive  immediately  the  full  arrears  of  their  pay, 
clothing  and  provisions  ;  and  moreover,  that  they  insisted  on  being 
paid  punctually  for  the  future,  without  even  the  delay  of  twenty-four 
hours. 

General  Clinton,  who  was  at  New  York,  being  soon  informed  of 
this  defection  in  the  American  army,  resolved  to  leave  no  means 
untried  that  could  turn  it  to  advantage.  He  hastened  to  despatch 
to  the  insurgents,  three  American  loyalists,  commissioned  to  make 
the  following  proposals  to  them  in  his  name  ;  to  be  taken  under  the 
protection  of  the  British  government ;  to  have  a  free  pardon  for  all 
past  offences  ;  to  have  the  pay  due  to  them  from  Congress  faithfully 
paid,  without  any  expectation  of  military  service  in  return,  although 
it  would  be  received  if  voluntarily  offered  :  and  the  only  conditions 


BOOK  XI11.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

required  on  their  side,  were  lo  lay  down  their  arms,  and  return  to 
their  allegiance.  The  inability  of  Congress  to  satisfy  their  just  de- 
mands, and  the  severity  with  which  they  would  be  treated  if  they 
returned  to  their  former  servitude,  were  points  to  be  strongly  urged 
by  the  agents  ;  and  the  insurgents  were  invited  to  send  persons  to 
Am  boy,  to  m£et  others  who  would  be  appointed  by  Clinton,  in  order 
to  discuss  and  settle  the  treaty,  and  bring  matters  to  a  final  conclu- 
sion. But  the  British  general  thought  proper  to  do  yet  more  ;  in 
order  to  imbolden  the  insurgents  by  his  proximity,  he  passed  over  to 
Staten  Island  with  no  small  part  of  his  troops.  He  would  not  how- 
ever proceed  still  farther,  and  venture  to  set  foot  in  New  Jersey,  for 
fear  of  exciting  a  general  alarm,  and  throwing  the  mutineers  directly 
back  into  the  arms  of  Congress.  The  insurgents  made  no  positive 
answer  to  Clinton  ;  and  they  detained  his  emissaries.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  committee  of  Congress  and  the  delegates  of  the  rebels  had 
opened  a  negotiation  ;  but  such  was  the  exasperation  of  minds  on 
both  sides,  that  it  seemed  next  to  impossible  that  the  differences 
should  be  settled  by  an  amicable  adjustment.  They  first  offered  to 
grant  discharges  to  those  who  had  taken  arms  indeterminately,  for 
three  years,  or  for  the  term  of  the  war.  In  cases  where  the  written 
engagements  could  not  be  produced,  the  soldiers  should  be  admitted 
to  make  oath.  They  were  promised  certificates  in  reimbursement 
of  the  sums  they  had  lost  by  the  depreciation  of  paper  money  ; 
they  were  assured  of  the  earliest  possible  payment  of  arrears  ;  of  the 
immediate  delivery  of  such  articles  of  clothing  as  they  stood  in  the 
most  urgent  need  of;  and  of  a  total  oblivion  with  respect  to  their 
past  conduct.  These  propositions  were  not  fruitless ;  the  mutineers 
accepted  them,  and  the  disturbance  was  appeased.  They  afterwards 
marched  to  Trenton,  where  the  promises  which  had  been  made  them 
were  realised.  They  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  commissioners 
the  emissaries  of  Clinton,  who  were  accordingly  hanged  without 
ceremony  or  delay. 

Thus  terminated  a  tumult  which  had  occasioned  the  most  anxious 
apprehensions  to  the  American  government,  and  inspired  the  British 
general  with  the  most  flattering  hopes.  It  is  true  that  many  excel- 
lent soldiers  solicited  their  discharge,  and  abandoned  the  army  to 
rrejoin  their  families.  Washington,  during  the  mutiny,  made  no  move- 
ment whatever.  He  remained  tranquil  in  his  head-quarters  at  New 
Windsor,  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  His  conduct  is  to  be  attri- 
buted to  several  motives.  He  apprehended  lest  his  own  soldiers 
might  take  part  in  the  insurrection,  or  lest  their  inconsiderable  num- 
ber might  not  be  capable  of  overawing  the  mutineers.  In  retiring 
from  the  borders  of  the  Hudson,  he  must  have  left  exposed  to  the 
enterprises  of  the  British  general  those  passages  which  already  had 
been  so  often  contested.  His  principal,  fear,  however,  was  that  of 
lessening  his  authority  over  the  troops,  if  he  exerted  it  without  sue- 


370  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  XIII. 

cess,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  it  might  have  had  the  most  disas- 
trous consequences.  Perhaps  also,  within  his  own  breast,  he  was 
not  sorry  that  the  Congress  as  well  as  the  governments  of  the  several 
states,  should  have  been  roused  by  such  a  spur  ;  that  being  struck 
with  the  difficulty  of  collecting  the  funds  necessary  to  the  support  of 
the  army,  they  might  for  the  future  redouble  activity  in  that  vital 
part  of  the  public  service.  A  few  days  after  this  event,  the  regular 
troops  of  New  Jersey,  excited  by  the  example  of  the  insurrection  of 
the  Pennsylvanians,  and  encouraged  by  the  success  that  attended  it, 
erected  in  like  manner  the  standard  of  revolt.  But  Washington 
marched  against  them  a  strong  corps  of  soldiers  whose  fidelity  had 
been  proved  in  the  late  sedition ;  the  mutineers  were  soon  brought 
to  a  sense  of  duty ;  and  their  ringleaders  chastised  with  exemplary 
severity.  This  act  of  rigor  put  an  end  to  all  mutinies.  They  were 
followed  at  least  by  this  salutary  consequence,  that  the  government, 
more  clearsighted  with  respect  to  its  interests,  made  useful  efforts  to 
remedy  the  origin  of  the  evil.  It  sent  to  camp  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  money,  in  gold  and  silver,  to  discharge  the  pay  of  three  months. 
The  soldiers,  consoled  by  this  relief,  resumed  patience  to  wait  till  the 
operations  of  finance,  which  we  have  mentioned  above,  had  produced 
the  happy  effects  that  were  to  be  expected  from  them. 

During  the  time  in  which  the  Congress,  supported  by  the  opinion 
of  Washington  and  of  the  most  influential  individuals  of  the  confe- 
deration, labored  to  reestablish  order  in  the  internal  administration, 
the  first  source  of  military  successes,  the  war  was  carried  on  with 
spirit  |D  the  provinces  of  the  south.  General  Greene  marched  at  the 
head  of  formidable  forces  to  the  deliverance  of  South  Carolina. 
Lord  Cornwallis,  considering  it  as  a  prey  that  could  not  escape  him, 
had  left  it  almost  without  defence,  in  order  to  prosecute  his  designs 
against  Virginia.  After  his  departure,  the  command  of  that  province 
devolved  upon  lord  Rawdon,  a  young  man  full  of  ardor  and  talents. 
He  had  established  his  head-quarters  at  Cambden,  a  place  fortified 
with  much  diligence.  Its  garrison,  however,  was  feeble,  and,  if  it 
sufficed  for  the  defence  of  the  town,  it  was  by  no  means  in  a  condir 
tion  to  keep  the  field.  The  same  weakness  existed  in  all  the  other 
posts  of  the  province,  that  were  still  occupied  by  the  English.  As 
the  public  sentiment  was  every  where  hostile  to  their  domination, 
they  were  compelled  to  divide  their  troops  into  a  great  number  of 
petty  detachments  in  order  to  maintain  themselves  in  positions  neces- 
sary to  their  safety  and  subsistence.  The  principal  of  these  points 
were,  the  city  of  Charleston  itself,  and  those  of  Cambden,  Ninety 
Six,  and  Augusta. 

Upon  the  first  rumor  of  the  retreat  of  Cornwallis  towards  Virginia, 
the  Carolinians  had  conceived  hopes  of  a  new  order  of  things.  Al- 
ready, in  many  places,  they  had  broken  out  with  violence  against 
the  British  authorities.  Sumpter  and  Marion,  both  very  enterprising 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  371 

men,  fanned  the  fire  of  insurrection.  They  organised  in  regular  com- 
panies all  those  of  their  party  who  rallied  under  their  banners.  They 
held  in  check  the  frontiers  of  lower  Carolina,  while  Greene  with  the 
main  hody  of  his  army  marched  upon  Cambden.  His  approach  was 
already  felt  in  that  city  by  a  secret  movement  in  his  favor.  To 
animate  the  minds  still  more,  he  had  detached  colonel  Lee,  with  his 
light  horse,  to  join  Marion  and  Sumpter.  Thus  lord  Rawdon  found 
himself  all  of  a  sudden  assailed  not  only  in  front  by  the  army  of 
Greene,  but  also  in  jeopardy  of  having  the  way  intercepted  to  his 
retreat  upon  Charleston.  He  was  slow,  however,  in  believing  the 
accounts  which  reached  him  respecting  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 
Lord  Cornwallis  had  not  neglected  to  notify  him  in  an  authentic 
manner,  that  he  evacuated  Carolina  to  march  against  Virginia  ;  but 
the  inhabitants  were  so  adverse  to  the  British  cause,  that  none  of  his 
couriers  had  been  able  to  traverse  the  country  without  falling  into 
their  hands.  And  how  was  Rawdon  to  conceive  that  the  fruit  of  the 
victory  of  Guildford  should  be  to  constrain  lord  Cornwallis  to  retire 
before  the  enemy  he  had  beaten  ?  Rawdon,  however,  did  not  allow 
himself  to  be  intimidated  by  the  peril  of  his  position  ;  he  set  himself, 
on  the  contrary,  to  devise  means  for  eluding  it  by  his  courage  and 
prudence.  He  would  have  wished  to  approach  Charleston,  but  see- 
ing the  country  infested  by  the  light  troops  of  Sumpter  and  Greene, 
he  soon  relinquished  the  idea.  He  xvas  also  determined  by  the 
consideration  that  Cambden  was  a  strong  place,  and  capable  of  sus- 
taining the  first  efforts  of  the  enemy.  He  hastened,  however,  to 
reen force  the  garrison  with  ail  those  which  he  withdrew  from  posts 
unsusceptible  of  defence  ;  only  leaving  troops  in  fortified  places. 
Greene,  at  the  head  of  his  army,  appeared  in  view  of  the  ramparts 
of  Cambden  ;  but  he  found  them  too  well  guarded  to  afford  any 
prospect  of  success  from  an  attack,  which  he  could  only  undertake 
with  insufficient  forces.  He  accordingly  merely  occupied  the 
heights,  and  intrenched  himself  upon  an  eminence,  called  Hobkirk 
Hill,  about  a  mile  from  the  place.  He  was  not  without  hopes  of 
being  able  to  entice  the  British  to  combat ;  for,  though  not  in  a 
situation  to  force  them  behind  their  walls,  he  felt  strong  enough  to 
fight  them  in  the  open  field.  His  position  was  formidably  strong. 
His  front  between  the  hill  and  Cambden  was  covered  by  thick  brush- 
wood, and  his  left  by  a  deep  and  impracticable  swamp.  The  Ame- 
ricans guarded  themselves  with  little  care  in  this  encampment ;  they 
placed  too  much  confidence  in  the  strength  of  the  place,  or  in  the 
weakness  of  the  enemy,  or  perhaps  they  did  but  abandon  themselves 
to  that  natural  negligence  which  so  many  disasters  had  not  yet  been 
able  to  cure  them  of.  Lord  Rawdon  caused  them  to  be  watched 
attentively  ;  he  knew  that  they  had  sent  their  artillery  to  some  dis- 
tance in  their  rear,  and  immediately  took  a  daring  resolution,  but 
urged  by  circumstances,  that  of  attacking.  After  having  armed  the 


372  THE    AMERICAN    WAH. 


ROOK   XIIT. 


musicians,  drummers,  and  every  being  in 'his  army  that  was  able  lo 
carry  a  firelock,  he.  left  the  city  to  the  custody  of  the  convalescents, 
and  marched  towards  Hobkirk. 

Not  being  able  to  cross  the  brushwood,  nor  yet  the  swamps, 
which  he  had  before  him,  he  drew  off  to  the  ri^ht,  and  by  taking 
an  extensive  circuit,  turned  the  morass,  and  carne  down  by  surprise 
upon  the  left  flank  of  the  American  line.  At  the  appearance  of  so 
pressing  a  danger,  Greene  endeavored  to  repair,  by  the  promptitude 
of  his  dispositions,  the  negligence  of  which  he  felt  himself  culpable. 
Having  observed  that  the  English  marched  very  compact  in  a  single 
column,  he  conceived  hopes  of  beincj  able  to  fall  upon  their  two 
flanks.  He  accordingly  ordered  colonel  Ford  to  attack  the  enemy's 
left  with  a  Maryland  regiment,  while  colonel  Campbell  should  assail 
them  on  the  right.  He  then  directed  a  charge  in  front,  to  be  led 
by  colonel  Gunby,  while  colonel  Washington  with  his  cavalry  should 
turn  their  right,  and  assault  them  in  rear.  The  combat  soon  became 
general,  and  was  pushed  with  equal  resolution  on  both  sides.  The 
royal  troops  began  at  first  to  give  way  ;  the  ranks  of  their  infantry 
and  cavalry  were  broken.  Their  disorder  was  still  increased  by  a 
violent  fire  of  grape-shot,  with  which  they  were  taken  in  rear  by  an 
American  battery  which  had  just  arrived  upon  the  field  of  battle.  In 
this  critical  moment,  lord  Rawdon  pushed  forward  a  battalion  of 
Irish  volunteers  and  some  other  companies,  of  which  he  had  formed 
a  reserve.  These  fresh  troops  restored  the  fortune  of  the  day. 
The  action  was  grown  excessively  hot,  and  alternate  undulations 
equalised  the  success.  But  at  length  a  Maryland  regiment,  vigor- 
ously charged  by  the  enemy,  fell  into  confusion  and  took  flight. 
This  struck  a  damp  into  the  whole  line,  and  the  rout  was  shortly 
general.  The  Americans  attempted  several  times  to  rally,  but 
always  in  vain  ;  the  English  pushed  them  too  fiercely.  They  enter- 
ed almost  at  the  same  time  with  them  into  the  intrenchments  upon 
the  ridge. 

Meanwhile,  colonel  Washington,  agreeably  to  tho  orders  of  his 
general,  had  arrived  with  his  corps  of  cavalry  upon  the  rear  of  the 
British  army,  before  it  had  recovered  from  the  disorder  into  which 
it  had  been  thrown  by  the  first  shock.  He  took  advantage  of  it  lo 
make  a  great  number  of  prisoners.  But  when  he  saw  that  the  posi- 
tion of  Greene  was  forced,  he  thought  proper  to  retreat.  A  part  of 
the  prisoners  escaped  ;  the  remainder  he  conducted  to  camp,  where 
he  rejoined  the  main  body  of  the  army. 

General  Greene,  after  this  check,  had  fallen  back  upon  Gun 
Swamp,  five  miles  from  Hobkirk,  where  he  remained  several  days 
to  collect  the  fugitives  and  reorganise  the  army.  This  affair,  which 
was  called  the  battle  of  Hobkirk,  was  fought  the  twenty-fifth  of 
April.  Lord  Rawdon,  being  inferior  in  cavalry,  and  enfeebled  by  a 
great  loss  of  men,  instead  of  pursuing  Greene,  had  reentered  within 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  373 

the  walls  of  Gambden.  He  was  desirous  to  make  that  place  the 
centre  of  his  operations,  and  this  he  was  the  more  inclined  to  do, 
since  he  had  just  received  a  reenforcenient  of  troops  under  the  con- 
duct of  colonel  Watson.  But  he  was  informed  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  whole  interior  country  at  his  back,  had  revolted  with  one  con- 
sent, that  already  Fort  Watson  had  capitulated,  and  that  those  of 
Granby,  Orangeburgh  and  Motte,  were  closely  invested.  The  last, 
situated  near  the  junction  of  the  Congaree  with  the  Santee,  and  con- 
taining extensive  magazines,  was  of  no  little  importance.  Lord 
Ravvdon,  reflecting  that  all  these  forts  were  upon  his  rear,  judged 
his  situation  imminently  hazardous.  He  therefore  resolved  to  eva- 
cuate Cambden,  and  retire  lower  down  towards  Charleston  ;  this 
resolution  he  executed  the  ninth  of  May.  He  rased  the  fortifica- 
tions, put  in  safety  all  the  artillery  and  baggage,  and  brought  off  the 
families  of  the  loyalists,  who  by  their  zeal  for  the  royal  cause  had 
rendered  themselves  odious  to  the  republicans.  The  whole  army 
arrived  on  the  thirteenth  at  Nelsons  Ferry,  upon  -the  banks  of  the 
Santee  river.  Here,  having  received  the  unwelcome  tidings  that  all 
the  forts  mentioned  above  were  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, the  British  general  raised  his  carnp,  and  carried  it  still  farther 
back  to  Eutaw  Springs. 

General  Greene,  perceiving  that  Rawdon,  by  retreating  into  the 
lower  parts  of  Carolina,  had  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  maintaining 
himself  in  the  upper  country,  formed  a  design  to  reduce  Ninety  Six 
and  Augusta,  the  only  posts  that  still  held  out  for  the  king.  These 
two  forts  were  already  invested  by  the  militia  headed  by  colonels 
Pickens  and  Clarke.  Greene  appeared  with  his  army  before  the 
walls  of  Ninety  Six,  and  proceeded  to  push  the  siege  by  regular 
approaches.  One  of  the  officers  who  distinguished  themselves  the 
most  in  that  operation  was  colonel  Kosciusko,  a  young  Pole,  full  of 
enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  the  Americans.  The  defence  of  the 
place  was  directed  by  lieutenant-colonel  Cruger.  During  this  time, 
colonel  Pickens  vigorously  pushed  his  operations  against  the  town  of 
Augusta,  which  was  defended  with  equal  bravery  and  ability  by 
colonel  Brown.  These  two  places  were  very  strong,  and  could  not 
be  reduced  but  by  a  long  siege. 

Meanwhile,  lord  Rawdon  saw  with  extreme  solicitude  that  in 
losing  these  posts,  whose  value  he  justly  appreciated,  he  must  also 
lose  the  garrisons  which  defended  (tifeem.  A  reenforcement  of  three 
regiments  newly  arrived  at  Charleston  from  Ireland,  gave  him  hopes 
of  being  able  to  relieve  these  fortresses,  and  principally  Ninety  Six. 
Every  course  which  presented  itself  to  his  mind  being  equally  diffi- 
cult and  dangerous,  he  preferred  without  hesitation  that  which 
appeared  the  most  magnanimous.  He  received  intelligence  on  his 
march  of  the  loss  of  Augusta.  Pressed  with  great  industry  by  colo-> 
nel  Pickens,  and  without  hope  of  relief,  that  place  had  just  surren- 
VOL.  n.  48 


374  THE    AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

dered  to  the  arms  of  Congress.  This  disaster  operated  with  the 
British  general  as  a  new  motive  for  endeavoring  to  preserve  Ninety 
Six.  Upon  the  rumor  of  the  approach  of  Rawdon,  Greene  reflected 
that  the  number  and  discipline  of  his  soldiers  was  not  such  as  to 
afford  a  hope  that  he  would  be  able  to  resist,  at  the  same  time,  the 
garrison  of  Ninety  Six,  and  the  fresh  and  warlike  troops  that  were 
advancing  against  him.  On  the  other  hand,  to  raise  the  siege  before 
having  attempted  some  vigorous  stroke  against  the  place,  appeared 
to  him  too  disgraceful  a  step.  Accordingly,  however  imperfect 
were  the  works  of  attack,  he  resolved  to  hazard  an  assault.  He 
had  already  reached  the  ditch,  it  is  true,  and  had  pushed  a  sap  to 
the  foot  of  a  bastion,  but  the  fortifications  were  yet  in  a  great  mea- 
sure entire.  The  body  of  the  place  was  therefore  to  be  considered 
as  being  proof  against  insult.  But  general  Greene  was  desirous  at 
least  to  save  in  his  retreat  the  honor  of  the  American  arms.  A 
general  assault  was  therefore  given  with  extreme  impetuosity,  which 
the  English  sustained  with  no  less  valor.  Greene,  seeing  the  terrible 
carnage  which  the  artillery  made  among  his  soldiers,  in  the  ditch 
not  yet  filled  up  with  the  ruins  of  the  breach,  determined  at  length 
to  retire.  Soon  after  this  check,  lord  Rawdon  being  now  but  a 
small  distance  from  his  camp,  he  raised  it  all  at  once,  and  withdrew 
beyond  the  Tiger  and  the  Broad  rivers.  The  royalists  followed 
him,  but  in  vain.  The  British  general  having  entered  into  Ninety 
Six,  examined  the  state  of  the  place,  and  was  of  opinion  that  it 
could  not  hold  out  against  a  regular  attack  He  therefore  put  him- 
self again  on  the  march,  directing  it  towards  the  lower  parts  of 
Carolina,  and  proceeded  to  establish  his  head-quarters  at  Orange- 
burgh.  Imboldened  by  his  retreat,  Greene  soon  showed  himself 
before  this  last  place.  But  a  sight  of  the  British  forces,  and  of 
their  excellent  position,  covered  by  the  windings  of  the  river,  he 
paused,  and  bent  his  march  towards  the  heights  which  border  the 
Santee. 

The  hot  and  sickly  season  being  arrived,  it  effected  that  which 
could  not  have  been  expected  from  the  rage  of  men  ;  hostilities 
ceased.  It  would  seem  that  during  this  suspension  of  arms,  civil 
hatreds  were  rekindled  with  increase  of  fury.  The  English  especial- 
ly, as  if  to  revenge  their  defeats  showed  themselves  more  exasperated 
than  the  Americans.  It  was  at  this  epoch  that  there  passed  a  lament- 
able event,  which  excited  to  the  highest  degree  the  indignation  of 
all  America,  and  particularly  of  the  Carolinas.  Colonel  Isaac  Hayne 
had  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  American  Independence.  Dur- 
ing the  siege  of  Charleston  he  had  served  in  a  volunteer  corps  of 
light  horse.  After  the  surrender  of  that  city,  Hayne,  who  was 
tenderly  attached  to  his  family,  could  not  find  in  his  heart  to  part 
with  it,  in  order  to  seek  refuge  in  distant  places  against  the  tyranny  of 
the  victors.  He  knew  that  other  American  officers  had  obtained 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAll.  375 

permission  to  return  peaceably  to  their  habitations,  on  giving  their 
parole  riot  to  act  against  the  interests  of  the  king.  He  repaired 
therefore  to  Charleston,  went  to  the  British  generals  and  constituted 
himself  their  prisoner  of  war.  But  knowing  all  the  resources  of  his 
mind,  and  the  authority  he  possessed  among  the  inhabitants,  they 
wished  to  have  him  entirely  in  their  power,  and  refused  to  receive 
him  in  the  character  he  was  come  to  claim.  They  signified  to  him 
that  he  must  acknowledge  himself  for  a  British  subject,  or  submit  to 
be  detained  in  a  rigorous  captivity.  This  idea  would  not  have  inr 
timidated  colonel  Hayne  ;  but  he  could  not  endure  that  of  being  so 
long  separated  from  his  wife  and  children.  He  knew  also  that  they 
were  under  the  attack  of  smallpox  ;  and  soon  after,  in  effect,  the 
mother  and  two  of  the  children  became  the  victims  of  that  cruel 
malady.  Neither  could  he  overlook,  that  if  he  did  not  accede  to 
what  was  exacted  of  him,  an  unbridled  soldiery  wailed  only  the 
signal  to  sack  and  devastate  his  plantations. 

In  this  distressing  alternative  the  father,  the  husband  triumphed  in 
his  breast;  he  consented  to  invest  himself  with  the  condition  of  Bri- 
tish subject.  The  only  favor  he  demanded  was,  that  he  might  not 
be  constrained  to  bear  arms  against  his  party.  This  was  solemnly 
promised  him  by  the  British  general  Patterson,  and  by  Simcoe, 
superintendent  of  police  at  Charleston.  But  before  taking  this  peril- 
ous resolution  he  had  waited  upon  doctor  Ramsay,  the  same  who 
afterwards  wrote  the  history  of  the  American  revolution,  praying  him 
to  bear  witness  to  the  future  that  he  by  no  means  intended  to  aban- 
don the  cause  of  independence.  As  soon  as  he  had  signed  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  he  had  permission  to  return  to  his  residence. 

Meanwhile,  the  war  rekindled  with  new  violence  ;  and  the  Ameri- 
cans, hitherto  beaten  and  dispersed,  resumed  the. offensive  with  such 
vigor  that  the  British  generals  were  alarmed  at  their  progress.  Then, 
no  longer  regarding  the  promises  which  they  had  made  to  colonel 
Hayne,  they  intimated  to  him  an  order  to  take  arms  and  march  with 
them  against  the  revolted  republicans.  He  refused.  The  troops  of 
Congress  afterwards  penetrated  into  the  country  ;  the  inhabitants  of 
bis  district  rose  and  elected  him  for  their  chief.  No  longer  considering 
himself  bound  to  keep  that 'faith  which  it  appeared  that  others  were 
not  disposed  to  keep  towards  him,  he  yielded  to  the  wish  of  his  coun- 
trymen, and  again  took  up  those  arms  which  he  had  laid  down 
through  necessity.  He  scoured  the  country  in  the  vicinity  of 
Charleston  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  dragoons.  But  it  was  not  long 
before  he  fell  inlo  an  ambuscade  laid  for  him  by  the  British  com- 
manders. He  was  immediately  conducted  to  the  city,  and  thrust 
into  a  deep  dungeon.  Without  form  of  trial,  lord  Rawdon  and 
colonel  Balfour,  the  commandant  of  Charleston,  condemned  him  to 
death.  This  sentence  appeared  to  every  one,  as  it  was  in  reality,  an 
act  of  barbarity.  Even  deserters  are  indulged  with  a  regular  trial, 


376  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    Xllf. 

and  find  defenders ;  spies  only  are  deprived  of  this  privilege  by  the 
laws  of  war.  Royalists  and  republicans  all  equally  pitied  the  colo- 
nel, whose  virtues  they  esteemed  ;  they  would  fain  have  saved  his  . 
life.  They  did  not  restrict  themselves  to  mere  wishes  ;  a  deputation 
of  loyalists,  having  the  governor  in  behalf  of  the  king  at  their  head, 
waited  upon  lord  Rawdon,  and  earnestly  solicited  him  in  favor  of  the 
condemned.  The  most  distinguished  ladies  of  Charleston  united 
their  prayers  to  the  general  recommendation  that  his  pardon  might 
be  granted.  His  children,  still  of  tender  age,  accompanied  by  their 
nearest  relations,  and  wearing  mourning  for  their  mother,  whom  they 
had  so  recently  lost,  threw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  Rawdon,  de- 
manding with  the  most  touching  cries  the  life  of  their  unhappy  father. 
All  the  bystanders  seconded  with  floods  of  tears  the  petition  of  these 
hapless  orphans.  Rawdon  and  Balfour  obstinately  refused  to  miti- 
gate the  rigor  of  their  decision. 

When  about  to  be  conducted  to  death,  colonel  Hayne  called  into 
his  presence  his  eldest  son,  then  thirteen  years  of  age.  He  delivered 
him  papers  addressed  to  the  Congress,  then  said  to  him  ;  '  Thou 
wilt  come  to  the  place  of  my  execution ;  thou  wilt  receive  my  body, 
and  cause  it  to  be  deposited  in  the  tomb  of  our  ancestors.'  Being 
arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  gibbet,  he  took  leave  in  the  most  affecting 
manner  of  the  friends  who  surrounded  him,  and  armed  himself  to  his 
last  moment  with  the  firmness  which  had  honored  his  life.  He  was 
in  the  same  degree,  a  man  of  worth,  a  tender  father,  a  zealous 
patriot,  and  an  intrepid  soldier.  If  the  tyranny  of  the  prince,  or  the 
impatience  of  the  people,  render  political  revolutions  sometimes 
inevitable,  it  is  certainly  much  to  be  deplored  that  the  first  and  prin- 
cipal victims  of  this  scourge,  should  be,  almost  always,  citizens  the 
most  worthy  of  general  esteem  and  affection.  After  having  taken 
this  cruel  vengeance  of  a  man  so  universally  respected,  lord  Rawdon 
left  the  capital  of  Carolina  clouded  with  melancholy,  and  brooding 
terrible  reprisals  ;  he  made  sail  for  England.  To  this  act  of  rigor 
on  the  part  of  the  English  generals,  without  doubt,  may  be  applied 
the  ancient  adage  ;  '  An  extreme  justice  is  an  extreme  injury.'  But 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  its  justice,  it  must  be  admitted,  that  the, 
English,  in  showing  themselves  so  ruthless  at  a  moment  when  their 
affairs  were  already  in  such  declension,  appeared  much  more  eager 
to  satiate  the  fury  of  a  vanquished  enemy  than  to  accomplish  an 
equitable  law.  The  aversion  of  the  Americans  for  their  barbarous 
foes,  acquired  a  new  character  of  implacable  animosity.  The  officers 
of  the  army  of  general  Greene  solicited  him  to  use  reprisals,  declar- 
ing that  they  were  ready  to  run  all  the  risks  that  might  ensue  from  it. 
He  issued,  in  effect,  a  proclamation  by  which  he  threatened  to  retali- 
ate the  death  of  colonel  Hayne  upon  the  persons  of  the  British 
officers  that  might  fall  into  his  hands.  Thus  to  the  evils  inseparable 
from  war,  were  joined  the  excesses  produced  by  hatred  and  ven- 
geance. 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMEIIICAN    WAR.  377 

General  Greene  during  this  interval  had  not  remained  idle  in  his 
carnp  upon  the  heights  of  the  Santee.  He  had  occupied  himself 
without  relaxation  in  strengthening  his  army,  in  perfecting  the  old 
troops  by  frequent  manoeuvres,  and  in  disciplining  the  new  corps. 
His  diligence  had  not  failed  of  success.  Reenforced  by  the  militia 
of  the  neighboring  districts,  he  saw  under  his  banners  soldiers  no  less 
formidable  to  the  English  by  their  warlike  ardor  than  by  their  num- 
ber. The  temperature  of  the  season  being  become  less  burning,  at 
the  commencement  of  September,  he  resolved  to  employ  his  forces 
in  expelling  the  British  troops  from  the  few  towns  which  they  still 
occupied  in  South  Carolina,  besides  the  city  of  Charleston.  Having 
taken  a  circuitous  march  towards  the  upper  Congaree,  he  passed  it, 
and  descended  rapidly  along  the  right  bank  with  all  his  army,  in  order 
to  attack  the  English,  who,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Stewart, 
occupied  the  post  of  Macords  Ferry,  near  the  confluence  of  that 
river  with  the  Santee.  The  royalists,  on  seeing  the  approach  of  an 
enemy  so  superior  in  force,  and  especially  in  cavalry,  reflected  that 
they  were  too  remote  from  Charleston,  whence  they  drew  their  sub- 
sistence. They  hastened  therefore  to  quit  Macords  Ferry,  and  fell 
back  upon  Eutaw  Springs,  where  they  labored  to  intrench  them- 
selves. Greene  pursued  them  thither,  and  the  eighth  of  September 
witnessed  the  battle  of  Eutaw  Springs.  According  to  the  dispositions 
of  the  American  general,  the  vanguard  was  composed  of  the  militia 
of  the  two  Carolinas,  and  the  centre  of  the  regular  troops  of  those 
provinces,  of  Virginia,  and  of  Maryland.  Colonel  Lee  with  his  legion 
covered  the  right  flank,  and  colonel  Henderson  the  left.  The  rear- 
guard consisted  of  the  dragoons  of  colonel  Washington  and  the  militia 
of  Delaware.  It  was  a  corps  of  reserve  destined  to  support  the  first 
lines.  The  artillery  advanced  upon  their  front. 

The  British  commander  formed  his  troops  in  two  lines,  the  first 
was  defended  on  the  right  by  the  little  river  Eutaw,  and  on  the  left 
by  a  thick  wood.  The  second,  forming  a  reserve,  crowned  the 
heights  which  command  the  Charleston  road.  After  some  skir- 
mishing between  the  marksmen  of  the  one  and  other  army,  they  fell 
back  behind  the  ranks,  and  the  engagement  became  general.  It  was 
supported  for  a  considerable  time  with  balanced  success ;  but  at 
length,  the  militia  of  Carolina  were  broken,  and  retired  in  disorder. 
The  British  division  which  formed  the  left  of  the  first  line,  quitted  its 
position  to  pursue  them.  In  this  movement  it  lost  its  distances,  and 
could  no  longer  combat  in  company  with  the  other  part  of  the  line. 
The  Americans  observed  this  opening,  and  profited  of  it  immediately. 
Greene  pushed  forward  his  second  line  ;  it  charged  so  vigorously, 
that  the  English,  in  their  turn,  were  shaken,  and  began  to  recoil  in 
confusion.  To  complete  their  rout,  colonel  Lee  with  his  cavalry 
turned  their  left,  and  fell  upon  their  rear.  This  manoeuvre  p/eeipi- 
tated  the  flight  of  all  that  wing  of  the  British  army.  The  right  alone 


378  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    X11J. 

still  held  firm.  But  Greene  caused  it  to  be  attacked  briskly  in  front 
by  the  regular  troops  of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  while  the  cavalry  of 
colonel  Washington  took  it  in  flank.  The  trepidation  then  became 
general ;  all  the  corps  of  the  British  army  tumbled  one  over  another, 
through  haste  to  recover  their  intrenchments.  Already  the  Ameri- 
cans had  taken  several  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a  great  number  of 
prisoners.  Victory  seemed  completely  in  their  hands.  But  how 
often  has  it  been  remarked,  that  the  events  of  war  depend  upon  the 
caprices  of  chance.  Troops  accustomed  to  a  rigid  discipline,  are 
frequently  able  to  rally  in  the  midst  of  disorder,  and  recover,  in  an 
instant,  what  they  appeared  to  have  lost  irreparably.  The  battle  we 
describe  affords  a  memorable  example  of  it.  The  English,  in  their 
flight,  threw  themselves  into  a  large  and  very  strong  house,  where 
they  jyifeolved  to  make  a  desperate  defence.  Others  took  shelter  in 
thick  and  almost  impenetrable  brushwood  ;  and  others  in  a  garden 
enced  with  palisades.  Here  the  action  recommenced  with  more 
obstinacy  than  at  first.  The  republicans  did  all  that  was  to  be  ex- 
pected of  valiant  soldiers,  to  dislodge  their  enemies  from  these  new 
posts.  The  house  was  battered  by  four  pieces  of  artillery.  Colonel 
Washington,  on  the  right,  endeavored  to  penetrate  into  the  wood,  and 
colonel  Lee  to  force  the  garden.  Their  efforts  were  vain  ;  the 
English  defended  themselves  so  strenuously,  that  they  repulsed  the 
assailants  with  heavy  loss.  Colonel  Washington  himself  was  wounded 
and  taken.  The  conflict  was  fierce,  the  carriage  dreadful ;  but  no 
where  more  than  about  the  house.  Meanwhile,  colonel  Stewart, 
having  rallied  his  right  wing,  pushed  it  forward,  by  a  circuitous 
movement,  against  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans.  This  bold  ma- 
noeuvre convinced  the  American  general  that  he  would  but  vainly 
waste  torrents  of  blood  in  further  attempts  to  drive  the  enemy  from 
their  posts,  and  he  ordered  a  retreat.  He  returned  to  his  first  en- 
campment, some  miles  distant  from  the  field  of  battle.  This  retro- 
grade march  was  attributed  to  want  of  water.  He  brought  off  about 
five  hundred  prisoners,  and  all  his  wounded,  with  the  exception  of 
those  who  were  too  near  the  walls  of  the  house.  He  lost  two  pieces 
of  cannon.  The  English  passed  the  rest  of  the  day  in  their  intrench- 
ments. At  night,  they  abandoned  them,  and  descended  to  Monks 
Corner.  The  Americans  write  that  the  royalists,  in  their  hurry,  had 
staved  the  casks  containing  spirituous  liquors,  and  broken,  or  thrown 
into  the  Eutaw,  a  great  quantity  of  arms.  The  loss  of  Greene  in  thi.. 
action  was  estimated  at  upwards  of  six  hundred  men  in  killed, 
wounded  and  prisoners;  that  of  Stewart,  inclusive  of  the  mjssing, 
was  much  more  considerable.  The  American  soldiers  exhibited  in 
this  combat  an  extraordinary  valor.  Impatient  to  close  with  their 
enemies,  they  promptly  resorted  to  the  bayonet,  a  weapon  which 
they  seemed  to  dread  in  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  and  which 
was  now  become  so  formidable  in  their  war-trained  hands.  The 


BOOK   XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  379 

Congress  voted  public  thanks  to  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
battle  of  Eutaw  Springs.  They  presented  general  Greene  with  a 
conquered  standard,  and  a  medal  of  gold. 

A  short  time  after,  having  received  some  reenforcements,  he  re- 
solved to  make  another  trial  of  fortune,  and  marched  against  the 
English  in  lower  Carolina.  His  appearance  in  the  environs  of 
Monks  Corner,  "and  of  Dorchester,  decided  them  to  evacuate  the 
open  country,  and  shut  themselves  up  entirely  within  Charleston. 
They  contented  themselves  with  sending  out  scouts,  and  foraging 
parties,  who  durst  not  venture  far  from  the  place.  Greene,  from  his 
great  superiority  in  light  troops,  repulsed  them  upon  all  points,  and 
intercepted  their  convoys.  In  this  manner  the  American  general  put 
an  end  to  the  campaign  of  the  South.  After  a  long  and  sanguinary 
struggle,  his  masterly  manoeuvres  recovered  to  the  confederation  the 
two  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  excepting  only  the  two  capitals  of  the 
one  and  other  province,  which  still  obeyed  the  English,  with  a  slender 
portion  of  territory  in  their  immediate  vicinity  ;  such  were  the  fruits 
of  the  resolution  taken  by  lord  Cornvvallis,  at  Wilmington,  of  carrying 
his  arms  against  Virginia.  But  to  Greene  great  eulogies  are  due  for 
the  talents  he  signalised  in  this  conjuncture.  When  he  came  to 
relieve  general  Gates  in  the  command  of  the  southern  army,  the 
state  of  things  was  not  only  calamitous,  but  almost  desperate.  By 
his  genius,  activity  and  boldness,  the  evil  was  remedied  so  promptly, 
that  from  vanquished,  his  soldiers  became  soon  victorious;  from 
despondency,  the  people  passed  to  a  confidence  without  bounds  ; 
and  the  English,  but  now  so  arrogant,  were  forced  to  seek  their  only 
safety  behind  the  walls  of  Charleston. 

The  social  qualities,  ingenuousness  and  affability  of  manners,  set 
off  in  Greene  the  glory  of  the  warrior.  His  virtues  triumphed  over 
envy  itself;  illustrious  for  the  eminent  services  which  he  rendered 
his  country,  and  uniformly  modest  and  unaffected,  he  merited  that 
his  name  should  be  transmitted  immaculate  to  posterity.  Virginia 
was' less  fortunate  than  Carolina;  Arnold,  as  if  he  had  coveted  to 
couple  the  name  of  bandit  with  that  of  traitor,  carried  fire  and  sword 
into  that  province.  Private  property  he  respected  as  little  as  that  of 
the  state.  This  horrible  expedition,  as  we  have  already  remarked, 
had  been  ordained  by  the  British  generals  with  no  other  view  but 
that  of  seconding  the  efforts  .of  Cornvvallis  in  the  Carolinas,  by 
diverting  the  attention  and  dividing  the  forces  of  the  enemy.  In 
effect,  the  reduction  of  Virginia  to  the  power  of  the  king  with  means 
so  inadequate,  was  a  thing  impossible  to  be  executed,  or  even  to  be 
expected.  This  was  soon  demonstrated.  The  disastrous  conse- 
quences of  the  plan  adopted  by  Cornwallis,  were  equally  fatal  for 
Arnold.  Already,  the  rising  of  the  militia  of  all  the  adjacent  parts 
had  forced  him  to  abandon  the  open  country,  and  fall  back  with 
precipitation  upon  Portsmouth,  where  he  fortified  himself  with 


3SO  THE    AMERICAN    WAll.  BOOK    XIII. 

extreme  diligence.  On  the  other  hand,  Washington,  attentive  to  all 
his  movements,  and  wishing  to  gratify  the  just  resentment  of  the 
American  nation  towards  its  betrayer,  formed  a  design  to  environ  him 
so  effectually,  by  land  and  sea,  as  to  render  his  escape  impossible. 
With  this  intent,  he  had  detached  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  towards 
Virginia,  at  the  head  of  twelve  hundred  light  infantry;  and  had  also 
induced  the  commander  of  the  French  fleet  at  Rhode  Island  to 
despatch  a  squadron  of  eight  sail*  of  the  line,  under  the  chevalier 
Destouches,  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  Arnold  from  the  Chesapeake. 
But  the  English  being  early  apprised  of  it,  admiral  Arbuthnot  made 
sail  from  New  York  with  a  squadron  of  equal  force,  and  fell  in  with 
the  French  off  Cape  Henry.  A  warm  engagement  ensued,  in  which 
the  loss  of  the  two  fleets  was  nearly  balanced.  Tiie  French,  how- 
ever, found  themselves  constrained  to  relinquish  their  designs,  and 
returned  to  Rhode  Island.  Upon  this  intelligence,  M.  de  la  Fayelte, 
who  was  already  arrived  at  Annapolis,  in  Maryland,  marched  thence 
to  the  head  of  Elk.  Thus  Arnold  escaped  from,  probably,  the 
most  imminent  danger  in  which  he  had  ever  been  involved.  The 
Americans  had  afterwards  occasion  to  send  a  flag  to  his  head- 
quarters. It  is  related,  that  the  traitor  general  asked  the  person  who 
bore  it,  what  they  would  have  done  with  him  if  they  had  taken  him  f 
The  American  answered  without  hesitation  ;  '  If  we  had  taken  thee. 
we  should  have  buried,  with  every  mark  of  honor,  that  of  thy  legs, 
which  was  wounded  when  thou  wast  in  our  service  ;  the  rest  of  thy 
body  we  should  have  hanged.' 

On  hearing  of  the  danger  which  had  menaced  Arnold,  general 
Clinton  doubted  the  generals  of  Congress  might  be  more  happy  in  a 
second  attempt.  He  therefore  immediately  despatched  a  reenforce- 
ment  of  two  thousand  men,  under  the  conduct  of  general  Phillips. 
His  junction  with  Arnold  put  them  in  condition  to  resume  the 
offensive  ;  and  their  inroads  into  Virginia  were  again  signalised  by 
devastation  and  pillage.  At  Osborn,  they  destroyed  a  great  number 
of  vessels,  rich  magazines  of  merchandise  and  principally  of  tobacco. 
The  baron  Steuben,  who  commanded  the  republicans,  found  himself 
too  weak  to  resist.  Fortunately,  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  arrived 
in  time  to  save  the  opulent  city  of  Richmond.  There,  however,  he 
was  forced  to  witness  the  conflagration  of  Manchester,  a  town  situated 
opposite  to  Richmond,  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  James  River. 
The  English  were  pleased  to  burn  it  without  any  necessity.  But 
soon  this  partisan  war  was  directed  towards  a  single  and  determinate 
object.  General  Phillips  had  received  intelligence  that  lord  Corn- 
vvallis  approached,  and  that  he  was  already  on  the  point  of  arriving 
at  Petersburgh.  M.  de  la  Fayette  was  advised  of  it  likewise. 
Both,  accordingly,  exerted  themselves  to  reach  Petersburgh  before 
the  troops  that  were  advancing  from  Carolina  ;  the  one  to  join  Corn- 
wallis,  the  other  to  prevent  this  junction.  The  English  outstripped 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  381 

their  adversaries,  and  occupied  that  little  city.  There  general 
Phillips  was  carried  off  by  a  malignant  fever;  his  military  talents 
rendered  his  loss  peculiarly  painful  to  his  party. 

After  a  march  of  three  hundred  miles,  in  the  midst  of  difficulties 
of  every  sort,  lord  Cornvvallis  at  length  arrived  at  Petersburgh, 
where  he  took  the  general  command  of  all  the  British  forces.  The 
establishment  of  the  seat  of  war  in  Virginia,  coincided  perfectly  with 
the  designs  which  the  British  ministers  had  formed  upon  this  pro- 
vince. As  soon  as  they  were  informed  of  the  victory  of  Guildford, 
they  had  persuaded  themselves  that  the  two  Carolinas  were  entirely 
reduced  under  the  authority  of  the  king,  and  that  little  else  remained 
to  be  done  besides  reorganising  in  them  the  accustomed  civil  admi- 
nistration. They  had  not  the  least  doubt  that  wise  regulations  would 
consummate  the  work,  which  the  arms  of  Cornwallis  had  so  happily 
commenced.  They  built,  with  particular  confidence,  on  the  support 
of  the  loyalists.  Notwithstanding  so  many  fatal  experiments,  so 
many  abortive  hopes,  they  still  eagerly  listened  to  all  the  illusions, 
and  to  all  the  news  spread  by  the  refugees,  so  unavoidably  impelled 
by  their  position  to  -cherish  the  wildest  chimeras.  The  British 
government  therefore  expected  that  the  cooperation  of  the  loyalists, 
a  few  garrisons  left  in  the  most  important  posts,  together  with  the 
terror  of  the  arms  of  Cornwallis,  would  suffice  to  curb  the  patriots, 
and  to  confirm  the  submission  of  these  provinces.  As  to  Virginia, 
intersected  by  a  great  number  of  broad  and  deep  rivers,  whose 
mouths  form  upon  its  coasts  several  gulfs  or  bays  suitable  for  anchor- 
age, the  naval  forces  sent  thither  by  Rodney  from  the  West  Indies, 
seemed  to  guaranty  the  naval  superiority  of  England  in  those  wa- 
ters. Accordingly,  the  ministers  never  allowed  themselves  to  doubt, 
that  if  this  province  could  not  be  entirely  reduced,  it  would  at  least 
be  very  easy  to  press  it,  and  waste  it  to  such  a  degree  that  its  utility 
should  cease  for  the  American  union.  They  had  therefore  decided 
that  the  commanders  of  the  land  forces  should  make  choice  of  an 
advantageous  position  upon  the  coasts  of  Virginia,  and  that  they 
should  secure  the  possession  of  it  by  fortifications  capable  of  .repel- 
ling all  attacks  of  the  enemy.  This  measure  and  the  presumed 
superiority  c-f  the  British  marine,  appeared  to  the  cabinet  of  St. 
James,  a  sure  pledge  of  the  entire  subjugation  of  Virginia  ;  and 
for  the  reasons  already  stated,  it  felt  perfectly  assured  of  the  posses- 
sion of  the  two  Carolinas,  as  also  of  Georgia.  It  was  deemed  the 
more  certain  that  nothing  was  to  be  feared  from  the  French  squa- 
drons, as  the  coasts  of  these  vast  provinces  are  nearly  without  ports, 
and  since  the  few  they  offer  were  in  the  power  of  the  royal  troops. 
Finding  themselves  thus  already  masters  of  four  rich  provinces  in  the 
south,  as  well  as  of  that  of  New  York,  inestimable  alike  for  its 
resources,  and  for  its  ports,  the  ministers  persuaded  themselves  that 
the  moment  could  not  be  distant  when  the  Americans  .would  yieUr 
VOL.  ii.  40 


382  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

through  weariness  and  exhaustion.  They  felicitated  themselves  that, 
at  all  events,  they  were  able  to  resume  the  offensive. 

Such  were  the  reasonings  at  London  ;  but  it  was  not  known  there 
that  the  British  fleets,  instead  of  having  the  advantage  in  point  of 
force,  were  decidedly  inferior  in  the  American  seas  ;  that  the  Caro- 
linas,  instead  of  being  in  the  power  of  the  king,  were  returned 
almost  totally  under  that  of  the  Congress ;  and  that  although  Corn- 
wallis  was  indeed  arrived  in  Virginia,  he  had  shown  himself  there, 
notwithstanding  his  success  at  Guildford,  rather  as  vanquished  than 
victor. 

Meanwhile,  Cornwallis,  after  having  staid  a  few  days  at  Peters- 
burgh,  where  he  was  reenforced  by  some  hundred  soldiers,  sent  him 
from  New  York  by  Clinton,  took  a  resolution  to  cross  the  river  James, 
and  penetrate  into  the  interior  of  Virginia.  He  had  little  apprehen- 
sion of  meeting  American  troops ;  supposing  them  both  too  weak, 
and  too  much  dispersed  to  attempt  resistance.  In  effect,  the  baron 
Steuben  occupied  the  upper  parts  of  the  province,  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette  the  maritime  districts,  and  general  Wayne,  who  was  on  the 
march  with  the  regular  troops  of  Pennsylvania,  was  still  at  a  great 
distance.  The  British  general  therefore  crossed  the  river  without 
opposition  at  Westover  ;  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  had  retired  behind 
the  Chickahominy.  Thence,  Cornwallis  detached  a  corps  which 
occupied  Portsmouth.  The  loyalists,  or  those  who  wished  to  appear 
such,  repaired  to  that  city  in  order  to  give  in  their  paroles  and 
receive  protections.  The  county  of  Hanover  was  entirely  overrun 
by  the  foragers  of  the  British  army.  Lord  Cornwallis  was  informed, 
about  this  time,  th'at  many  of  the  most  considerable  men  of  the 
country  were  assembled  in  convention  at  Charlotteville,  to  regulate 
the  affairs  of  the  province ;  and  that  the  baron  Steuben  was  posted 
at  the  Point  of  Fork,  situated  at  the  junction  of  the  rivers  James 
and  Rivana.  The  Americans  had  established  at  this  place  maga- 
zines of  arms  and  munitions  of  war.  These  advices,  added  to  the 
consideration  that  this  part  of  the  territory  not  having  yet  been  the 
theatre  of  war  was  likely  to  abound  in  every  kind  of  supplies,  deter- 
mined lord  Cornwallis  to  attempt,  first  of  all,  the  expeditions  of 
Charlotteville  and  the  Point  of  Fork.  He  committed  the  first  to 
Tarleton,  the  second  to  Semcoe.  Both  were  crowned  with  success. 
The  first,  by  the  rapidity  of  his  march,  arrived  so  unexpectedly  upon 
the  city  that  he  seized  a  great  number  of  deputies,  and  made  himself 
master  of  a  considerable  quantity  of  warlike  stores  and  provision. 
But  the  personage,  whom  he  had  it  most  at  heart  to  secure,  was  one 
of  those  who  escaped  him,  and  that  was  Thomas  Jefferson,  since 
president  of  the  United  States ;  having  had  the  good  fortune  to  be 
timely  apprised  of  the  approach  of  the  British  troops,  he  put  himself 
out  of  their  reach  ;  not  however  without  having  first,  with  extreme 
pains  and  the  assistance  of  his  neighbors,  provided  for  the  safety  of 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  383 

no  small  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition.  If  Tarleton  had  some- 
times complained  of  the  two  great  benignity  of  his  comrades,  no  one, 
assuredly,  could  make  him  the  same  reproach.  His  rapacity  and 
imprudence  no  longer  observed  any  bounds ;  nothing  was  sacred  in 
his  sight,  nothing  escaped  his  barbarous  hands.  Simcoe,  on  his  part, 
had  moved  with  equal  celerity  against  the  baron  Steuben.  That 
general  might  have  made  a  vigorous  resistance ;  it  is  not  known  what 
motive  could  have  decided  him  to  a  precipitate  retreat;  and  yet  he 
was  not  able  to  protect  his  rear  guard  against  the  pursuit  of  the  Bri- 
tish, who  reached  it,  and  cut  a  part  of  it  in  pieces.  When  the 
colonels  Tarleton  and  Semcoe  were  returned  to  camp,  lord  Corn- 
wallis,  traversing  a  rich  and  fertile  country,  marched  upon  Rich- 
mond, and,  a  little  after,  upon  Williamsburgh,  the  capital  of  Virginia. 
His  light  troops,  however,  could  no  longer  forage  at  large ;  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette  had  joined  the  baron  Steuben,  and  having 
been  reenforced  by  the  Pennsylvania  regiments  of  general  Wayne, 
he  found  himself  in  a  situation  to  watch  all  the  movements  of  the 
British  army,  and  to  cut  off  the  parties  that  ventured  to  stray  from 
it.  Cornwallis  received  at  this  same  time  orders  from  general  Clin- 
ton, requiring  him  to  reembark  a  part  of  his  troops  for  New  York. 
Not  that  Clinton  meditated  any  important  stroke  ;  but  he  had  been 
advised  of  the  approach  of  the  allies,  and  he  expected  to  see  the 
storm  burst  upon  his  head.  He  feared  at  the  same  time  for  New 
York,  Staten  Island,  and  Loi>g  Island  ;  his  force  was  not  sufficient 
for  their  defence.  In  order  to  obey,  Cornwallis  marched  his  troops 
towards  the  banks  of  the  James  river.  He  intended,  after  having 
passed  it,  to  repair  to  Portsmouth,  where  he  would  have  embarked 
the  corps  destined  for  New  York.  But  as  M.  de  la  Fayette  follow- 
ed him  extremely  close,  he  found  himself  constrained  to  make  a  halt 
upon  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  and  to  take  possession  of  a  strong 
position,  in  order  to  repress  the  impetuosity  of  his  adversary,  and 
give  time  to  his  troops  for  passing  the  artillery,  munitions  and  bag- 
gage to  the  other  side.  He  encamped  therefore  along  the  river, 
having  his  right  covered  by  a  pond,  and  the  centre  and  left  by 
swamps. 

Meanwhile,  the  American  vanguard,  commanded  by  general 
Wayne,  had  advanced  very  near.  The  English  despatched  spies 
among  the  Americans,  in  order  to  make  them  believe  that  the  bulk 
of  the  royal  army  had  already  passed  to  the  right  bank,  and  that 
only  a  feeble  rear  guard  remained  upon  the  left,  consisting  of  the 
British  legion  and  some  detachments  of  infantry.  Whether  the 
republicans  allowed  themselves  to  be  caught  in  this  snare,  or  that 
they  were  hurried  away  by  an  inconsiderate  valor,  they  fell  with 
great  fury  upon  the  royal  troops.  Already  the  regular  regiments  of 
Pennsylvania,  led  by  general  Wayne,  had  passed  the  swamp,  and 
fiercely  assailed  the  left  wing  of  the  royalists ;  and  notwithstanding 


384  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIII. 

the  great  superiority  of  the  enemy,  the  assailants  appeared  nowise 
daunted.  But  the  English  having  passed  the  pond,  advanced  against 
the  left  wing,  which  consisted  entirely  of  militia.  Having  dispersed 
it  without  difficulty,  they  showed  themselves  upon  the  left  flank  of 
Wayne.  At  the  same  time,  extending  their  own  left  beyond  the 
swamp,  they  had  turned  his  right,  and  manifested  an  intention  of 
surrounding  him  on  every  side.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  per- 
ceived this  manoeuvre,  and  immediately  directed  Wayne  to  fall  back. 
He  was  unable  to  execute  this  movement  without  leaving  two  pieces 
of  cannon  in  the  power  of  the  enemy.  M.  de  la  Fayette  remained 
some  time  at  Green  Springs,  in  order  to  collect  the  scattered  soldiers. 
Cornwallis  reentered  his  intrenchments.  The  approach  of  night, 
and  the  nature  of  the  country,  broken  with  woods  and  marshes,  pre- 
vented him  from  pursuing  the  Americans.  The  next  morning,  before 
sunrise,  he  detached  his  cavalry  upon  the  route  taken  by  the  marquis 
de  la  Fayette,  with  orders  to  hang  upon  his  rear,  and  harass  him  as 
much  as  possible.  All  the  harm  it  did  him,  consisted  in  the  taking 
of  a  few  soldiers  who  had  lagged  behind.  It  is  presumable,  that  if 
Cornwallis  had  advanced  the  following  day  with  all  his  force,  he  might 
have  cut  off  the  republicans  entirely.  But  all  his  views  were  directed 
towards  Portsmouth,  in  order  to  embark  the  troops  there  which  Clin- 
ton expected  at  New  York.  When  he  had  passed  the  river  James 
with  his  whole  army,  he  accordingly  hastened  to  Portsmouth  ;  but 
upon  a  strict  examination  of  places,  be  was  convinced  that  they  did 
not  offer  him  a  position  suitable  by  its  strength  and  other  advantages 
to  favor  the  ulterior  designs  of  Clinton.  He  proceeded,  however,  with 
diligence  to  embark  the  troops.  In  the  meantime,  he  received  new 
instructions  from  Clinton,  directing  him  to  return  to  Williamsburgh, 
to  retain  all  the  troops  he  had  with  him,  and  instead  of  Portsmouth, 
to  make  his  place  of  arms  of  Point  Comfort,  in  order  to  have,  in  any 
event,  a  secure  retreat. 

Two  principal  causes  had  determined  general  Clinton  to  embrace 
this  new  resolution  ;  he  had  received  from  Europe  a  reenforcement 
of  three  thousand  Germans  ;  and  he  was  influenced,  besides,  by  a 
desire  to  open  himself  a  passage  by  way  of  Hampton  and  the  James 
river,  towards  that  fertile  and  populous  part  of  Virginia  which  lies 
between  the  James  and  York  rivers.  But  Point  Comfort,  on  attentive 
examination,  was  found  an  equally  unfavorable  and  defective  position 
for  an  intrenched  camp,  and  no  less  incompetent  than  Portsmouth 
for  the  purposes  in  view.  It  was  therefore  determined  to  relinquish 
the  design  of  fortifying  it.  The  plan  of  future  operations  requiring, 
however,  the  occupation  of  a  fixed  point  in  the  country  comprehend- 
ed by  the  above  mentioned  rivers,  lord  Cornwallis  resolved  to  repass 
the  river  James  with  all  his  army,  and  take  up  his  head-quarters  at 
Yorktown.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  was  desirous  to  oppose  his 
passage  ;  but  the  Americans  that  were  in  his  camp  would  not  con- 
sent to  march  lower  down  towards  Portsmouth. 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  385 

Yorktown  is  a  village  situated  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  river 
York,  and  opposite  to  another  smaller  town  called  Gloucester.  The 
latter  is  built  upon  a  point  of  land  which  projects  into  the  river  from 
the  left  side,  and  which  considerably  diminishes  the  breadth  of  its 
channel.  The  water  is  deep  there,  and  capable  of  receiving  the  largest 
ships  of  war.  On  the  right  of  Yorktown  flows  a  marshy  stream  ;  in 
front  of  the  place,  for  the  distance  of  a  mile,  the  ground  is  open  and 
level.  In  advance  of  this  plain  is  a  wood,  whose  left  extends  to  the 
river,  and  whose  right  is  bordered  by  a  creek.  Beyond  the  wood 
the  country  is  champaign  and  cultivated,  Coniwallis  applied  his 
attention  to  intrench  himself  in  the  strongest  possible  manner  upon 
this  ground. 

After  the  affair  of  Jamestown,  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  had 
retired  between  the  rivers  Mattapony  and  Pamonky,  the  waters  of 
which  united,  compose  the  York  river.  Upon  intelligence  of  the 
new  position  taken  by  Coniwallis,  he  recrossed  the  Pamonky,  and 
took  post  in  the  county  of  New  Kent ;  not  that  he  intended  to  attack 
the  English  ;  his  force  did  not  admit  of  it ;  but  he  was  disposed,  at 
least,  to  harass  them,  to  repress  their  excursions,  and  to  prevent 
their  foraging  in  the  country.  Washington  had  intrusted  M.  de  la 
Fayette  with  the  charge  of  defending  Virginia  ;  he  acquitted  him- 
self of  it  in  the  most  satisfactory  manner  ;  sometimes  by  his  manoeu- 
vres holding  Cornwallis  in  check,  and  sometimes  combating  him  with 
vigor,  he  at  length  conducted  him  to  a  place,  where  he  might  hope 
to  be  seconded  by  the  powerful  French  fleet  that  was  expected  upon 
the  American  coast. 

Hitherto  the  campaign  of  Virginia  had  presented  no  inconsidera- 
ble vicissitude  of  events;  but  all  equally  destitute  -of  importance. 
The  scene  was  changed  ;  and  the  plan  which  tended,  by  a  decisive 
stroke,  to  put  an  end  to  the  whole  American  war,  drew  day  by  day 
more  near  to  its  accomplishment.  The  American  government  was 
informed  that  the  count  de  Grasse,  with  his  fleet  and  a  body  of  land 
troops,  was  about  to  arrive.  It  therefore  neglected  no  dispositions 
that  were  demanded  by  the  occasion,  in  order  to  be  in  a  situation  to 
profit  of  the  great 'superiority  which  the  allies  were  soon  to  have, 
as  well  by  land,  as  by  sea.  To  this  end,  Washington  and  Rocham- 
beau  had  an  interview  at  Wethersfield.  The  count  de  Barras,  who 
commanded  the  French  squadron  at  anchor  in  Rhode  Island,  was 
likewise  to  have  been  present  at  the  conference,  but  was  detained  by 
other  duties.  The  siege  of  New  York  was  resolved  upon  between 
the  two  generals.  They  agreed,  that  it  was  necessary  to  wrest  from 
the  English  that  shelter,  which  from  the  commencement  of  hostilities 
to  the  present  hour,  had  been  so  favorable  to  their  enterprises. 
From  that  day,  all  the  movements  of  the  French  and  Americans 
were  directed  towards  this  object.  They  had  calculated  them  in 
such  a  manner  as  that  the  appearance  of  the  count  de  Grasse  upon 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

/ 

the  American  coasts,  should  be  the  signal  for  commencing  the  siege. 
Clinton  so  dreaded  the  blow,  that  solely  on  this  account  he  had 
determined,  as  we  have  seen,  to  recall  a  part  of  the  troops  of  Corn- 
wallis,  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  German  corps.  Washington  che- 
rished good  hope  of  success  in  the  expedition  of  New  York  ;  he  felt 
assured  that  the  states  of  the  Union,  particularly  those  of  the  north, 
would  promptly  satisfy  the  requisitions  which  had  been  made  them, 
to  furnish  each  a  determinate  number  of  soldiers.  But  they  had 
accomplished  only  in  part  the  desires  of  the  commander-in-chief. 
Instead  of  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  continental  troops  that  he  had 
hoped  to  assemble  for  an  operation  of  this  importance,  he  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  only  four  or  five  thousand  regulars,  and  about  an 
equal  number  of  militia.  It  was  however  to  be  considered,  that  the 
conquest  of  New  York  would  require  great  efforts,  since  general 
Clinton  had  a  garrison  there  of  more  than  ten  thousand  men.  The 
enterprise,  could  not  reasonably  be  undertaken  with  so  inadequate  a 
force.  Moreover,  the  count  de  Grasse  had  declared  that  in  conse- 
quence of  the  orders  of  his  sovereign,  and  of  the  convention  he  had 
made  with  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies,  it  would  not  be  possible 
for  him  to  remain  upon  the  coasts  of  America  later  than  the  middle 
of  October  ;  and  assuredly  so  short  a  space  of  time  would  not  have 
sufficed  for  the  reduction  of  New  York.  Finally,  it  was  known  that 
sea  officers  in  general,  and  especially  the  French,  had  no  little  repug- 
nance to  crossing  the  bar  which  lies  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor  of 
that  city.  All  these  considerations  diverted  Washington  from  his 
purpose  of  besieging  New  York.  He  reflected,  that  although  his 
army  was  too  weak  for  that  enterprise,  it  was  nevertheless  sufficient 
to  act  with  great  probability  of  success  against  Cornvvallis  in  Vir- 
ginia ;  and  he  accordingly  decided  for  the  more  attainable  object. 
But  the  movements  he  had  already  made,  having  given  jealousy  to 
Clinton  for  New  York,  he  resolved,  notwithstanding  that  he  had 
changed  his  plan,  to  nourish  the  suspicions  of  his  adversary  by  a 
series  of  the  most  spirited  demonstrations  ;  to  the  end  that  he  might 
not  penetrate  his  real  design,  and  throw  obstacles  in  its  way.  In 
order  to  lead  him  more  speciously  into  the  snare,  he  wrote  letters  to 
the  southern  commanders  and  to  members  of  the  government,  inform- 
ing them  of  his  determination  to  attack  New  York.  He  sent  these 
despatches  by  such  ways  as  he  knew  would  expose  them  to  be  inter- 
cepted by  the  enemy.  The  stratagem  succeeded  perfectly.  Clin- 
ton, full  of  apprehension  for  a  city  which  had  become  his  place  ol 
arms,  was  indefatigable  in  multiplying  its  defences.  In  the  mean- 
time, the  count  de  Rochambeau,  had  set  out  from  Rhode  Island,  at 
the  head  of 'five  thousand  French,  and  was  already  advanced  near 
the  borders  of  the  Hudson.  Washington  broke  up  his  camp  at 
New  Windsor,  and  went  to  meet  him  upon  the  eastern  bank.  After 
their  junction,  the  combined  armies  encamped  at  Philipsburgli,  in  a 


BOOK  XIII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  387 

situation  to  overawe  Kingsbridge  and  the  adjoining  posts,  and  even 
to  alarm  the  island  of  New  York.  They  afterwards  actually  took 
post  at  Kingsbridge,  and  continued  to  insult  the  British  outposts  on 
all  sides.  Not  content  with  these  demonstrations,  the  principal 
officers  of  both  armies  attended  by  the  engineers,  reconnoitred  the 
island  of  New  York  closely  on  both  sides  from  the  opposite  shores  ; 
and  to  render  appearances  the  more  serious,  took  plans  of  all  the 
works  under  the  fire  of  their  batteries.  At  the  same  time,  a  report 
of  the  expected  daily  arrival  of  the  count  de  Grasse  was  sedulously 
propagated  ;  and  to  give  it  full  confirmation,  when  they  had  received 
advices  from  that  commander  of  the  time  at  which  he  hoped  to 
arrive  at  the  Chesapeake,  the  French  troops  advanced  towards 
Sandy  Hook,  and  the  coasts  opposite  Staten  Island,  with  an  apparent 
view  of  seconding  the  operations  of  the  fleet,  in  forcing  the  one  and 
seizing  upon  the  other.  This  deception  was  carried  so  far,  as  to 
the  establishment  of  a  bakery  -near  the  mouth  of  the  Rariton,  and 
just  within  the  Hook. 

According  to  these  different  movements  of  the  combined  army, 
general  Clinton  no  longer  doubted  but  that  New  York  was  menaced 
with  an  immediate  attack.  But  the  time  was  now  at  hand,  when 
this  bandage,  which  had  been  drawn  with  so  much  address  over  the 
eyes  of  the  British  commander,  was  ready  to  fall,  and  admit  him  to 
a  clear  view  of  the  truth.  When  Washington  had  authentic  intelli- 
gence that  the  count  de  Grasse  was  no  longer  far  from  the  Chesa- 
peake, he  suddenly  passed  the  Croton,  then  the  Hudson ;  and 
proceeded  by  forced  marches  through  New  JeVsey  to  Trenton  upon 
the  Delaware.  He  gave  out,  however,  and  even  persuaded  the 
British  general  by  his  demonstrations,  that  his  only  object  was  to 
draw  him  out  of  New  York,  in  order  to  fight  him  in  the  open  field 
with  superior  forces.  Clinton,  thinking  to  defeat  one  shrewd  turn 
by  another,  remained  behind  his  walls  ;  but  the  American  general- 
issimo having  at  length  received  advice  that  the  French  fleet  was  in 
sight  of  the  coasts,  no  longer  delayed  to  cross  the  Delaware.  He 
marched  with  extreme  celerity  across  Pennsylvania,  and  appeared 
all  of  a  sudden  at  the  head  of  Elk,  upon  the  northern  extremity  of 
the  Chesapeake  bay.  An  hour  after,  so  admirably  had  the  operations 
been  concerted,  or  rather  by  the  most  fortunate  accident,  the  count 
de  Grasse  entered  into  the  bay  the  twenty-eighth  of  August,  with 
twenty-five  sail  of  the  line  ;  and  no  sooner  was  he  arrived  than  he 
set  himself  to  execute  the  plan  agreed  upon.  He  blocked  up  the 
mouths  of  the  two  rivers  of  York  and  James.  By  making  himself 
master  of  the  first,  he  cut  off  all  maritime  correspondence  between 
Cornwallis  and  New  York  ;  by  the  occupation  of  the  second,  he 
o&ened  a  communication  with  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  had 
•Already  descended  as  far  as  Williamsburgh.  His  position  had  occa- 
sioned at  first  some  disquietude.  It  was  feared  lest  Cornwallis. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

perceiving  at  length  the  circle  that  was  traced  around  him,  might 
profit  of  the   superiority  that   he  still  had  .over  the  marquis,  to  fall 
upon  him,  overwhelm  him,  and  thus  escape  into  the  Carolinas.     Not 
a  moment  was  lost  in  preventing  so  fatal  a  stroke  ;  three  thousand 
French   troops   embarked    in    light   boats,   and  commanded  by   the 
marquis  de   St.  Simon,  ascended   the  James  river,  and   made  their 
junction  with   the   marquis  de  la  Fayette  ;   he   had   established   his 
head-quarters  at  Williamsburgh.     The  English  had  already  much 
increased  the  fortifications  of  Yorktown,  and  were  still  at  work  on 
them    with    indefatigable    industry.      The    allies   had   therefore    to 
expect  a  siege  in  form  ;  and  a  powerful  train  of  heavy  artillery  was 
indispensably   necessary.     Three  days   before  the  arrival  of  M.  de 
Grasse  in  the  Chesapeake,  the  count  de  Barras  had  made  sail  from 
Rhode  Island  with  four  ships  of  the  line  and  some  frigates  or  cor- 
vettes ;    he   had   embarked  whatever   implements  of  siege   he   had 
been   able  to  collect.     But   he   was  not  ignorant  that  a  numerous 
British  squadron  lay  in  the  port  of  New  York,  and  he  was  sensible 
that  the  succour  with  which  he  was  charged  could  not  be  intercept- 
ed without  destroying  all  hope  of  success.     He  had  therefore  stood 
far  out  to  sea,  and  after  reaching  the  waters  of  the  Bahama  islands, 
had  shaped  his  course  for  the  Chesapeake.      Admiral  Hood  had 
appeared  at  the  entrance  of  that  bay,  with  fourteen  sail  of  the  line, 
the  very  day  on  which  the  count  de  Grasse  had  arrived  there  ;  dis- 
appointed at  not  finding  admiral  Graves,  whom  he  had  counted  upon 
meeting  in  those  waters,  he  immediately  despatched  a  swift  sailing 
frigate  to  apprise  him  of  his  arrival,  and  proceeded,  without  loss  of 
time,  to  join  him  with  all  his  fleet  at  Sandy  Hook.     Admiral  Graves, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  had   received   no  previous  notice  whatever 
of  the  intended  approach  of  Hood.      His  ships  also  had  suffered 
extremely  by  violent  gales  of  wind  during  his  cruise  in  the  waters  of 
Boston,  and  were  entirely  out  of  condition  to  put  to  sea.     The  chief 
command  having  devolved  on  him,  as  senior  officer,  the  moment  he 
was   informed  that   the   count  de  Barras  had   set  sail  from  Rhode 
Island,  he  had  pushed  the  reparation  of  his  fleet  with  so  much  acti- 
vity, that  by  the  last  day  of  August  it  was  again  fitted   for  sea.     At 
the  head  of  nineteen  sail  of  the  line,  he  set  sail  for  the  Chesap 
which  he  hoped  to  gain  before  the  count  de  Barras.     It  appears.  ' 
he  was  still  in  total  ignorance  of  the  arrival  of  the  count  de  Grasl 
in  that  bay.     As  soon  as  the  British  admiral  had  made  Cape  H'.rn 
he  discovered  the  French  fleet,  which  consisted  at  that  moment 
twenty-four  sail  of  the  line.     It  extended  from  the  Cape  to  the  igij 
called  the  Middle  Ground.     Notwithstanding  he   had  five  ships  h 
than  his  adversary,  Graves  prepared  himself  instantly  for  action.  *v 
the  other  hand,  the  count  de  Grasse,  at  sight  of  the  British  i 
slipped   his   cables  with   admirable    promptitude,  and,  full  of  C'QgjT 
dehce  in  victory,  advanced  with  press  of  sail  to  encounter  the  eneH 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  389 

The  intention  of  the  English  was  to  engage  as  close  an  action  as 
possible.  They  perceived  how  fatal  an  influence  the  loss  of  so  im- 
portant an  occasion  might  have  upon  the  success  of  the  British  arms, 
and  even  upon  the  issue  of  the  war.  A  total  defeat  would  scarcely 
have  been  more  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  England  than  a  loose 
and  indecisive  battle.  It  left  the  French  masters  of  the  Chesapeake, 
and  lord  Cornwallis  still  exposed  to  the  same  perils.  But  the  count 
de  Grasse,  sensible  of  his  advantages,  would  not  commit  to  the 
caprices  of  fortune  the  decision  of  events,  which  he  considered  him- 
self as  already  certain  of  controlling.  This  prudent  course  seemed 
also  to  be  prescribed  him  by  the  absence  of  fifteen  hundred  of  his 
seamen,  who  were  then  employed  in  conveying  M.  de  St.  Simon's 
troops  up  the  river  James  ;  and  the  British  fleet  made  its  appear- 
ance so  suddenly,  that  there  was  no  time  for  recalling  them.  The 
count  de  Grasse  wished  only  to  arrest  the  enemy  bv  partial  and 
distant  collisions,  long  enough  to  cover  the  arrival  of  the  count  de 
Barras. 

With  these  opposite  intentions  the  two  admirals  advanced  the  one 
against  the  other.  The  engagement  soon  became  extremely  warm 
between  their  vans ;  some  ships  of  the  centre  also  took  part  in  it. 
The  French,  who  were  not  willing  that  the  action  should  become 
too  general,  drew  off  their  vanguard,  which  had  already  suffered 
severely.  The  approach  of  night,  and  the  nearness  of  hostile  shores, 
dissuaded  the  British  admiral  from  the  resolution  of  renewing  the 
engagement.  His  own  van  had  likewise  been  very  roughly  treated. 
The  ships  most  damaged  were  the  Shrewsbury,  the  Montague,  the 
Ajax,  the  Intrepid,  and  the  Terrible.  The  latter  was  so  shattered 
and  torn,  that  the  water  gaining  upon  all  the  efforts  of  her  pumps,  she 
was  burnt  by  order  of  admiral  Graves.  The  English  lost  in  this 
action  in  killed  and  wounded,  three  hundred  and  thirty-six  sailors 
and  marines;  the  French  little  more  than  two  hundred. 

The  hostile  fleets  continued  for  four  successive  days,  partly  repair- 
ing their  damages,  and  partly  manosuvring  in  sight  of  each  other  ;  but 
the  French  having  generally  maintained  the  wind,  and  their  motives 
for  not  engaging  a  general  affair  remaining  always  the  same,  the 
battle  was  not  renewed.  When  at  length  the  count  de  Grasse  had 
advice  that  the  count  de  Barras  was  entered  sound  and  safe  into  the 
Chesapeake,  with  his  squadron  and  convoy,  he  retired  from  the  open 
sea  and  came  to  anchor  in  the  interior  of  the  bay.  Fortune  showed 
herself  in  everything  adverse  to  the  English.  They  had  endeavored 
to  profit  of  the  absence  of  the  count  de  Grasse  to  transmit  despatches 
to  lord  Cornwallis,  by  the  frigates  Isis  and  Richmond ;  they  could 
not  accomplish  their  mission,  and  both  fell  into  the  power  of  the 
French. 

Admiral  Graves,  seeing  the  disastrous  condition  of  his  fleet,  the  sea 
becoming  daily  more  tempestuous,  and  his  hopes  of  intercepting  the 
VOL.  it.  50 


390  THE    AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

convoy  of  M.  de  Barras  entirely  foiled,  had,  a  few  days  after, 
returned  to  New  York.  The  French,  becoming  thus  entirely  mas- 
ters of  the  bay,  disembarked,  in  the  first  place,  the  artillery  and 
munitions  of  war  which  they  had  brought  from  Rhode  Island,  and 
then  employed  the  transports  with  the  frigates  and  light  vessels  of  the 
fleet,  in  conveying  the  army  of  Washington  from  Annapolis  to  the 
mouth  of  James  river,  and  thence  to  Williamsburgh.  At  the  head 
of  Elk,  the  combined  army  had  not  been  able  to  collect  shipping 
enough  for  this  passage. 

Thus  Cornwallis  found  himself  restricted  to  the  place  he  occupied. 
By  an  admirable  concurrence  of  well  concerted  operations,  and  of 
circumstances  the  most  auspicious  to  his  adversaries,  his  troops,  still 
seven  thousand  strong,  were  surrounded  on  every  side.  An  army  of 
twenty  thousand  combatants,  of  which  only  a  fifth  part  were  militia, 
invested  Yorktown  upon  every  point  on  the  side  of  the  land,  while  a 
fleet  of  near  thirty  sail  of  the  line,  and  a  multitude  of  light  vessels, 
stationed  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  James  and  York,  rendered  the 
blockade  of  the  place  as  complete  as  possible.  The  head-quarters 
of  the  combined  army  had  been  established  at  first  in  Williamsburgh, 
a  city  which  is  only  a  few  miles  distant  from  Yorktown.  Care  had 
been  taken,  however,  to  detach  a  considerable  corps,  consisting 
mostly  of  cavalry,  under  the  conduct  of  M.  de  Choisy  and  general 
Wieden,  to  encamp  on  the  left  bank  of  the  York,  before  the  village 
of  Gloucester,  in  order  to  prevent  the  English  from  issuing  thence  to 
forage.  The  French  had  taken  post  before  Yorktown,  on  the  left  of 
the  camp,  extending  from  the  river  above  the  town  to  the  morass  in 
the  centre,  where  they  were  met  by  the  Americans,  who  occupied 
the  right  from  the  river  to  that  spot. 

General  Clinton  had  it  very  much  at  heart  to  extricate  Cornwallis ; 
and  in  consequence,  while  admiral  Graves  was  under  sail  for  the 
Chesapeake,  had  meditated  a  diversion  in  Connecticut.  He  hoped 
by  insulting  that  province,  to  draw  thither  a  part  of  the  American 
forces  ;  knowing  but  too  well  that  if  they  were  left  at  liberty  to  push 
the  siege  of  Yorktown,  the  blockaded  army  must  inevitably  surrender. 
The  principal  object  of  this  expedition  was  to  seize  New  London,  a 
rich  -and  flourishing  town,  situated  upon  the  New  Thames.  The 
command  of  it  was  given  to  Arnold,  who  had  just  returned  to  New 
York  from  his  inroad  into  Virginia. 

The  access  of  the  port  of  New  London  was  rendered  difficult  by 
two  forts  erected  upon  the  opposite  banks  ;  one  called  Fort  Trum- 
bull,  the  other  Griswold.  The  royalists  having  disembarked  unex- 
pectedly, at  daybreak,  carried  the  first  without  much  effort ;  but  the 
second  made  a  vigorous  resistance.  Colonel  Ladyard  had  promptly 
thrown  himself  into  it  with  a  body  of  militia,  and  the  work  itself  was 
very  strong,  consisting  in  a  walled  square  with  flunks.  The  royal 
troops  nevertheless  attacked  with  extreme  vigor  and  gallantry  ;  they 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  301 

were  received  with  no  less  bravery  and  resolution.  After  a  very 
heavy  fire  on  both  sides,  the  English,  with  the  utmost  difficulty  and 
severe  loss,  effected  a  lodgment  upon  the  fraizing,  and  at  length  made 
their  way.  good  with  fixed  bayonets,  through  the  embrasures,  not- 
withstanding the  fierce  defence  made  by  the  garrison,  who  now 
changing  their  weapons,  fought  desperately  hand  to  hand  with  long 
spears.  The  assailants,  when  finally  masters  of  the  place,  massacred 
as  well  those  who  surrendered  as  those  who  resisted.  The  town  of 
New  London  itself  was  laid  in  ashes  ;  it  is  not  known  whether  by 
design  or  chance.  A  great  number  of  vessels,  richly  laden,  fell  into 
the  power  of  Arnold.  This  first  success  obtained,  the  English,  seeing 
no  movement  made  in  their  favor,  and  observing,  on  the  contrary,  the 
most  menacing  dispositions  among  the  inhabitants,  decided  for  retreat. 
It  was  signalised  by  the  most  horrible  devastations.  This  expedition 
was,  on  their  part,  but  a  piratical  inroad,  absolutely  without  utility. 
In  vain  did  they  endeavor  to  make  a  great  noise  with  their  inarch, 
and  their  bloody  executions  in  Connecticut,  Washington  scarcely 
deigned  to  notice  it.  Unshaken  in  his  prior  designs,  he  knew  per- 
fectly that  whoever  should  triumph  at  Yorktown  would  have  decided 
the  whole  of  this  campaign  in  his  favor.  Instead,  therefore,  of  send- 
ing troops  into  Connecticut,  he  drew  them  all  into  Virginia. 

Of  the  two  attempts  made  to  succour  Cornwallis,  the  naval  battle, 
and  the  diversion  against  New  London,  neither  had  obtained  its 
object.  Clinton  assembled  all  the  principal  officers  of  his  army  in 
council,  in  order  to  take  their  opinion  upon  the  most  prudent  course 
to  be  pursued  in  the  present  circumstances.  Admiral  Digby  had 
just  arrived  from  Europe  at  New  York,  with  three  ships  of  the  line, 
another  ship  of  the  same  force,  and  several  frigates  had  also  repaired 
thither  from  the  West  Indies.  And  although,  notwithstanding  these 
different  reenforcements,  the  British  fleet  was  still  inferior  to  that  of 
France,  yet  the  pressure  of  the  peril,  and  the  importance  of  the  con- 
juncture, determined  the  British  commanders  to  put  to  sea,  and 
hasten  to  the  relief  of  the  besieged  army.  They  would  have  wished 
not  to  defer  an  instant,  the  execution  of  their  resolution  ;  but  the 
refitting  of  the  ships  damaged  in  the  late  engagement,  constrained 
them  to  wait.  They  hoped,  however,  that  nothing  would  detain 
them  later  than  the  fifth  of  October.  This  is  what  Clinton  announced 
to  Cornwallis  in  a  despatch  written  in  cyphers,  which,  notwithstand- 
ing the  extreme  vigilance  of  the  besiegers,  reached  him  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  September.  This  letter  made  such  an  impression  upon  the 
mind  of  Cornwallis,  that  he  abandoned  all  his  outposts  and  defences, 
and  withdrew  entirely  within  the  works  of  the  place.  This  resolu- 
tion has  been  much  censured  by  experienced  military  men ;  and 
some  even  of  the  superior  officers  of  the  garrison,  opposed  it  openly.  " 
Though  the  general-in-chief  wrote  that  he  had  every  reason  to  hope 
his  reenforcements  would  set  sail  from  New  York  the  fifth  of  Octo- 


392 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 


her,  should  not  Cornwallis  have  reflected  that  a  multitude  of  unfore- 
seen causes  might  derange  this  plan ;  in  a  word,  that  of  all  human 
enterprises,  maritime  expeditions  are  the  most  exposed  to  the  acci- 
dents of  fortune  ?  All  his  cares,  all  his  efforts,  should  therefore  have 
tended  to  prolong  his  defence  ;  and  the  outer  works  afforded  him 
the  means  for  it.  They  were  sufficiently  strong,  nothing  had  been 
neglected  in  that  respect,  and  the  troops  were  numerous  enough  to 
man  them  suitably.  Is  it  possible,  therefore,  not  to  disapprove  the 
determination  taken  by  Cornwallis  to  crowd  his  army  into  a  town,  or 
rather,  into  an  intrenched  camp,  the  works  of  which  were  still  imper- 
fect? Except,  perhaps,  upon  the  declivity  of  the  hill  towards  the 
river,  the  British  troops  were  exposed  on  all  sides  to  be  raked  by  the 
artillery  of  the  enemy. 

It  may  be  presumed  that  in  contracting  his  defences,  the  British 
general  flattered  himself  this  apparent  indication  of  fear  would  re- 
double the  temerity  of  the  French,  and  that  by  rushing  immediately 
to  the  assault,  they  would  place  in  his  hands  a  certain  and  decisive 
victory.  But  Washington  was  as  prudent  as  intrepid ;  and  the 
French  generals  in  those  distant  regions,  showed  themselves  with 
reason  extremely  sparing  of  the  blood  of  their  soldiers.  An  unani- 
mous sentiment,  moreover,  repulsed  every  measure  that  could  render 
doubtful  an  enterprise  having  such  fair  pretensions  to  be  considered 
as  certain.  It  was  therefore  resolved  to  open  trenches,  and  to  carry 
on  the  siege  in  form,  before  attempting  any  attack  with  open  force 
against  the  body  of  the  place. 

Yorktown,  as  we  have  already  said,  is  situated  upon  the  right  bank 
of  the  river  York.  Its  narrow  circuit  now  comprised  the  definitive 
fate  of  all  the  war.  The  English  had  surrounded  it  with  fortifications 
of  different  kinds.  On  the  right,  or  upper  part,  they  had  walled  it 
with  a  chain  of  redoubts,  curtained  one  to  another  by  a  parapet  and 
palisade.  The  redoubts  were  fraized  and  palisaded,  and  were 
covered  besides  by  abattis  and  breastworks.  A  rnorassy  ravine 
extended  along  the  front  of  these  works.  The  besieged  had  erected 
upon  it  another  large  redoubt  with  palisades  and  ditch  ;  this  was  the 
strongest  side  of.  the  place.  In  front,  that  is  in  the  centre  of  the 
circuit  of  the  place,  before  which  the  rnorass  became  inundated,  the 
defences  consisted  in  a  line  of  strong  palisades,  and  in  batteries  which 
commanded  the  dikes  over  which  it  was  necessary  to  cross  the  ravine. 
Upon  the  left  flank  of  this  front  had  been  constructed  a  horn  work, 
in  like  manner  defended  by  a  ditch  an  j  palisade  ;  and  although  not 
yet  entirely  completed,  it  was  in  such  forwardness  as  already  to  have 
opened  several  embrasures.  As  to  the  left,  or  lower  part,  it  was 
likewise  fortified  with  redoubts  and  batteries  interlinked  by  an 
earthen  parapet.  Two  other  smaller,  and  not  yet  finished  redoubts, 
had  been  erected  at  a  certain  distance  without  towards  the  country, 
in  order  the  more  effectually  to  cover  this  side,  against  which  it  was 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

presumed  the  principal  attack  would  be  directed.  The  adjacent 
ground  was  flat,  or  furrowed  by  ravines,  and  consequently  favorable 
to  the  besiegers.  The  space  comprised  within  the  fortifications  was 
extremely  circumscribed,  and  afforded  no  safety  to  the  garrison. 
Upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  the  village  of  Gloucester  had  been 
surrounded  with  earthen  works,  furnished  with  artillery  where  the 
position  admitted  ;  but  these  works  were  of  little  importance.  The 
trenches  were  opened  by  the  allied  armies  in  the  night,  between  the 
sixth  and  seventh  cf  October.  Notwithstanding  the  violent  fire  of 
the  besieged,  they  pushed  their  works  with  so  much  perseverance, 
that  soon  they  had  completed  their  first  parallel,  erected  the  batteries, 
and  covered  them  with  little  less  than  a  hundred  pieces  of  heavy- 
ordnance.  The  thickest  walls  could  not  have  withstood  the  shock  of 
so  heavy  a  fire,  much  less  those  of  Yorktown,  which  were  not  com- 
pleted. So  far  were  they  from  that  state,  that  the  British  troops  were 
not  less  employed  in  their  construction  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy, 
than  they  were  in  their  defence.  In  a  few  days,  most  of  their  guns 
were  silenced,  their  defences  in  many  places  ruined,  and  the  shells 
reached  even  the  ships  in  the  harbor,  where  the  Charon  of  forty-four 
guns,  with  some  of  the  transports,  were  burnt.  It  was  manifest  that 
valor  was  impotent  against  so  formidable  means  of  attack,  and  conse- 
quently, that  the  defence  could  not  be  of  long  duration.  The  artillery 
of  the  Americans  was  commanded  by  general  Knox,  who  in  this  siege 
as  in  all  the  other  actions  of  the  war,  displayed  the  talents  of  a 
consummate  engineer.  He  had  formed  his  cannoniers  with  sucii 
success,  that  the  French  themselves  were  astonished  at  the  precision 
of  their  mano3uvres. 

In  the  midst  of  so  many  perils,  Cornwallis  received  a  despatch  from 
Clinton,  which  held  out  the  hope  that  if  the  winds  and  unforeseen 
accidents  did  not  prevent,  the  relief  would  sail  from  New  York  the 
twelfth  of  October.  He  reminded  him,  however,  that  a  plan  of  this 
nature  was  subject  to  a  thousand  unlucky  casualties  ;  that  he  wished 
therefore,  to  be  informed  if  it  was  deemed  possible  to  hold  out  till 
the  middle  of  November  ;  his  intention,  in  the  contrary  case,  being 
to  march  himself  by  way  of  the  land,  and  to  fall  upon  Philadelphia. 
He  could  not,  doubtless,  have  undertaken  a  more  efficacious  diver- 
sion in  favor  of  the  besieged.  Such  were  the  formal  promises  of 
general  Clinton  to  lord  Cornwallis.  How,  it  may  be  asked,  could 
the  English  have  deceived  themselves  so  grossly  with  respect  to  the 
time  necessary  for  the  reparation  of  their  ships,  that  instead  of  de- 
parting from  New  York  the  fifth  of  October,  as  they  had  announced, 
they  did  not  make  sail  until  the  nineteenth  ?  This  miscalculation 
seems  difficult  to  be  accounted  for.  It  is  certain  only  that  the 
promise  of  succours  and  their  unexpected  delay,  occasioned  the  loss 
of  the  army.  In  the  firm  expectation  of  being  soon  relieved,  Corn- 
wallis persisted  in  his  defence,  and  thus  abstained  from  resorting  to 


394  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

the  means  of  safety  that  were  in  his  power.  If  it  be  just  to  acknow- 
ledge a  motive  of  excuse  for  his  conduct  in  the  first  letter,  by  which 
Clinton  assured  him  that  the  fleet  would  set  sail  the  fifth  of  October, 
it  will  still  remain  very  difficult  to  justify  the  resolution  to  which  he 
adhered,  when  he  had  been  apprised  by  a  second  despatch,  that  the 
squadron  could  not  put  to  sea  until  the  twelfth,  a  despatch  which  left 
room  for  doubts  even  with  respect  to  that.  Among  the  principal 
officers  of  the  garrison  commanded  by  lord  Cornwallis,  there 
were  not  wanting  those  who  advised  him  to  evacuate  a  place 
so  little  susceptible  of  a  long  defence,  and  to  transport  his  arrny 
suddenly  to  the  left  side  of  the  river,  where  there  was  still  left 
him  a  way  to  escape  from  the  fate  that  menaced  him.  They  urged 
him  to  withdraw  in  the  night  to  Gloucester  with  the  greater  part  of 
his  army.  This  passage  might  be  effected  easily  with  the  shipping 
that  lay  in  the  harbor.  The  superiority  of  force,  and  the  surprise  of 
an  unexpected  attack,  precluded  all  doubt  of  their  being  able  to  dis- 
perse the  corps  of  M.  de  Choisy,  who  invested  Gloucester.  The 
British  army  would  thus  find  itself  in  that  fertile  country  which  is 
situated  between  the  York  and  the  Rappahanock.  Not  having  yet 
been  made  the  seat  of  war,  it  was  sure  to  afford  horses  and  provision 
in  abundance.  By  forced  marches  it  would  be  possible  to  gain  an 
hundred  miles  upon  the  enemy,  and  to  protect  the  retreat  by  a  rear- 
guard of  three  thousand  picked  men,  both  infantry  and  cavalry. 
Once  masters  of  the  country  beyond  the  York,  they  would  be  at 
liberty  to  march  upon  Philadelphia,  and  there  join  general  Clinton, 
who  would  have  repaired  thither  through  New  Jersey,  or  to  bend 
their  course  towards  the  Carolinas,  keeping  the  upper  route,  in  order 
to  pass  the  rivers  above  the  points  where  they  divide  into  several 
branches.  Either  of  these  ways  offered  some  hope  of  safety,  since 
Washington,  for  want  of  shipping,  would  not  be  able  to  cross  the 
river  soon  enough  to  follow  the  British  army  ;  and  not  knowing  the 
direction  it  would  have  taken,  he  would  be  obliged  to  divide  his 
troops  into  several 'detachments.  And  even  in  the  supposition  that 
he  was  apprised  in  time  of  their  march,  his  pursuit  would  not  be 
prompt  enough  to  come  up  with  them  ;  since  lodgings  and  subsist- 
ence for  so  numerous  an  army  must  necessarily  fail  him.  '  By 
remaining  here,'  added  the  partisans  of  this  opinion,  '  we  devote 
ourselves  to  certain  destruction  ;  by  opening  ourselves  a  passage,  we 
may  yet  find  safety.  We  shall,  in  any  event,  have  the  consolation  of 
thinking  that  so  magnanimous  an  attempt  will  shed  new  lustre  upon 
the  arms  of  the  king.  If  it  is  fated  that  so  gallant  an  army  cannot 
escape  captivity,  let  this  not  be  till  after  it  has  exerted  its  utmost 
force  to  avert  it,  and  after  having  acquired  an  honored  name  and 
bright  fame  among  the  brave  !' 

Lord   Cornwallis,  whatever  might  have  been  his   motives,  would 
never  listen  to  these   salutary  counsels  ;  he  persisted  in  his  deter- 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

ruination  to  defend  himself  behind  walls  that  were  indefensible. 
Perhaps  he  persuaded  himself  that  he  could  prolong  his  resistance 
until  the  arrival  of  relief,  and  thus  escape  the  blame  to  which  he 
exposed  himself  on  the  part  of  his  sovereign,  in  hazarding  his 
army  by  an  attempt  to  retreat.  Perhaps,  also,  the  uncertainty  of 
saving  it  by  this  resource,  appeared  to  him  as  great  as  that  of  the 
arrival  of  succours.  But  whatever  was  the  private  opinion  of  the 
British  general,  it  could  have  no  influence  upon  that  fatal  issue  which 
was  rapidly  approaching.  The  besiegers  had  already  commenced 
the  labors  of  the  second  parallel,  and  their  activity  seemed  to  increase 
every  day.  They  were  now  but  three  hundred  yards  from  the  place. 
The  English'  endeavored  to  arrest  them  by  a  deluge  of  bombs  and 
balls.  But  the  artillery  of  the  first  parallel  kept  up  so  heavy  a  fire, 
that  the  besieged,  far  from  being  able  to  interrupt  the  labors  of  the 
second,  soon  beheld  all  their  batteries  upon  their  left  flank  dismount- 
ed. This  event  was  the  more  prejudicial  to  them,  as  it  was  against 
that  very  part  that  the  allies  directed  their  principal  attack.  In  order 
to  complete  their  trenches,  it  remained  for  them  to  dislodge  the  Eng- 
lish from  the  two  advanced  redoubts  of  which  we  have  made  mention 
above.  Washington  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  carried  by 
assault.  With  a  view  of  exciting  emulation  between  the  two  nations, 
the  attack  on  the  redoubt  upon  the  right  was  committed  to  the 
Americans,  and  of  the  other  to  the  French.  The  American  detach- 
ment was  commanded  by  the  marquis  de  la  Fayelte  and  by  colonel 
Hamilton,  aid-de-camp  of  the  commander-in-chief,  a  young  man  of 
the  highest  expectation.  They  were  accompanied  by  colonel  Lau- 
rens,  son  of  the  former  president  of  Congress,  who  was  at  that  time 
confined  in  the  tower  of  London.  He  was  also  a  youth  of  the  fairest 
hope,  and  would  infallibly  have  furnished  a  brilliant  career  if  an  un- 
timely death  had  not  snatched  him  from  his  family,  and  from  his 
country.  The  baron  de  Viomesnil,  the  count  Charles  de  Damas, 
and  the  count  de  Deux  Ponts,  commanded  the  French.  The 
commanders  addressed  their  soldiers  a  short  exhortation  to  in- 
flame their  courage  ;  they  represented  that  this  last  effort  would 
bring  them  to  the  term  of  their  glorious  toils.  The  attack  was 
extremely  impetuous.  On  its  success  depended  in  a  great  mea- 
sure that  of  the  siege.  Relying  entirely  upon  their  bayonets,  the 
Americans  advanced  with  unloaded  arms  ;  they  passed  the  abattis 
and  palisades  without  waiting  to  remove  them.  The  English,  as- 
tonished at  so  much  audacity,  attempted  in  vain  to  put  themselves 
ppon  defence.  The  humanity  of  the  conquerors  equalled  their 
courage.  They  granted  life  to  all  those  who  demanded  it,  notwith- 
standing the  cruelties  recently  committed  at  New  London.  Young 
Laurens  gained  great  credit  upon  this  occasion,  and  personally  took 
the  commanding  officer  prisoner.  The  loss  was  very  moderate 
on  both  sides.  The  redoubt  upon  the  left  cost  more  efforts  ;  but  at 


»396  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

length,  the  French  chasseurs  and  grenadiers,  animated  by  the  exam- 
ple of  their  chiefs,  carried  it  with  the  bayonet.  This  double  conquest 
was  no  less  useful  to  the  allies  than  it  was  honorable  for  their  arms. 
Washington  presented  the  two  regiments  of  Gatinois  and  Deux  Fonts, 
who  had  contributed  to  it,  with  the  two  pieces  of  cannon  which  they 
had  taken.  The  besieged  made  no  attempt  to  recover  the  two 
redoubts.  The  besiegers  hastened  to  include  them  in  the  second 
parallel,  which  before  the  next  morning  was  entirely  completed. 
The  situation  of  the  garrison  was  become  so  critical,  that  it  could  no 
longer  hope  for  safety.  Cornwallis  foresaw  perfectly,  that  when  the 
besiegers  should  have  opened  the  fire  of  the  batteries  of  their  second 
parallel,  all  means  of  resistance  would  fail  him.  The  greater  part 
of  his  artillery  was  dismounted,  broken,  or  otherwise  disabled  ;  the 
walls  were  crumbled  into  the  ditches  ;  in  a  word,  almost  all  the  de- 
fences were  rased.  Having  lost  the  use  of  his  heavy  artillery,  the 
British  commander  gave  with  difficulty  some  sign  of  resistance  by 
firing  at  intervals  with  his  howitzers  and  small  mortars. 

In  this  state  of  things  Cornwallis,  in  order  to  retard  as  much  as 
was  in  his  power  the  completion  of  the  batteries  upon  the  second 
parallel,  resolved  to  reach  them  by  a  vigorous  sortie.  He  did  not 
flatter  himself,  however,  that  even  by  this  expedient  he  should  be  able 
to  extricate  himself  from  the  alarming  position  he  was  in,  nor  yet  to 
protract  his  defence  for  any  considerable  space  of  time.  He  wrote 
to  general  Clinton  that  being  exposed  every  moment  to  an  assault 
in  ruined  works,  and  an  almost  open  town,  with  a  garrison  weakened 
by  sickness,  the  distress  of  Yorktown  was  such  that  he  could  not 
recommend  to  the  fleet  and  army  to  run  any  great  risk  in  endeavor- 
ing to  save  it. 

Meanwhile,  a  detachment  sallied  from  the  place,  on  the  night  of 
the  sixteenth  of  October,  under  the  conduct  of  colonel  Abercrom- 
bie.  They  deceived  the  enemy  by  answering  as  Americans  ;  and, 
having  penetrated  to  the  second  parallel,  made  themselves  masters  of 
two  batteries,  the  one  French  and  the  other  American.  The  French 
who  had  the  guard  of  that  part  of  the  intrenchment,  suffered  con- 
siderably. The  English  spiked  eleven  pieces  of  cannon,  and  would 
have  done  much  more  mischief,  if  the  viscount  de  Noailles  had  not 
charged  them  furiously,  and  driven  them  before  him  into  the  town. 
This  sortie  was  not  of  the  least  advantage  to  the  besieged.  The 
cannon  which  wrere  hastily  spiked,  were  soon  again  rendered  fit  for 
service. 

The  fire  of  the  place  was  entirely  extinct.  Scarcely  did  it  throw 
from  time  to  time  a  cohorn  shell  into  the  camp  of  the  besiegers ;  and 
this  last  source  of  defence  was  nearly  expended.  The  garrison  was 
sensibly  enfeebled  by  disease  ;  fatigue  and  discouragement  over- 
whelmed even  the  soldiers  who  remained  for  service.  All  hope 
was  vanished ;  an  assault  must  prove  irremediable.  Straitened 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  397 

on  all  sides,  Cornwallis  was  constrained  to  resort  to  new  expe- 
dients. He  had  recourse  to  a  measure  which  he  ought  to  have 
embraced  before  it  was  too  late ;  and  that  was,  to  pass  the  river 
suddenly  with  his  garrison,  and  to  try  fortune  upon  the  opposite  bank. 
He  reflected,  that  even  if  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  escape  the  enemy 
entirely,  he  had  at  least  the  hope  of  retarding  the  moment  of  his 
surrender;  and  that,  in  any  event,  the  allies  occupied  in  pursuing  him, 
would  not  so  soon  have  it  in  their  power  to  turn  their  thoughts  and 
arms  upon  new  enterprises.  The  boats  are  prepared  ;  the  troops 
embark  ;  they  leave  behind  the  baggage,  the  sick  and  wounded,  and 
a  feeble  detachment,  in  order  to  capitulate  for  the  town's  people, 
with  a  letter  from  Cornwallis  to  Washington,  recommending  to  the 
generosity  of  the  conqueror  the  persons  not  in  a  condition  to  be 
removed.  Already  a  part  of  the  troops  is  landed  at  Gloucester 
Point  ;  another  embarks ;  the  third  division  only  is  waited  for  ;  a 
perfect  calm  prevails  in  the  air  and  upon  the  waters  5  everything  seem- 
ed to  favor  the  design  of  the  British  commander.  But  all  of  a  sud- 
den, at  that  critical  moment  of  hope,  apprehension  and  danger,  arose 
a  violent  storm  of  wind  and  rain,  and  all  was  lost.  The  boats  were 
all  driven  down  the  river,  and  the  army  thus  weakened  and  divided 
was  involved  in  a  state  of  the  most  imminent  danger.  The  day  be- 
gan to  appear.  The  besiegers  opened  a  tremendous  fire  from  all 
their  batteries  ;  the  bombs  showered  copiously  even  into  the  river. 
But  the  tempest,  in  the  meantime,  had  abated  ;  the  boats  were  able 
to  return,  and  the  English  finding  this  last  way  of  safety  interdicted 
them  by  inexorable  fortune,  came  back,  not  without  new  perils,  to 
that  shore,  where  a  certain  death  or  an  inevitable  captivity  awaited 
them.  Again  in  Yorktown,  Cornwallis  being  sensible  that  his 
position  was  now  past  all  remedy,  and  preferring  the  life  of  his  brave 
troops  to  the  honor  they  might  have  acquired  in  a  murderous  and 
desperate  assault,  sent  a  flag  to  Washington,  proposing  a  cessation  of 
arms  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  that  commissioners  might  be  appoint- 
ed on  both  sides  for  settling  the  terms  of  capitulation.  The  Ame- 
rican general  was  not  disposed  to  grant  so  long  a  time,  on  account 
of  the  possible  arrival  of  British  succours.  He  answered,  that  he 
could  only  grant  a  truce  of  two  hours  ;  and  that  during  this  interval 
he  should  expect  the  propositions  of  the  British  commander.  Corn- 
wallis was  desirous  that  his  troops  might  obtain  the  liberty  of  return- 
ing to  their  respective  countries,  the  English  to  England,  the  Ger- 
mans into  Germany,  upon  giving  their  parole  not  to  bear  arms  against 
France  or  America  until  exchanged.  He  demanded,  besides,  the 
regulation  of  the  interests  of  those  Americans,  who  having  followed 
the  British  army,  found  themselves  involved  in  its  fate.  Both  of 
these  conditions  were  alike  refused  ;  the  first,  because  it  was  not  in- 
tended to  leave  the  king  of  England  at  liberty  to  employ  his  captive 
regiments  in  the  home  garrisons  ;  the  second,  because  it  was  a  civil 

VOL.    IT.  51 


398  THE    AMERICAN    WAIl.  BOOK    Xllt. 

affair,  and  not  within  the  competence  of  the  military  commanders. 
As  to  this  last  article,  Cornwallis  prosecuted  the  negotiation  of  it 
with  so  much  ardor,  that  he  at  length  obtained  permission  to  despatch 
the  sloop  Bonetta  to  New  York,  with  the  privilege  of  passing  without 
search  or  visit,  he  being  only  answerable  that  the  number  of  persons 
she  conveyed  should  be  accounted  for  as  prisoners  of  war  upon 
exchange.  After  various  discussions,  the  two  hostile  generals  having 
agreed  upon  the  terms  of  capitulation,  the  commissioners  charged 
with  drawing  it  up  convened  in  a  habitation  near  the  river,  called 
Moore's  house  ;  they  were,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  the  colonels 
Dundas  and  Ross  ;  on  the  part  of  the  allies,  the  viscount  de  Noailles 
and  colonel  Laurens.  The  posts  of  York  and  Gloucester  were  sur- 
rendered on  the  nineteenth  of  October.  The  land  forces  became 
prisoners  to  America,  and  the  seamen  to  France.  The  officers 
retained  their  arms  and  baggage.  The  soldiers  were  to  be  kept 
together  as  much  as  possible  in  regiments,  and  to  be  cantoned  in 
Virginia,  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  ;  a  part  of  the  officers  engaged 
to  accompany  the  corps  into  the  interior  of  the  country  ;  the  others 
were  at  liberty  to  go  upon  parole  either  to  England  or  New  York. 
The  Bonetta,  on  her  return  from  that  city,  was  to  be  delivered  to  the 
count  de  Grasse.  All  the  shipping  and  naval  munitions  were  put 
into  the  hands  of  the  French.  The  British  flotilla  consisted  of  two 
frigates,  the  Guadaloupe  and  Fowey,  besides  about  twenty  trans- 
ports ;  twenty  others  had  been  burnt  during  the  siege.  The  Ame- 
ricans had  for  their  portion  the  field  artillery.  They  found  in  York- 
town  and  Gloucester  an  hundred  and  sixty  pieces  of  cannon,  the 
greater  part  brass,  and  eight  mortars.  The  number  of  prisoners, 
exclusive  of  seamen,  amounted  to  upwards  of  seven  thousand.  Out 
of  this  number,  more  than  two  thousand  were  wounded  or  sick. 
Tile  besieged  had  about  five  hundred  and  fifty  slain  ;  but  they  lost 
no  officer  of  note  except  major  Cochrane.  On  the  side  of  the  be- 
siegers, about  four  hundred  and  fifty  were  killed  or  wounded. 

When  the  garrison  had  deposited  their  arms,  they  were  conducted 
to  the  places  of  their  destination.  The  talents  and  bravery  displayed 
in  this  siege  by  the  allies,  won  them  an  immortal  glory ;  and  they 
still  enhanced  it  by  the  humanity  and  generosity  with  which  they 
treated  their  prisoners.  The  French  officers,  in  particular,  honored 
themselves  by  the  most  delicate  behavior.  They  seemed  to  have 
no  other  cares  but  that  of  consoling  the  vanquished  by  every  mark 
of  the  most  sympathising  interest.  Not  content  with  professions, 
they  made  the  English  th'e  most  pressing  offers  of  money,  both  pub- 
lic and  private.  Lord  Cornwallis  in  his  public  letters  acknowledged 
in  warm  terms  the  magnanimity  of  this  conduct. 

The  fate  of  York  town  and  its  defenders  was  thus  decided,  when, 
the  twenty-fourth  of  October,  the  British  fleet,  consisting  of  twenty- 
five  sail  of  the  line,  with  two  of  fifty  guns  and  several  frigates,  ap- 


BOOK    XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  399 

peared  at  the  entrance  of  the  Chesapeake.  It  had  made  sail  from 
New  York  the  nineteenth,  the  day  of  the  capitulation  ;  it  brought  a 
corps  of  seven  thousand  men  to  the  succour  of  Cornwallis.  Upon 
positive  intelligence  of  the  catastrophe  of  Yorktown,  the  British 
commanders,  filled  with  grief  and  consternation,  reconducted  their 
forces  to  New  York. 

At  the  news  of  so  glorious,  so  important  a  victory,  transports  of 
exultation  broke  out  from  one  extremity  of  America  to  the  other. 
The  remembrance  of  past  evils  gave  place,  in  all  minds,  to  the  most 
brilliant  hopes.  Nobody  dared  longer  to  doubt  of  independence. 
If  the  victory  of  Saratoga  had  produced  the  alliance  with  France, 
that  of.  Yorktown  was  to  have  the  effect  of  establishing  on  an  unsha- 
ken basis,  the  liberty  of  the  American  people.  If  the  one  had  been 
the  cause  of  the  successes  of  the  war,  the  other  was  about  to  create 
the  blessings  of  an  honorable  peace.  In  all  parts  of  the  United 
States,  solemn  festivals  and  rejoicings  celebrated  the  triumph  of 
American  fortune,  and  the  downfall  of  that  of  the  enemy.  The 
names  of  Washington,  of  Rochambeau,  de  Grasse,  la  Fayette, 
resounded  every  where.  To  the  unanimous  acclaim  of  the  people, 
the  Congress  joined  the  authority  of  its  decrees.  It  addressed  thanks 
to  the  generals  as  well  as  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  victori- 
ous army.  It  ordained,  that  there  should  be  erected  at  Yorktown  of 
Virginia,  a  marble  column,  adorned  with  emblems  of  the  alliance 
between  the  United  Slates  and  the  king  of  France,  and  inscribed 
with  a  succinct  narrative  of  the  surrender  of  earl  Cornwallis.  It 
decreed,  that  Washington  should  be  presented  with  two  stands  of 
British  colors  ;  the  count  de  Rochamheau  with  two  pieces  of  can- 
non, and  that  his  most  Christian  majesty  should  be  requested  to  per- 
mit the  count  de  Grasse  to  accept  a  like  present.  The  Congress 
repaired  in  body  to  the  principal  church  of  Philadelphia,  to  render 
their  joyful  thanksgivings  to  the  most  high  God  for  the  recent  victory. 
By  a  special  decree,  the  thirteenth  of  December  was  appointed  to 
be  observed  as  a  day  of  prayer  and  acknowledgment  for  so  signal 
an  evidence  of  the  divine  protection. 

The  demonstrations  of  public  gratitude  towards  the  captain-general, 
were  not  confined  to  these  honors.  The  provincial  assemblies,  the 
universities,  the  literary  societies,  addressed  him  the  sincere  homage 
of  their  felicitations  and  admiration.  He  answered  with  exemplary 
modesty,  that  he  had  done  no  more  than  what  his  duty  required  of 
him  ;  he  was  eloquent  in  extolling  the  valor  of  the  army,  and  the 
efficacious  assistance  of  an  ally  no  less  generous  than  powerful. 

Washington  would  have  wished  so  to  profit  of  the  conjuncture  as 
to  expel  the  British  entirely  from  the  American  continent.  He 
meditated  in  particular  the  recovery  of  Charleston.  His  design 
might  have  been  put  in  execution,  if  the  count  de  Grasse  had  been 
at  liberty  to  remain  longer  upon  the  American  coasts ;  but  the  express 


400  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIII. 

oHers  of  his  government  recalled  him  to  the  West  Indies.  He  made 
sail  for  those  islands,  the  fifth  of  November,  taking  with  him  the  corps 
which  had  served  under  the  marquis  cle  St.  Simon.  The  troops 
which  had  reduced  Yorktown  were  marched  in  part  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson,  to  watch  the  motions:  of  Clinton,  who  had  still  a  great 
force  at  New  York.  The  rest  were  sent  to  the  Garolinas,  to  reen- 
force  general  Greene,  and  confirm  the  authority  of  Congress  in  those 
provinces.  The  English  totally  evacuated  the  open  country,  and 
withdrew  behind  the  walls  of  Charleston  and  Savannah.  The  mar- 
quis de  la  Fayette  embarked  about  the  same  time  for  Europe,  bear- 
ing with  him  the  affection  and  the  regrets  of  the  Americans.  The 
Congress,  whilst  testifying  their  high  satisfaction  with  his  services, 
prayed  him  to  advocate  the  interests  of  the  United  States  with  the 
French  ministry,  and  to  recommend  them  especially  to  the  benevo- 
lence of  his  most  Christian  majesty.  Washington  repaired  to  Phila- 
delphia, where  he  had  frequent  conferences  with  the  Congress  upon 
military  operations,  and  the  business  of  the  state.  Thanks  to  his 
cares  and  activity,  the  service  of  the  war  department  was  secured  for 
the  following  year  much  earlier  than  it  had  ever  been  before. 

Such  was  the  termination  of  the  campaign  of  Virginia,  which  was 
well  nigh  being  that  of  all  the  American  war.  The  disaster  of  York- 
town  so  prostrated  the  British  power  upon  that  continent,  that  thence- 
forth the  English,  utterly  despairing  of  being  able  to  reestablish  it, 
abandoned  all  idea  of  acting  offensively,  and  thought  only  of  defend- 
ing themselves.  With  the  exception  of  strong  places,  or  countries 
accessible  to  their  powerful  navy,  such  as  the  province  of  New  York, 
the  contiguous  islands,  and  the  cities  of  Charleston  and  Savannah,  all 
the  territory  was  recovered  into  the  power  of  Congress.  Thus,  by  a 
sudden  reverse  of  fortune,  the  victors  became  vanquished  ;  thus  those, 
who  in  the  course  of  a  cruel  war,  had  learned  from  their  enemies 
themselves  how  to  wage  it,  made  such  proficiency  in  the  art  as  in 
their  turn  to  give  lessons  to  their  masters. 

The  arms  of  England  were  not  more  fortunate  in  the  West  Indies 
than  they  had  been  upon  the  American  continent.  The  marquis  de 
Bouille  was  informed  that  the  governor  of  St.  Eustatius  relying  upon 
the  strength  of  the  island,  or  upon  the  absence  of  the  fleet  of  the 
count  de  Grasse,  kept  a  very  negligent  guard.  Without  loss  of  time, 
he  embarked,  at  Martinico,  twelve  hundred  regular  troops  with  some 
militia  in  three  frigates,  one  corvette  and  four  smaller  armed  vessels. 
He  sailed  immediately  for  St.  Eustatius.  To  confirm  the  enemy  in 
that  profound  security  to  which  he  abandoned  himself,  he  gave  out 
that  he  was  going  to  meet  the  French  armament  on  its  return  from 
America.  He  appeared  in  sight  of  the  island  the  twenty-fifth  of 
November.  But  formidable  obstacles  awaited  him  there ;  an 
unusually  rough  sea  not  only  prevented  him  from  landing  all  his 
troops,  but  even  rendered  it  impracticable  for  the  frigates  to  approach 


BOOK   XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  401 

the  shore,  and  the  boats  were  dashed  in  pieces  against  the  rocks. 
The  activity  of  the  marquis  de  Bouille  enabled  him,  after  unprece- 
dented efforts,  to  put  ashore  four  hundred  soldiers  of  the  Irish  legion 
with  the  chasseurs  of  two  French  regiments.  This  detachment, 
separated  from  the  rest  of  the  troops  by  the  fury  of  the  sea,  was 
exposed  to  the  most  imminent  danger  ;  it  was  about  to  encounter  a 
garrison  consisting  of  seven  hundred  veteran  soldiers.  But  the 
marquis  de  Bouille,  with  the  presence  of  mind  that  characterised 
him,  immediately  took  the  only  determination  that  could  lead  him  to 
success  ;  and  that  was  to  push  rapidly  forward,  and  seize  by  surprise 
what  he  was  in  no  condition  to  carry  by  force.  He  appeared  unex- 
pectedly under  the  walls  of  the  fortress ;  such  was  his  celerity,  and 
such  the  negligence  of  the  enemy,  that  he  found  a  part  of  the  garrison 
exercising  in  full  security  upon  the  esplanade.  The  day  had  but 
just  commenced.  The  rest  of  the  soldiers  were  dispersed  in  the 
barracks  and  houses.  Deceived  by  the  red  coats  of  the  Irish,  the 
garrison  took  them  at  first  for  English  ;  they  were  first  made  sensible 
of  their  error  by  a  discharge  of  musketry,  at  half  portice,  which  killed 
several,  and  wounded  a  greater  number.  They  were  thrown  into  con- 
fusion ;  governor  Cockburne,  who  returned  at  this  moment  from  a 
promenade  on  horseback,  came  up,  on  bearing  the  strange  noise, 
and  was  made  prisoner.  Meanwhile,  the  French  chasseurs  had 
pushed  rapidly  behind  the  English,  and  had  already  reached  the  gate 
of  the  fortress.  The  English  rushed  into  it  tumultuously,  and 
attempted  to  raise  the  drawbridge ;  but  the  French,  still  more 
prompt,  threw  themselves  in  pell  mell  with  them.  Surprised  upon 
all  points,  and  unable  to  rally,  the  garrison  laid  down  arms  and  sur- 
rendered. Thus  the  island  of  St.  Eustatius  fell  into  the  power  of 
the  French.  The  booty  they  made  was  immense  ;  twenty  pieces  of 
cannon  were  the  fruit  of  victory.  A  million  of  livres  which  had  been 
put  in  sequestration  by  the  English,  was  forthwith  restored  by  the 
generous  victor  to  the  Dutch,  from  whom  it  had  been  wrested. 
Governor  Cockburne  claimed  a  sum  of  two  hundred  and  sixty-four 
thousand  livres  as  belonging  to  him  personally ;  it  was  assigned  him 
with  the  same  liberality.  But  the  marquis  de  Bouille  thought  he 
had  right  to  distribute  among  his  troops  sixteen  hundred  thousand 
livres  appertaining  to  admiral  Rodney,  general  Vaughan  and  other 
British  officers  ;  as  being  the  produce  of  the  sales  they  had  made  at 
St.  Eustatius.  Thus  M.  de  la  Motte  Piquet,  at  first,  then  the  mar- 
quis de  Bouille  stripped  the  plunderers  of  this  island  of  the  riches 
they  had  amassed  in  it ;  they  had  scarcely  any  thing  left  of  all  their 
spoils.  The  neighboring  islands  of  Saba  and  St.  Martin  came  like- 
wise the  next  day  into  the  power  of  the  French. 

1782.  In  the  commencement  of  the  following  month  of  February, 
a  squadron  of  seven  light  vessels  armed  for  war,  under  the  command 
of  the  count  de  Kersaint,  recovered  to  Holland  the  colonies  of  Deme- 


402  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIII. 

rary,  Issequibo  and  Berbice ;  so  that  all  the  conquests  of  admiral 
Rodney,  on  which  the  British  nation  had  founded  the  most  brilliant 
hopes  of  mercantile  advantage,  were  wrested  from  it  with  as  much 
promptitude  and  facility  as  they  had  been  made.  As  to  France,  the 
preservation  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  the  retaking  of  the 
Dutch  colonies  in  America,  acquired  her  the  reputation  of  a  faithful 
and  disinterested  ally,  and  thus  considerably  increased  the  number  of 
her  partisans  in  Holland.  After  the  conquest  of  St.  Eustatius,  the 
return  of  the  count  de  Grasse  decided  the  French  to  follow  up  their 
victories.  Their  superiority  both  in  land  and  naval  forces,  authorised 
them,  in  effect,  to  entertain  hopes  of  the  most  important  successes. 
They  directed  their  views  at  first  towards  the  opulent  island  of  Bar- 
badoes.  Its  position,  to  windward  of  all  the  others,  renders  it  very 
proper  for  securing  the  domination  of  them.  Twice  they  embarked 
upon  this  expedition  with  all  the  means  fitted  to  ensure  its  success, 
and  twice  they  were  driven  back  by  contrary  winds.  It  was  neces- 
sary that  the  efforts  of  human  valor  should  yield  to  the  power  of  the 
elements.  The  French  commanders  then  determined  to  attack  the 
island  of  St.  Christophers  situated  to  leeward  of  Martinico.  The 
count  de  Grasse  arrived  there  the  eleventh  of  January,  with  thirty- 
two  sail  of  the  line,  and  six  thousand  men  under  the  marquis  de 
Bouille.  The  fleet  anchored  in  the  road  of  Basse  Terre,  and  the 
troops  were  disembarked.  The  inhabitants  of  the  island  were  dis- 
contented with  the  British  government ;  they  had  always  condemned 
the  American  war,  and  they  considered  themselves,  besides,  aggrieved 
by  certain  acts  of  parliament.  Their  indignation  was  extreme, 
moreover,  that  the  merchandise  which  they  deposited  in  the  ware- 
houses of  St.  Eustatius,  had  been  so  shamefully  pillaged  by  Rodney 
and  Vaughan.  Consequently,  instead  of  taking  arms  against  the 
French,  they  remained  tranquil  spectators  of  events. 

The  British  retired  from  Basse  Terre  upon  Brimstone  Hill.  Their 
force  consisted  of  seven  hundred  regulars,  who  were  afterwards  joined 
by  about  three  hundred  militia.  The  governor  of  the  island  was 
general  Frazer,  a  very  aged  officer.  The  militia  were  commanded 
by  general  Shirley,  governor  of  Antigua.  Brimstone  Hill  is  a  steep 
and  almost  inaccessible  rock.  It  rises  upon  the  seashore,  not  far 
from  the  little  town  of  Sandy  Hill,  which  is  considered  the  second  of 
the  island,  and  situated  about  ten  miles  from  Basse  Terre,  which  is 
the  capital.  The  fortifications  constructed  upon  the  summit  of  Brim- 
stone Hill,  were  by  no  means  correspondent  to  its  natural  strength. 
They  were,  besides,  too  extensive  to  be  susceptible  of  an  efficient  de- 
fence by  so  feeble  a  garrison.  No  sooner  were  the  French  disembarked, 
than  they  marched  in  four  columns  to  invest,  the  hill  on  all  its  faces  at 
once.  As  the  artillery  of  the  place  incommoded  them  exceedingly, 
they  found  themselves  necessitated  to  proceed  with  much  regularity 
and  caution.  They  opened  trenches,  and  covered  themselves  by 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  403 

breastworks.  They  were  almost  entirely  destitute  of  heavy  artillery, 
the  ship  that  bore  it  having  foundered  near  Sandy  Point.  Their 
industry  and  patience,  however,  succeeded  in  recovering  from  the 
bottom  of  the  sea  the  greater  part  of  the  pieces.  They  hastened 
also  to  procure  them  from,  the  neighboring  islands.  They  likewise 
made  themselves  masters  of  some  heavy  cannon  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain,  which  had  been  sent  from  England  a  long  time  before,  and 
which  through  the  negligence  of  the  governor  had  not  been  carried 
into  the  fortress.  Independent  of  this  artillery,  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  bombs  and  cannon-ball  fell  into  the  power  of  the  French. 
Thus  the  arms  and  ammunition  sent  by  the  British  government  for 
the  defence  of  the  island,  were  left  to  be  employed  for  its  reduction. 
The  late  surprise  of  St.  Eustatius  ought,  however,  to  have  put  the 
commandant  of  St.  Christophers  upon  the  alert. 

The  French,  thus  finding  themselves  provided  with  the  apparatus 
necessary  for  their  operations,  established  themselves  upon  the  most 
commanding  of  the  neighboring  heights,  and  began  to  batter  the 
fortress.  The  garrison  defended  themselves  valiantly,  and  with  more 
effect  than  could  have  been  expected  from  their  small  number. 

In  the  meantime,  admiral  Hood  returned  from  the  coasts  of 
America  to  Carlisle  Bay,  in  the  island  of  Barbadoes,  with  twenty-two 
sail  of  the  line.  Upon  intelligence  of  the  peril  of  St.  Christophers 
notwithstanding  the  great  inferiority  of  his  force  to  that  of  the  count 
de  Grasse,  he  put  to  sea  again  immediately  for  the  relief  of  the  island 
attacked.  He  first  touched  at  Antigua  to  take  on  board  general 
Prescott  with  a  corps  of  about  two  thousand  men,  and  then  sailed 
wilhout  delay  for  the  road  of  Basse  Terre,  in  St.  Christophers.  At 
the  unexpected  appearance  of  the  British  fleet,  the  count  de  Grasse 
instantly  took  his  resolution  ;  he  weighed  anchor,  and  sailed  forth- 
with to  meet  the  enemy.  His  intention,  in  standing  out  of  the  har- 
bor, was  to  put  himself  in  condition  to  take  advantage  of  the 
superiority  of  his  force,  and  to  prevent  Hood  from  anchoring  oft 
Sandy  Pointy  whence  he  might  easily  have  thrown  succours  into  the 
fort  on  Brimstone  Mill.  The  British  admiral,  who  observed  the 
movements  of  his  adversary,  made  a  feint  of  intending  to  await  the 
battle  ;  then,  all  at  once  fell  back,  in  order  to  draw  the  count  de 
Grasse  more  and  more  distant  (rom  the  fort.  As  soon  as  he  had 
effected  this  object,  availing  himself  of  the  swiftness  of  his  ships  and 
the  advantage  of  wind,  he  stood  into  the  bay  of  Basse  Terre  and 
came  to  anchor  in  the  same  spot  whence  the  French  admiral  had 
departed,  This  able  manoeuvre  was  admired  by  the  French  them- 
selves. They  followed,  however,  and  with  their  van  engaged  that 
of  the  EngHsh,  but  to  little  effect.  The  count  de  Grasse  afterwards 
presented  himself  with  all  his  fleet  at  the  entrance  of  the  bay. 
The  attack  was  extremely  vigorous  ;  but  the  British  ships,  lying 
fast  at  anchor  in  a  line  across  the  itfouth  of  the  harbor,  afforded  no 


404  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIII. 

assailable  point.  The  French  were  unable  to  make  the  least  effec- 
tive impression,  and  lost  not  a  few  men  in  the  attempt.  It  was 
followed,  however,  by  a  second,  which  had  no  better  success.  The 
count  de  Grasse  then  renounced  open  force,  and  contented  himself 
with  cruising  near  enough  to  block  up  the  British  fleet  in  the  bay, 
and  protect  the  convoys  of  munitions  which  were  on  the  way  to  him 
from  Martinico  and  Guadaloupe. 

Admiral  Hood,  on  rinding  that  the  French  had  given  up  all 
thoughts  of  disturbing  him  in  his  anchorage,  put  ashore  general 
Prescott,  with  a  corps  of  thirteen  hundred  men  ;  that  general  having 
driven  in  a  French  post  stationed  in  that  part,  encamped  in  a  strong 
position  upon  the  heights.  He  hoped  to  find  some  favorable  occasion 
to  succour  the  fortress.  The  strength  of  the  place  seemed  to  pro- 
mise him  that  general  Frazer  would  be  able  to  hold  out  still  for  a  long 
time.  Admiral  Hood,  moreover,  had  received  positive  advice,  that 
Rodney  was  not  far  off,  and  that  he  had  brought  from  Europe  a 
reenforcement  of  twelve  sail  of  the  line.  It  appeared  to  him  impos- 
sible that  after  the  junction  of  all  the  British  forces,  the  count  de 
Grasse,  and  still  less  the  marquis  de  Bouille,  should  be  able  to  keep 
the  field. 

The  capture  of  all  the  French  troops  then  on  shore  was  in  his 
opinion  an  infallible  event.  But,  in  spite  of  all  calculations,  already 
the  marquis  de  Bouille  having  marched  two  thousand  men  against 
general  Prescott,  had  compelled  him  to  evacuate  the  island  and 
reembark  precipitately.  On  the  other  hand,  the  French  artillery 
kept  up  so  terrible  a  fire  against  Brimstone  Hill,  that  a  number  of 
breaches  began  to  open  in  the  walls,  one  of  them  in  the  part  fronting 
the  French  camp  was  already  practicable.  A  general  assault  would 
inevitably  carry  the  place.  The  governor  did  not  think  proper  to 
await  this  terrible  extremity.  All  hope  being  now  extinct,  he  de- 
manded to  capitulate.  The  conditions  granted  him  were  honorable 
for  the  soldiers,  and  advantageous  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  island. 
In  consideration  of  their  gallant  defence,  the  generals  Frazer  and 
Shirley  were  left  in  perfect  liberty  upon  their  parole.  The  surrender 
of  Brimstone  Hill,  placed  the  whole  island  of  St.  Christophers  in  the 
power  of  the  French.  Admiral  Hood,  therefore,  had  no  longer  a 
motive  for  maintaining  his  anchorage  in  the  bay  of  Basse  Terre ; 
and  moreover  his  fleet  was  in  some  degree  exposed  there  to  the  fire 
of  the  batteries  which  the  French  might  have  established  upon  the 
shore.  Nor  could  he  overlook  the  importance  of  effecting  his  junc- 
tion with  admiral  Rodney,  who  was  daily  expected,  and  who  perhaps 
was  already  arrived  at  Barbadoes.  Retreat,  however,  was  perilous 
in  the  presence  of  so  formidable  a  force  as  the  French  fleet.  But 
the  conjuncture  admitted  of  no  hesitation.  Accordingly,  in  the  night 
that  followed  the  capitulation,  the  French  being  four  leagues  off,  the 
English  cut  their  cables  in  order  to  get  under  way  at  the  same 


BOOK  XIII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  405 

time,  and  thus  keep  their  ships  more  collected  and  together.  This 
manoeuvre  succeeded  perfectly  ;  they  gained  Barbadoes  without  op- 
position. Great  was  their  joy  at  meeting  Rodney  in  that  island,  who 
had  just  arrived  there  with  twelve  sail  of  the  line.  The  count  de 
Grasse  incurred  on  this  head,  the  most  violent  reproaches  of  negli- 
gence and  excessive  circumspection.  It  was  maintained,  that  he 
should  have  closely  blockaded  the  British  fleet  in  its  anchorage,  or 
attacked  it  at  its  departure,  or  else  pursued  it  in  its  retreat.  His 
partisans  defended  him,  by  alleging  that  he  experienced  an  extreme 
scarcity  of  provisions  ;  that  his  ships  were  by  no  means  so  good 
sailers  as  those  of  the  enemy,  and  finally,  that  he  was  under  an 
absolute  necessity  of  returning  promptly  to  Martinico  in  order  to 
cover  the  arrival  of  convoys  which  were  expected  there  from  Eu- 
rope. However  these  things  might  be,  it  remains  demonstrated  that 
the  junction  of  the  two  British  admirals,  produced  in  the  issue,  an 
incalculable  prejudice  to  the  interests  of  France  ;  as  the  sequel  of 
this  history  will  sufficiently  evince.  About  the  same  lime,  the  island 
of  Montserrat  surrendered  to  the  arms  of  the  counts  de  Barras  and 
de  Flechin.  A  few  days  aften,  the  count  de  Grasse  came  to  anchor 
at  Martinico. 

We  have  just  seen  the  fortune  of  Great  Britain  depressed  alike 
upon  the  American  continent,  and  in  the  West  Indies.  The  arms  of 
king  George  were  not  more  successful  in  Europe  than  in  the  New 
World.  His  enemies  had  there  also  the  gratification  of  witnessing 
the  declension  of  his  power.  It  was  especially  agreeable  to  Spain, 
who  first  gathered  its  fruits.  The  duke  de  Crillon,  knowing  with 
what  ardor  the  Catholic  king  desired  to  have  in  his  power  the 
island  of  Minorca,  applied  himself  with  the  utmost  zeal  to  the  siege 
of  Fort  St.  Philip.  All  the  resources  of  the  art  of  war  had  been 
employed  to  reduce  it ;  a  more  formidable  artillery  had  never  been 
levelled  against  a  place.  But  its  natural  strength,  the  immense 
works  which  covered  it,  and  the  perseverance  of  the  besieged,  creat- 
ing apprehensions  that  the  defence  might  be  protracted  still  for  a  long 
time,  the  Spanish  general  had  recourse  to  an  expedient  too  little 
worthy  of  him.  He  attempted  to  seduce  governor  Murray,  and  to 
obtain  by  corruption  what  he  despaired  of  carrying  by  force.  He 
had,  it  is  true,  for  this  degrading  step,  the  positive  instructions  of  his 
government.  General  Murray  repulsed  the  offers  of  his  adversary 
with  as  much  dignity  as  disdain.  He  reminded  the  duke  de  Crillon, 
that  when  one  of  his  valiant  ancestors  had  been  requested  by  his 
king  to  assassinate  the  duke  de  Guise,  he  had  made  him  the  answer 
that  his  descendant  should  also  have  made  to  those  who  had  pre- 
sumed to  commission  him  to  attempt  the  honor  of  a  man  sprung  from 
a  blood  as  illustrious  as  his  own,  or  that  of  the  Guises.  He  ended  his 
letter  with  praying  him  to  cease  to  write  or  offer  parley,  his  resolution 
VOL.  IT.  52 


406  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

being  to  communicate  wiih  him  no  more,  except  at  the  point  of  the 
sword.* 

The  duke  de  Crillon  gave  general  Murray  to  understand,  that  he 
could  not  but  honor  him  for  his  conduct ;  that  he  rejoiced  it  had 
placed  them  both  in  that  position  which  befitted  them  alike  ;  and 
that  it  had  greatly  increased  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  had  always 
held  the  governor.  Meanwhile,  the  situation  of  the  besieged  was 
become  painful  in  the  extreme.  Notwithstanding  the  success  of  a 
vigorous  sortie,  in  which  they  had  dislodged  the  duke  de  Ci  illon  from 
Cape  Mola,  where  he  had  established  his  head-quarters,  their  weak- 
ness rendered  this  transitory  triumph  more  hurtful  to  them  than 
beneficial.  The  garrison  would  by  no  means  have  sufficed  for  the 
defence  of  so  extensive  fortifications,  even  it  they  had  been  free  trom 
sickness.  But  very  far  from  that  was  their  condition.  The  seeds 
of  the  scurvy,  with  which  they  were  infected,  even  before  the  opening 
of  the  siege,  had  developed  themselves  with  a  fury  which  increased 
from  day  to  day.  All  who  were  seized  with  it  either  died,  or  be- 
came totally  useless  for  the  defence  of  the  place.  The  causes  of 
this  mortal  disease  were  principally  the  scarcity,  or  rather  absolute 
want,  of  vegetables,  the  amassment  of  soldiers  in  the  casemates,  the 
horrible  fetor  which  resulted  from  it,  and  the  excessive  fatigues  of  a 
service  almost  without  remission.  To  the  scurvy,  as  if  not  sufficient 
of  itself  to  exterminate  the  unhappy  garrison,  putrid  fevers  and  the 
dysentery  united  their  destructive  rage.  Overwhelmed  by  so  many 
evils,  these  intrepid  warriors  piqued  themselves  upon  braving  them. 
Those  who  were  already  attacked  with  pestilential  maladies,  dissem- 
bled their  sufferings,  for  fear  of  not  being  admitted  to  share  the  perils 
of  their  comrades.  Their  ardor  had  survived  their  bodily  strength  ; 
some  of  them  were  seen  to  expire  under  arms. 

Nature  at  length  triumphed  over  the  firmness  of  these  generous 
spirits.  In  the  beginning  of  February,  the  garrison  found  itself  so 
diminished,  that  there  remained  only  six  hundred  and  sixty  men 
capable  of  any  sort  of  service  ;  and,  even  of  this  number,  the  most 
part  were  tainted  with  the  scurvy.  It  was  to  be  feared  lest  the  ene- 
my, apprised  of  this  disastrous  state  of  things,  might  precipitate  his 
attacks,  and  carry  the  place  by  storm.  There  was  the. more  founda- 
tion for  such  an  apprehension,  as  the  artillery  had  already  ruined  the 
greater  part  of  the  upper  defences.  Scarcely  did  there  remain  a 

*  Henry  III.  despairing  of  being  able  to  reduce  the  duke  of  Guise,  consulted  the 
Mareschals  3'  Aumont,  de  Rambouilet  and  de  Beauvais  Nangis,  who  decided  that,  con- 
sidering the  impossibility  of  bringing  that  illustrious  rebel  to  trial,  it  was  necessary  to 
take  him  off  by  surprise.  The  king  proposed  to  the  celebrated  Crillon  to  undertake  the 
execution  of  this  murder  ;  '  I  will  not  assassinate  him,  answered  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
but  I  will  fight  him.  When  a  man  is  ready  to  give  his  life,  he  is  master  of  that  of 
another.' 

The  affectation  of  general  Murray  in  vaunting  in  his  answer  the  nobility  of  his  origin, 
grew  out  of  his  pretending  to  have  descended  from  the  earl  of  Murray,  natural  son  of 
James  V.  and  brother  of  Mary  Stuart. 


BOOK  XIII.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  40? 

few  pieces  of  cannon  in  a  serviceable  state,  and  the  fire  of  the  enemy 
was  still  unremitting. 

In  a  situation  so  utterly  hopeless,  to  resist  any  longer  would  have 
been  rather  the  delirium  of  a  senseless  obstinacy,  than  the  effect  of  a 
generous  constancy.  Murray  accepted  a  capitulation,  the  tenor  of 
which  was  honorable  for  his  garrison.  He  was  allowed  all  the  honors 
of  war  ;  the  British  troops  were  to  be  sent  to  England  as  prisoners 
upon  parole  ;  all  the  foreigners  had  permission  to  return  to  their 
countries  with  their  effects;  the  Minorcans  who  had  adhered  to  the 
British  party,  were  left  at  liberty  to  remain  in  the  island  in  the  undis- 
turbed enjoyment  of  their  possessions.  When  the  remains  of  this 
valiant  garrison  evacuated  Fort  St.  Philip,  they  had  more  the  appear- 
ance of  spectres  than  of  men. 

They  marched  through  the  French  and  Spanish  armies,  which 
were  drawn  up  fronting  each  other,  and  formed  a  lane  for  their  pas- 
sage. They  consisted  of  no  more  than  six,  hundred  old  decr«-pid 
soldiers,  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  the  royal  artillery,  two  hundred 
seamen,  and  about  fifty  Corsicans,  Greeks,  Turks  and  Moors.  The 
victors  manifested  compassion  for  the  fate  of  their  prisoners  ;  they 
could  not  refuse  them  even  a  tribute  of  admiration,  when,  arrived 
at  the  place  where  they  laid  down  their  arms,  they  heard  them 
declare,  while  lifting  up  to  heaven  their  eyes  bathed  in  tears,  that 
they  had  surrendered  them  to  God  alone.  The  humanity  of  the 
French  and  Spaniards  was  highly  conspicuous,  and  worthy  of  last- 
ing praise.  Yielding  to  the  most  generous  emotions,  the  common 
soldiers  of  the  two  nations  were  forward  to  administer  refreshments 
and  consolations  to  their  unfortunate  enemies.  The  duke  and  count 
de  Crillon,  as  well  as  the  baron  de  Falkenhayn,  commander  of  the 
French  troops,  signalised  themselves  by  the  most  feeling  and  delicate 
attentions.  Such  actions  and  conduct  cast  abroad  a  pleasing 
shade,  which  serves  to  soften  the  horrors  of  war,  and  to  hide  and 
alleviate  its  calamities ;  should  they  not  also  mitigate  the  fury  of 
national  rivalships  and  animosities  ? 

Thus  did  the  island  of  Minorca  return  to  the  dominion  of  Spain, 
after  it  had  been  in  the  possession  of  Great  Britain  for  upwards  of 
seventy  years. 

The  news  of  so  many  and  so  grievous  disasters,  and  especially 
that  of  Yorktown,  produced  in  England  a  general  consternation, 
accompanied  by  an  earnest  desire  of  a  new  order  of  things.  The 
length  of  the  war  was  already  become  wearisome  to  all  ;  the  enor- 
mous expenses  it  had  occasioned,  and  which  it  still  exacted,  were 
viewed  with  disquietude  and  alarm.  The  late  reverses  still  increased 
this  universal  discontent ;  and  with  the  diminution  of  the  hope  of 
victory  was  strengthened  in  all  the  impatience  for  the  return  of  peace. 
The  possibility  of  resuming  the  offensive  upon  the  American  conti- 
nent, and  of  reestablishing  there,  by  dint  of  arms,  the  sovereignty  of 


408  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIII. 

Great  Britain  was  now  considered  as  a  chimera.  The  secret  machi- 
nations in  order  to  divide  the  people  of  America,  the  terror  and 
barbarity  of  the  Indians,  the  attempts  of  treason,  the  destruction  of 
commerce,  the  falsification  of  bills  of  credit,  odious  means  to  which 
the  British  ministers  had  resorted,  and  even  the  victories  of  their 
generals,  all  had  failed  of  wresting  from  the  Americans  the  smallest 
indication  of  a  disposition  to  resume  their  ancient  yoke.  If  such  had 
been  their  constancy,  when  their  ship,  battered  by  the  tempests,  seem- 
ed hastening  to  the  bottom,  how  could  it  be  hoped  to  see  them  bend, 
while  the  most  propitious  gales  were  conducting  them  into  the  wished 
for  port  ?  It  was  selfevident  that  henceforth  the  war  of  America 
could  have  no  other  object  but  that  of  obtaining  the  most  honorable 
conditions  possible,  after  having  acknowledged  independence.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  immense  losses  sustained  in  the  West  Indies, 
gave  occasion  to  fear  lest  they  might  be  followed  by  others  still  more 
afflicting.  The  most  anxious  apprehensions  were  entertained  for 
Jamaica,  against  which  the  House  of  Bourbon  seemed  ready  to  dis- 
play the  entire  apparatus  of  its  power.  The  fall  of  a  place  of  such 
importance  as  Fort  St.  Philip,  and  the  loss  of  the  whole  island  of 
Minorca,  inspired  doubts  for  Gibraltar  itself. 

The  people,  always  the  same  every  where,  imputed  these  disas- 
ters, not  to  the  contrariety  of  fortune,  but  to  the  incapacity  of  minis- 
ters. Their  adversaries,  both  within  parliament  and  without,  raised 
the  most  violent  clamors.  They  exclaimed,  that  such  were  the  fore- 
seen results  of  ministerial  infatuation  and  obstinacy.  They  demanded 
with  vociferation  the  immediate  dismission  of  these  perverse  and 
imbecile  servants  of  the  crown;  they  affirmed,  that  it  was  urgent  to 
prevent  those  who  had  brought  the  country  to  the  brink  of  a  preci- 
pice, from  plunging  it  headlong  down  it  by  the  last  frantic  shock ; 
that  there  was  no  chance  of  safety  but  in  removing  instantly  those 
senseless  instigators  of  a  fatal  war.  These  cries  of  hatred  coincided 
with  the  prevailing  spirit ;  they  were  echoed  with  unanimity  by  the 
discontented  multitude.  Besides,  it  escaped  no  one  that  since  the 
course  of  things  had  created  the  necessity  of  entering  into  negotia- 
tion with  the  Americans,  and  of  acknowledging  their  independence, 
it  was  not  suitable  that  those  who  had  at  first  so  highly  exasperated 
them  by  their  laws,  and  afterwards  had  imbittered  them  to  the  utmost 
by  a  barbarous  war,  should  undertake  to  treat  with  them.  The  work 
of  a  durable  pacification  appeared  little  proper  to  be  confided  to 
hands  which  had  fanned  the  fire  of  war.  Already  general  Conway, 
by  a  very  eloquent  speech,  pronounced  the  twenty-second  of  Febru- 
ary, in  the  house  of  commons,  had  moved  and  obtained  that  his 
majesty  should  be  entreated  to  command  his  ministers  not  to  persist 
any  longer  in  the  attempt  to  reduce  the  colonies  to  obedience  by 
means  of  force,  and  by  continuing  the  war  upon  the  American  con- 
tinent. He  did  more  ;  in  the  sitting  of  the  fourth  of  March,  he 


BOOK  XIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  409 

proposed  and  carried  a  resolution,  purporting  that  those  who  should 
advise  the  king  to  continue  the  war  upon  the  continent  of  North 
America,  should  be  declared  enemies  of  the  sovereign  and  of  the 
country.  From  this  moment,  the  leading  members  of  the  privy 
council,  the  centre  and  source  of  all  great  deliberations,  perceived 
that  it  was  full  time  to  resort  to  the  usual  remedy  of  a  change  of 
ministry.  The  general  attention  was  excited  to  the  highest  degree. 
At  length,  the  twentieth  of  March,  the  earl  of  Surrey  having  moved 
in  the  house  of  commons  that  the  king  should  be  supplicated  to 
change  his  ministers,  lord  North  rose,  and  declared  with  dignity  that 
it  was  superfluous  to  spend  any  more  time  upon  this  subject,  since  it 
had  already  occupied  the  attention  of  his  majesty,  who  would  shortly 
make  known  his  new  choice.  '  Before  I  take  leave  of  this  House,' 
added  lord  North,  '  I  feel  it  a  duty  to  return  it  thanks  for  the  support 
and  favor  it  has  afforded  rne  during  so  long  a  course  of  years,  and  in 
so  many  trying  situations.  It  will  be  easy  to  give  rne  a  successor, 
endowed  with  a  greater  capacity,  of  better  judgment,  and  more  quali- 
fied for  his  situation  ;  but  it  will  not  be  equally  so  to  find  a  man  more 
zealous  for  the  interests  of  the  country,  more  loyal  to  the  sovereign, 
and  more  attached  to  the  constitution.  I  hope  the  new  servants  of 
the  crown,  whoever  they  may  be,  will  take  such  measures  as  shall 
effectually  extricate  the  country  from  its  present  difficulties,  and 
retrieve  its  fortune  at  home  and  abroad.  I  should  declare,  in  retiring, 
that  I  arn  ready  to  answer  to  my  country  for  all  the  acts  of  my  ad- 
ministration. If  it  is  wished  to  undertake  the  investigation  of  my 
conduct,  I  offer  myself  to  undergo  it.' 

The  new  ministers  were  selected  from  among  those  members  of 
the  two  houses  of  parliament,  who  had  shown  themselves  the  most 
favorable  to  the  pretensions  of  the  Americans.  The  marquis  of 
Rockingham  was  appointed  first  lord  of  the  treasury  ;  the  earl  of 
Shelburne  and  Mr.  Fox  secretaries  of  state  ;  lord  John  Cavendish 
chancellor  of  the  exchequer.  Admiral  Keppel  was  at  the  same 
time  created  viscount  and  first  lord  of  the  admiralty.  So  great  was 
the  exultation  caused  by  this  event,  particularly  in  the  city  of  Lon- 
don, that  it  was  feared  the  people  of  that  capital,  would,  according 
to  their  custom,  break  out  into  some  blameable  excesses.  Every- 
body felt  assured  that  the  end  of  the  war  was  at  hand,  and  that  of 
all  the  calamities  it  had  caused.  AH  that  was  desired  was,  that  the 
conditions  of  peace  might  be  honorable.  Accordingly,  the  partisans 
of  the  new  ministers  were  earnest  in  their  prayers  that  some  favora- 
ble event  might  gloriously  repair  the  checks  which  the  British  arms 
had  received  towards  the  close  of  the  past,  and  in  the  commence- 
ment of  the  present  year. 


END    OF    BOOK    THIRTEENTH. 


410  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    XIV, 


BOOK     FOURTEENTH. 

1782.  THE  belligerent  powers,  in  order  to  execute  the  plans 
they  had  formed  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  year,  only  waited 
the  completion  of  their  preparations,  the  return  of  spring,  and  the 
fitness  of  occasion.  Alike  weary  of  a  long  war,  all  had  the  same 
persuasion  that  this  campaign  was  to  be  decisive.  Nor  were  they 
ignorant  that  it  is  at  the  moment  of  peace  that  reverses  have  the 
most  fatal  consequences,  as  there  no  longer  remains  either  time  or 
hope  for  retrieving  them.  Under  these  considerations,  each  of  the 
powers  at  war  redoubled  vigilance  and  efforts,  in  order  to  secure  the 
definitive  triumph  of  its  arms.  The  allied  courts  directed  their 
views  especially  upon  the  domination  of  the  European  seas,  the 
reduction  of  Gibraltar,  and  the  conquest  of  Jamaica.  The  French 
were  in  the  highest  degree  solicitous  to  transmit  succours  to  their 
establishments  in  the  East  Indies,  where,  notwithstanding  the  valor 
and  distinguished  ability  displayed  by  M.  de  Suffren,  in  several  hard 
fought  engagements  with  admiral  Hughes,  their  affairs  were  in  a 
state  of  declension  ;  and  already  two  Dutch  places  of  great  import- 
ance, Trincornale  and  Negapatam,  were  fallen  into  the  power  of  the 
English.  The  attention  of  the  allies  had  therefore  two  principal 
objects  ;  to  defend  their  own  possessions,  and  to  seize  those  of  the 
enemy. 

It  was  agreed,  that  the  Dutch  and  Spanish  fleets  should  effect  their 
junction  with  the  French  in  the  port  of  Brest.  This  mighty  armada 
was  afterwards  to  scour  the  open  sea.  and  clear  it  of  all  hostile  force 
from  the  straits  of  Gibraltar  to  the  coasts  of  Norway.  It  was  intend- 
ed that  the  ships  of  the  line  should  blockade  the  squadrons  of  the 
enemy  in  all  the  channels  and  ports,  while  the  frigates  and  other 
light  vessels  should  intercept  the  convoys  ;  and  utterly  ruin  the  com- 
merce of  the  English.  The  views  of  the  allies  extended  yet  farther  ; 
they  hoped  by  incessantly  spreading  new  alarms  upon  the  coasts  of 
Great  Britain,  that  some  opportunity  might  present  itself  for  making 
descents,  ravaging  the  country,  and  even  for  striking  still  more 
important  blows,  according  to  circumstances.  They  proceeded  with 
the  greatest  zeal  to  the  execution  of  their  designs  ;  the  junction  of 
their  armaments  was  to  present  a  powerful  mass  of  sixty  sail  of  the 
line,  besides  a  prodigious  number  of  frigates  and  sloops  of  war.  The 
English  were  very  far  from  possessing  means  sufficient  to  withstand 
so  formidable  a  display  of  forces.  Accordingly,  the  allied  courts 
entertained  not  the  least  doubt  but  that  their  arms  would  be  as  suc- 
cessful in  the  West  Indies  and  Europe,  in  this  year's  campaign,  as 
they  had  been  in  the  last  upon  the  American  continent.  A  glorious 
peace  must,  they  felt  assured,  inevitably  result  from  these  decisive 
successes. 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  411 

On  the  other  hand,  the  new  members  of  the  British  cabinet 
neglected  nothing  that  could  tend  to  remedy  the  calamitous  state  of 
affairs,  and  enable  them  to  resist  with  effect  the  storm  that  rumbled 
over  their  heads.  They  hoped  to  compensate  the  inequality  of  force 
by  the  skill  of  commanders,  the  courage  of  troops,  and  the  success 
of  projected  expeditions.  Their  cares  were  directed  to  the  equip- 
ment of  the  fleet  and  the  lading  of  the  convoy  destined  to  revictual 
Gibraltar.  After  the  security  of  the  kingdom,  there  was  nothing 
which  they  had  so  much  at  heart  as  the  safety  of  that  place.  But 
they  were  sensible  that,  first  of  all,  it  was  necessary  to  prevent  the 
junction  of  the  Spanish  and  Dutch  squadrons  with  the  French  fleet ; 
thus  interrupting  also,  at  the  same  time,  the  commerce  of  the  Dutch 
in  the  Baltic,  and  protecting  that  of  England  against  their  insults. 

Admiral  Howe  was  therefore  ordered  to  put  to  sea  from  Ports- 
mouth with  twelve  sail  of  the  line,  and  to  establish  his  cruise  upon 
the  coasts  of  Holland.  This  measure  had  the  desired  effect.  The 
Dutch  squadron,  which  had  already  set  sail  from  the  Texel,  aban- 
doned the  sea  to  the  English,  and  made  the  best  of  its  way  back 
into  port.  After  having  cruised  off  the  Dutch  coasts  for  the  term  of 
a  month,  admiral  Howe,  finding  that  the  enemy  made  no  movement 
demonstrative  of  a  disposition  to  put  to  sea  again,  and  the  unhealthi- 
ness  of  the  season  having  occasioned'  much  sickness  on  board  his 
fleet,  took  the  determination  to  return  to  Portsmouth.  Admiral 
Milbanke  relieved  him  almost  immediately.  If  he  was  not  able  to 
annoy  the  Dutch  trade  in  the  Baltic,  he  at  least  effectually  protected 
that  of  the  English  ;  and,  moreover,  he  constantly  interdicted  to  the 
enemy's  squadron  the  entrance  of  the  channel.  Thus,  with  the 
exception  of  the  brilliant  action  of  Doggers  Bank,  the  republic  of 
Holland,  formerly  so  famous,  did  nothing  in  all  this  war  that  was 
worthy  of  her,  and  of  her  ancient  renown.  Such  was  the  decay  of 
her  glory  and  of  her  power,  the  deplorable  result  of  excessive  riches, 
of  insatiable  avidity,  and  perhaps  still  more,  of  the  party  spirit  which 
rent  those  provinces.  If  in  a  republic  the  counterpoise  of  parties, 
in  matters  relating  to  internal  administration,  may  sometimes  turn  to 
the  advantage  of  liberty,  and  maintain  more  energy  in  the  people, 
those  factions  which  have  foreign  powers  for  object,  produce  an 
entirely  opposite  effect.  They  divert  the  public  spirit  upon  that 
which  is  abroad,  and  paralyse  all  its  activity  at  home.  The  most 
evident  symptom  of  the  decay  of  the  strength  of  a  state,  and  of  the 
loss  of  its  independence,  is,  doubtless,  a  division  between  citizens  in 
favor  of  foreigners  ;  and  such  was  the  situation  of  the  Dutch  at  this 
epoch.  If  at  the  conclusion  of  the  present  war,  their  republic  was 
not  reduced  to  the  last  degree  of  depression,  if  it  even  repaired  a 
great  part  of  its  losses,  this  it  owed,  not  to  its  own  force,  but  entirely 
to  the  arms  and  protection  of  France. 


412  THE    AMERICAN     VVAIl.  BOOK  XIV, 

We  resume  the  course  of  events  ;  undoubted  intelligence  had 
been  received  in  England  that  a  considerable  convoy  of  troops  and 
military  stores  destined  for  India,  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  from 
the  port  of  Brest.  Fearing,  on  the  one  hand,  for  Jamaica,  and  on 
the  other,  for  the  establishments  of  the  coast  of  Malabar,  the  minis- 
ters, without  any  delay,  despatched  admiral  Barrington,  at  the  head 
of  twelve  sail  of  th,e  line,  with  orders  to  watch  this  convoy,  and  to 
capture  it,  if  the  opportunity  should  offer  itself.  He  shaped  his 
course  for  the  bay  of  Biscay,  and  soon  discovered  the  convoy,  which 
consisted  of  eighteen  transports,  under  the  guard  of  two  ships  of  the 
line,  the  Pegase  and  the  Protectcur.  The  wind  was  violent  and 
the  sea  tempestuous.  The  English  nevertheless  continued  to  crowd 
sail.  The  ship  Foudroyant,  an  excellent  sailer,  commanded  by 
captain  Jarvis,  at  length  came  up  with  and  engaged  the  Pegase, 
under  the  chevalier  de  Sillan.  The  forces  of  the  two  ships  being 
about  equal,  the  action  lasted  with  extreme  violence  for  a  full  hour. 
The  Frenchman  did  not  strike  till  after  having  seen  the  greater  part 
of  his  men  either  killed  or  disabled.  The  sea  was  so  rough  that 
captain  Jarvis  was  scarcely  able  to  shift  a  small  part  of  the  crew  of 
the  prize.  It  was  to  be  feared  that  the  small  number  of  men  he  sent 
aboard  of  it  might  be  risen  upon,  and  the  ship  rescued.  But  captain 
Mailland,  who  commanded  the  Queen,  came  up  at  this  moment  and 
assisted  his  companion  to  secure  his  prize.  Immediately  alter,  they 
were  again  separated  by  a  gust  of  wind.  Captain  Maitland  after- 
wards fell  in  with  another  French  ship  called  the  Actiohnaire,  and 
captured  her,  after  a  feeble  resistance.  In  the  meantime,  the  frigates 
had  given  chase  to  the  transports,  which,  at  the  first  appearance  of 
the  English,  had  obeyed  a  signal  for  dispersing  with  all  celerity. 
Twelve  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy.  This  was  a  sensible  loss 
to  France  ;  for  independent  of  the  artillery,  munitions  of  war,  and 
provision,  there  were  on  board  these  vessels  upwards  of  eleven  hun- 
dred regular  troops.  Admiral  Barrington  brought  his  prizes  safely 
into  the  ports  of  England. 

The  British  admiralty  having  realised  the  utility  of  cruises  in  the 
seas  of  Europe,  resolved  to  multiply  them.  It  adopted  this  deter- 
mination the  more  willingly,  as  it  had  not  yet  received  any  intima- 
tion of  the  approaching  appearance  of  the  grand  combined  fleet. 
Notwithstanding  the  ardent  desire  which  animated  alike  the  French 
and  the  Spaniards,  to  depress  the  power  of  their  implacable  enemy, 
their  operations  suffered  too  often  from  that  slowness  which  seems 
inseparable  from  all  coalitions.  The  English,  on  the  contrary, 
enjoyed  the  advantages  attached  to  the  unity  of  powers,  and  to  the 
concert  of  movements.  As  soon  as  Barrington  was  returned,  Kem- 
perifeldt  had  orders  to  put  to  sea,  and  stand  in  like  manner  towards 
the  bay  of  Biscay.  His  instructions  were,  to  do  the  French  com- 
merce all  the  harm  possible,  to  protect  that  of  the  British,  and  espe- 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  413 

cially  to  cover  the  arrival  of  two  rich  convoys  shortly  expected,  the 
one  from  Jamaica,  the  other  from  Canada. 

After  having  wasted  much  precious  time,  the  allies  had  set  them- 
selves at  length  to  carry  into  effect  the  plans  they  had  meditated. 
The  count  de  Guichen  commanding  the  French  squadron,  and  don 
Lewis  cle  Cordova  admiral  in  chief  of  the  combined  fleet,  set  sail 
from  the  port  of  Cadiz  in  the  beginning  of  June  with  twenty-five  sail 
of  the  line,  between  Spanish  and  French.  They  stood  to  the  north, 
towards  the  shores  of  England,  animated  with  a  desire  and  with  a 
hope  to  wrest  from  those  audacious  islanders  the  empire  of  the 
ocean.  As  they  sailed  along  the  consts  of  France,  they  were  joined 
by  several  ships  of  war,  which  lay  in  the  ports  of  that  part,  and  even 
by  a  squadron  that  came  from  Brest  to  meet  them.  These  different 
reenforcements  carried  the  combined  fleet  to  forty  sail  of  the  line. 
Fortune  smiled  upon  these  first  operations.  The  two  convoys  of 
Newfoundland  and  Quebec,  escorted  by  admiral  Campbell  with  one 
ship  of  fifty  guns  and  some  frigates,  fell  into  the  rnidst  of  this  im- 
mense line.  A  part  were  taken,  the  rest  dispersed.  Eighteen 
transports  came  into  the  power  of  the  victors  ;  this  capture  was 
valued  at  considerable  sums.  The  ships  of  war  made  good  their 
escape,  and  gained  the  ports  of  England  in  safety.  This  advantage 
indemnified  the  French,  in  some  measure,  for  the  loss  of  their  convoy 
destined  to  the  East  Indies. 

After  this,  if  not  difficult,  at  least  useful  success,  become  entirely 
masters  of  the  sea,  they  repaired  towards  the  entrance  of  the  channel. 
As  they  had  done  in  their  preceding  campaigns,  they  stretched  their 
line  across  it  from  the  Scilly  islands  to  that  of  Ushant.  While  observ- 
ing the  coasts  of  England,  two  objects  especially  occupied  their 
attention  ;  the  protection  of  their  own  convoys,  and  the  seizure  of 
those  of  the  enemy.  Meanwhile,  the  British  ministers  were  not 
reckless  of  the  danger.  Admiral  Howe  put  to  sea  with  twenty-two 
sail  of  the  line.  His  instructions  enjoined  him  to  avoid  a  general 
action,  and  to  use  every  possible  endeavor  to  protect  the  arrival  of 
the  Jamaica  convoy,  become  still  more  precious  since  the  loss  of  that 
of  Canada.  This  able  commander  displayed  the  rarest  talents  in 
the  execution  of  his  orders.  He  put  himself  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
hostile  fleet,  by  steering  to  the  west,  upon  the  route  likely  to  be 
taken  by  the  convoy.  This  manoeuvre  was  crowned  with  full  success. 
Admiral  Howe  rallied  to  himself  the  whole  convoy,  with  its  escort, 
commanded  by  Peter  Parker,  and,  towards  the  last  of  July,  entered 
with  them  sound  and  safe  into  the  ports  of  Ireland.  The  allies  then 
returned  to  their  own  coasts,  after  demonstrations  as  vain  and  fruit- 
less as  those  of  their  two  preceding  campaigns. 

But  of  all  the  enterprises  of  the  belligerent  powers  in  Europe, 
none  appeared  to  them  more  worthy  to  absorb  all  their  attention  than 
the  siege  of  Gibraltar.  The  English  were  all  intent  upon  succouring 
VOL.  ii.  53 


414  THE    AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

that  fortress  ;  the  French  and  Spaniards  upon  preventing  it.  These 
two  opposite  aims  were  become  the  object  of  their  reciprocal  emula- 
tion. Independent  of  the  glory  of  their  arms,  and  the  honor  of 
crowns,  there  was  nothing  less  at  stake  than  the  empire  of  the  Medi- 
terranean, which  seemed  to  depend  on  the  possession  of  this  cele- 
brated rock.  Never  did  any  military  operation  attract,  to  the  same 
degree,  the  gaze  of  the  entire  world  ;  this  siege  was  compared  to  the 
most  famous  recorded  in  history,  whether  ancient  or  modern.  To 
preserve  Gibraltar,  was  in  England  the  first  wish  of  all  minds  ;  it  was 
known  there  that  a  scarcity  began  to  prevail,  within  that  place,  of 
munitions  of  war,  and  especially  of  provisions.  It  was  equally  known 
that  the  besiegers  intended  to  convert  the  blockade  into  an  open 
attack.  Already  they  were  preparing  machines  of  a  new  construc- 
tion, in  order  to  carry,  by  dint  of  force,  what  they  had  failed  of 
attaining  by  famine.  Accordingly,  since  Gibraltar,  notwithstanding 
all  that  art  and  nature  had  done  for  its  defence,  was  menaced  with 
perils  of  a  new  species,  the  British  government  assembled  at  Ports- 
mouth all  the  naval  forces  of  the  kingdom.  The  squadrons  that 
were  cruising  upon  the  coasts  of  Holland  and  of  the  Bay  of  Biscay, 
had  orders  to  repair  thither.  An  immense  number  of  transports 
were  there  laden  with  munitions  and  necessaries  of  every  denomina- 
tion. At  length,  all  preparations  being  terminated,  towards  the 
beginning  of  September,  admiral  Howe,  cornmander-in-chief,  accom- 
panied by  the  admirals  Milbanke,  Robert  Hughes,  and  Hotharn,  set 
sail  from  Portsmouth.  His  force  consisted  of  thirty-four  sail  of  the 
line,  and  a  proportionate  number  of  frigates  and  fire-ships.  Upon 
the  fortune  of  this  armament  hung  that  of  the  besieged  fortress. 

Arms  were  not,  however,'  the  only  means  which  the  British 
ministers  resolved  to  employ  in  order  to  attain  the  object  they  had  in 
view  ;  namely,  a  glorious  war  and  an  honorable  peace.  It  was  not 
permitted  them  to  hope  to  be  able  to  reduce  their  enemies  entirely, 
so  long  as  they  persisted  in  their  strict  union  ;  they  therefore  formed 
a  design  to  throw  division  among  them,  by  making  to  each  of  them 
separate  proposals  of  peace.  The  dissolution  of  the  coalition 
appeared  to  them  the  certain  pledge  of  definitive  triumph.  They 
calculated  also,  that  even  in  case  they  should  not  succeed  in  their 
attempt,  they  would  nevertheless  obtain  a  real  advantage  ;  that  of 
contenting  the  minds  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  of  rendering 
the  war  less  odious  to  them,  by  demonstrating  the  necessity  of  con- 
tinuing it.  Another  no  less  powerful  consideration  had  influence 
upon  their  determination  ;  they  felt,  that  in  order  to  preserve  the 
partisans  they  had  made  themselves  both  in  and  out  of  parliament,  it 
was  necessary  that  they  should  hold  out  at  least  an  appearance  of 
inclining  towards  peace.  Under  these  considerations,  the  British 
cabinet  made  application  to  the  empress  of  Russia.  She  accepted 
the  character  of  rnediatress  with  the  Stales-General  of  Holland  ;  she 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  415 

offered  them,  in  the  name  of  king  George,  a  suspension  of  arms,  and 
conditions  of  peace  upon  the  footing  of  the  treaty  of  1674.  The 
ambassador  of  France,  who  was  then  at  the  Hague,  watched  these 
secret  manoeuvres,  and  labored  with  all  his  power  to  prevent  the 
effects  of  them,  and  to  maintain  the  States-General  in  their  fidelity  to 
the  alliance.  He  reminded  them  that  they  were  pledged  not  to  make 
peace  with  England  until  that  power  should  have  acknowledged  the 
unrestricted  freedom  of  the  seas.  While  recapitulating  the  plans  of 
naval  operations  concerted  between  the  two  states  against  the  common 
enemy,  fie  intimated  that  Holland  could  not  renounce  them  all  of  a 
sudden,  without  as  much  prejudice  to  her  own  honor,  as  to  the 
interests  of  her  faithful  ally,  the  king  of  France.  He  glanced  also 
at  the  gratitude  by  which  the  Dutch  were  bound  to  his  most  Christian 
majesty  for  the  preservation  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  the 
recovery  of  St.  Eustatius,  as  well  as  the  colonies  of  Guiana,  owing 
entirely  to  his  arms.  In  support  of  the  representations  of  the  French 
ambassador,  the  States-General  could  not  but  add  a  tacit  reflection. 
The  colonies  above  mentioned  were  still  in  the  hands  of  the  French, 
as  guarantee  of  treaties ;  was  it  not  to  be  feared  that  they  would 
refuse  to  restore  them,  if  their  allies  departed  from  their  engage- 
ments ?  These  considerations  were  backed  also  by  the  efforts  of  the 
partisans  of  France.  They  at  length  prevailed  totally.  The  States- 
General  rejected  the  propositions  of  the  court  of  London,  declaring 
that  they  would  not  disparage  the  incorruptible  faith  of  which  their 
ancestors  had  left  them  the  example.  The  overtures  that  were 
made  at  the  same  time  to  the  governments  of  France  and  of  Spain, 
were  not  attended  with  any  better  success.  The  first  entertained 
hopes  of  expelling  the  British  altogether  from  the  West  Indies,  and 
thereby  of  acquiring  more  efficacious  rights  to  stipulate  for  the  liberty 
of  the  seas.  The  second,  swayed  by  the  same  motives,  had,  besides, 
the  prospect  of  recovering  possession  of  Jamaica  and  Gibraltar.  In- 
timately united  also  by  the  family  compact,  the  two  monarchs  would 
have  thought  it  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  their  crowns,  not  to  have 
fulfilled  the  obligations  it  imposed. 

But  the  British  ministers  hoped  for  more  fruit  from  their  intrigues 
with  the  United  States  of  America.  With  a  view  to  this  object,  they 
had  recalled  General  Clinton,  and  replaced  him  by  general  Carleton, 
who,  by  his  moderation  and  humanity  during  the  war  of  Canada,  had 
conciliated  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  Americans.  He  was 
invested,  as  well  as  admiral  Digby,  with  power  to  negotiate  peace 
with  the  United  States,  upon  the  basis  of  independence,  and  to  con- 
clude with  them  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce. 

But  the  Americans  took  into  consideration,  that  no  act  of  the  par- 
liament had  as  yet  authorised  the  king  to  conclude  peace  or  truce 
with  America ;  and  consequently  it  was  to  be  apprehended  that,  pro- 
posals and  promises  made  at  the  mere  motion  of  ministers,  might 


416  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIV. 

afterwards  be  disavowed  by  the  two  Houses.  They  were  aware  also 
of  the  extreme  repugnance  which  the  king  personally  had  to  acknow- 
ledge their  independence.  They  began  therefore  to  suspect  the 
existence  of  a  hidden  snare.  These  conjectures  acquired  new  force 
with  them,  on  hearing  that  the  British  cabinet  had  made  separate 
overtures  to  each  of  the  belligerent  powers.  They  no  longer  doubted 
but  that  its  drift  was,  by  means  of  these  overtures,  to  sow  division 
among  them,  and  to  amuse  them  by  vain  words.  The  proposition  of 
peace  appeared  to  them  a  mere  stratagem  of  the  English  to  divert 
their  attention  from  the  preparations  requisite  to  the  prosecution  of 
the  war,  and  thereby  secure  for  themselves  easy  advantages.  The 
French  minister  at  Philadelphia  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to 
interrupt  all  negotiations.  He  placed  in  the  strongest  light  the 
grounds  which  the  Americans  had  for  apprehending  bad  faith  on  the 
part  of  England,  and  for  confiding,  on  the  contrary,  in  the  sincerity 
and  generosity  of  the  king  of  France.  The  most  influential  members 
of  the  American  government  were  little  disposed  of  themselves  to 
commence  their  career  in  the  political  world  by  a  violation  of  treaties, 
and  to  exchange  an  approved  alliance  for  a  suspicious  friendship ; 
their  opinion  prevailed.  The  Congress  declared  formally,  that  they 
would  enter  into  no  negotiation  wherein  their  ally  should  not  par- 
ticipate. 

Moreover,  that  not  the  slightest  doubt  should  remain  ^respecting 
the  good  faith  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  bar  all  hope  to  Eng- 
land, and  all  suspicion  to  France,  the  provincial  assemblies  decreed, 
that  peace  should  never  be  concluded  with  Great  Britain  without 
the  consent  of  his  most  Christian  majesty  ;  declaring  enemies  to  the 
country  all  those  who  should  attempt  to  negotiate  without  authority 
from  Congress.  Thus  the  first  days  of  the  year  witnessed  the 
failure  of  all  hope  of  pacification.  The  cause  for  which  the  bellige- 
rent powers  had  taken  arms,  appeared  still  undecided.  In  the  rnidst 
of  that  reciprocal  distrust  which  imbittered  minds,  no  form  of  conci- 
liation was  admissible,  till  ushered  in  by  the  last  necessity.  While 
such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  upon  the  American  continent,  they 
were  about  to  be  decided,  in  the  islands,  by  one  of  those  events 
which  triumph  over  all  the  measures  of  prudence.  The  war  of  the 
West  Indies  was  destined  to  have  an  issue  similar  to  that  which  the 
catastrophe  of  Cornwallis  bad  operated  in  Virginia.  The  allied 
courts  had  made  formidable  preparations  for  executing  at  last  their 
long  meditated  projects  against  Jamaica.  The  Spaniards  had  in  the 
islands  of  St.  Domingo  and  Cuba,  a  numerous  fleet,  and  a  considera- 
ble body  of  troops,  both  perfectly  equipped,  and  in  readiness  to  move 
wherever  the  good  of  the  service  might  require.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  count  de  Grasse  was  at  Fort  Royal  in  Martinico,  with  thirty-four 
sail  of  the  line,  and  a  great  number  of  frigates.  The  French  admi- 
ral was  occupied  with  the  care  of  refitting  his  fleet,  while  awaiting 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  417 

a  second  convoy  which  departed  from  Brest  early  in  February,  and 
which  brought  him  an  immense  quantity  of  arms  and  military  stores, 
of  which  he  stood  in  great  need.  After  having  terminated  his  prepa- 
rations, his  intention  was,  to  effect  his  junction  with  the  Spaniards  at 
St.  Domingo,  in  order  to  act  in  concert  against  Jamaica.  Their 
combined  forces  were  to  consist  of  sixty  sail  of  the  line,  and  near 
twenty  thousand  land  troops ;  a  prodigious  armament,  and  such  as 
had  never  before  been  seen  in  those  seas.  The  English  were  very 
far  from  -  having  means  of  resistance  adequate  to  those  of  attack, 
When  Rodney,  who  was  then  anchored  at  Barbs  does,  had  been 
joined  by  admiral  Hood,  and  three  ships  of  the  line  fiom  England,  he 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  no  more  than  thirty-six  sail  of  the  line. 
The  garrisons  of  the  British  islands  were  all  very  weak  ;  and  even  in 
Jamaica  there  were  only  six  battalions  of  troops,  inclusive  of  militia. 
The  terror  was  so  great  there,  that  the  governor  of  the  island  pro- 
claimed martial  law,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  suspend  all  civil 
authority,  and  to  confer  it  entire  upon  the  military  commanders. 

Admiral  Rodney  was  perfectly  aware  that  the  success  of  the  West 
Indian  war,  and  the  fate  of  all  the  British  possessions  in  those  seas 
depended  on  two  decisive  events.  It  was  necessary  to  intercept  the 
Brest  convoy  before  it  should  arrive  at  Martinico,  and  to  prevent  the 
French  fleet  from  uniting  with  that  of  Spain  at  St.  Domingo.  In 
order  to  accomplish  the  first  of  these  objects,  he  had  put  to  sea,  and 
so  stationed  his  fleet  to  windward  of  the  French  islands,  that  it 
extended  from  the  island  of  Desirade  to  that  of  St.  Vincents  ;  thus 
occupying  the  route  usually  followed  by  vessels  coming  from  Europe 
bound  to  Martinico.  He  had  also  taken  the  precaution  to  detach 
his  frigates  still  more  to  windward,  that  they  might  observe  and 
promptly  report  to  him  all  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  But  the 
French  presaged  the  snare  that  was  laid  for  them.  Instead  of  taking 
the  ordinary  track,  they  stood  with  their  convoy  to  the  north  of 
Desirade,  and  then  keeping  close  under  the  lee  of  Guadeloupe  and 
Dominica,  brought  it  in  safety  to  the  bay  of  Fort  Royal  in  Maninico. 
This  reenforcement  was  most  opportune  for  the  French.  It  was,  on 
the  contrary,  extremely  fatal  for  the  English,  who  had  now  no  other 
means  of  averting  their  total  ruin  in  those  parts,  but  by  preventing 
the  junction  of  the  fleets  of  France  and  Spain  at  St.  Domingo. 
With  this  object  in  view,  Rodney  came  to  anchor  in  Gros  Islet  Bay 
at  St.  Lucia,  in  order  to  be  able  to  watch  continually  all  that  passed 
at  Fort  Royal.  His  frigates  kept  up  a  very  active  cruise  ;  and  in 
the  meantime  he  took  care  to  recruit  his  water  and  provisions,  in 
order  to  be  in  a  situation  to  keep  the  sea  as  long  as  possible.  Mean- 
while, the  count  de  Grasse  felt  himself  pressed  to  act.  His  instruc- 
tions required  it  of  him  ;  and  their  object  was  of  the  last  importance 
to  the  glory  and  prosperity  of  the  French  realm.  On  the  safety  of 
his  convoy  depended  the  success  of  the  expedition  of  Jamaica.  He 


418  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

sent  it  forward  under  the  escort  of  two  ships  of  the  line,  the  Sagit- 
taire  and  Experiment,  and  followed  it  shortly  after  with  all  his  fleet. 
He  would  have  wished  to  avail  himself  of  the  trade  winds  to  sail 
directly  towards  St.  Domingo  ;  but  he  reflected  that  in  so  doing, 
incurnbered  as  he  was  with  upwards  of  an  hundred  transports,  and 
the  wind  always  blowing  from  the  same  point,  it  was  almost  impossi- 
ble for  him  to  keep  out  of  the  reach  of  the  British  fleet.  It  was 
evidently  in  the  interests  of  his  designs  to  avoid  a  battle  ;  he  there- 
fore took  a  different  route.  He  shaped  his  course  to  the  northward, 
standing  along  near  the  shores  of  the  islands  with  all  his  vast  arma- 
ment. Prudence  could  not  but  applaud  this  measure,  and  every 
thing  promised  its  success.  The  pilots  of  the  count  de  Grasse  had 
the  advantage  over  those  of  the  enemy  of  being  better  acquainted 
with  the  bearings  of  these  coasts,  for  the  most  part  French  or  Span- 
ish ;  and  they  might  of  course  approach  them  as  near  as  they  should 
think  proper.  Besides,- the  different  channels  formed  between  these 
islands,  offered  both  secure  retreats  and  favorable  winds  for  escaping 
the  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  The  French  admiral  might  thus  pass  his 
convoy  along  the  coasts,  while  his  ships  of  war  should  form  in  order 
of  battle  to  cover  it  against  the  attempts  of  his  adversary.  It  was 
easy  for  the  French  by  this  means  to  keep  to  windward  of  the 
British,  and  consequently  to  preserve  a  free  passage  to  St.  Domingo. 
The  count  de  Grasse  had  therefore  sufficient  grounds  for  'hoping  that 
all  the  vessels  under  his  command  would,  by  little  and  little,  make 
their  way  good  to  the  point  of  general  rendezvous.  The  British 
frigates,  which  kept  a  diligent  watch,  soon  apprised  Rodney  of  the  sail- 
ing of  the  French  fleet.  Immediately,  with  his  accustomed  prompti- 
tude, he  put  to  sea  in  quest  of  the  enemy.  It  was  the  ninth  of  April. 
Already  the  French  had  began  to  pass  Dominica,  and  were  to  lee- 
ward of  that  island  when  they  descried  the  whole  British  fleet.  The 
count  de  Grasse  ordered- the  captains  of  the  transports  to  crowd  all 
sail  and  take  shelter  in  the  port  of  Guadaloupe.  The  two  admirals 
prepared  themselves  for  battle  with  equal  skill  and  bravery.  The 
Frenchman,  however,  chose  to  keep  his  enemy  at  a  distance,  in 
order  to  give  his  convoy  time  to  retire,  and  not  to  commit  to  the 
caprice  of  fortune  a  certain  operation.  The  Englishman,  on  the 
contrary,  felt  that  he  could  not  engage  his  adversary  too  close,  since 
there  was  no  remedy  for  the  critical  situation  of  affairs  except  in  a 
complete  and  decisive  victory.  The  count  de  Grasse  had  thirty- 
three  sail  of  the  line  ;  among  which,  one  of  one  hundred  and  ten 
guns,  the  Ville  de  Paris,  five  of  eighty,  twenty-one  of  seventy-four, 
arid  the  rest  of  sixty-four.  The  crews  were  complete,  and  there 
were  on  board  the  French  fleet  five  to  six  thousand  land  troops, 
forming  the  garrison  of  the  ships.  The  centre  was  under  the  imme- 
diate orders  of  the  count  de  Grasse  ;  the  marquis  de  Vaudreuil 
commanded  the  van,  and  M.  de  Bougainville  the  rear.  The  fleet 


BOOK    XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  419 

of  admiral  Rodney  consisted  of  thirty-six  sail  of  the  line,  of  which 
one  of  ninety-eight  guns,  five  of  ninety,  twenty  of  seventy-four,  and 
the  others  of  sixty-four.  The  British  van  was  commanded  by  vice- 
admiral  Hood,  and  the  rear  guard  by  rear-admiral  Drake.  The 
English  were  desirous  to  engage  a  general  action,  but  they  had  not 
yet  been  able  to  get  abreast  of  the  island  of  Dominica,  and  their 
advance  was  retarded  by  calms.  They  endeavored  nevertheless  to 
profit  of  the  puffs  of  wind  which  sprung  up  from  time  to  time,  in 
order  to  fetch  the  French.  But  the  latter,  favored  by  a  breeze, 
made  for  Guadeloupe.  The  van  of  the  British  fleet  receiving  the 
wind  soon  after,  admiral  Hood  seized  the  occasion  to  come  up  with 
the  French  within  cannon-shot  reach,  and  the  action  commenced 
towards  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  count  de  Grasse  was  full 
of  confidence  at  seeing  that  he  could  bring  all  his  force  to  bear  upon 
a  part  only  of  the  enemy's. 

The  engagement  was  extremely  fierce  ;  but  however  impetuous 
was  the  attack  of  the  French,  the  British  withstood  it  without  losing 
their  order.  The  headmost  ships  of  their  centre  having  at  length  a 
sufficiency  of  wind  to  carry  them  to  the  support  of  their  van,  which 
suffered  excessively,  they  renewed  the  action  with  inexpressible  fury. 
The  French  received  their  shock  with  a  valor  no  less  worthy  of 
admiration.  Rodney's  own  ship,  the  Formidable,  of  ninety-eight 
guns,  and  his  two  seconds,  the  Namur  and  the  Duke,  both  of  ninety, 
made  a  tremendous  fire.  The  captain  of  a  French  seventy-four,  so 
far  from  being  dismayed  at  it,  ordered  his  mainsail  to  be  furled,  that 
his  crew  might  abandon  all  idea  of  retreat,  and  fight  with  the  more 
desperation.  He  waited  the  approach  of  the  three  British  ships, 
and  engaged  them  with  admirable  intrepidity.  His  conduct  inspired 
the  English  themselves  with  so  much  enthusiasm,  that  one  of  them, 
in  a  letter  which  was  made  public,  did  not  hesitate  to  call  him  the 
godlike  Frenchman.  The  other  ships  of  the  British  centre  came  up 
-successively,  and  the  rear,  under  admiral  Drake,  was  not  far  behind 
them.  But  the  French  admiral,  who  had  accomplished  his  purpose, 
thought  proper  to  draw  his  ships  out  of  action,  and  accordingly  gave 
the  signal  for  retreat.  Such  was  the  issue  of  this  first  combat ;  it 
would  be  difficult  to  decide  on  which  part  the  most  ability  and 
gallantry  were  signalised.  The  English  made  no  attempt  to  follow 
their  enemies,  whether  because  the  wind  was  less  in  their  favor,  or 
because  their  van,  and  especially  the  Royal  Oak  and  the  Montague, 
had  been  grievously  damaged.  On  observing  this,  the  French  admi- 
ral ordered  the  convoy,  which  had  taken  refuge  at  Guadaloupe,  to 
put  to  sea  again  immediately,  and  continue  its  voyage.  This  order 
was  executed  with  as  much  precision  as  promptitude  by  M.  de 
Lanjjle,  who  commanded  the  convoy  ;  which  a  few  days  after 
arrived  safe  and  entire  at  St.  Domingo.  Some  French  ships  had 
suffered  considerablv  in  the  action.  Amona;  others,  the  Cato  wa? 


420  THE     AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  Xl\r. 

so  damaged,  that  it  became  necessary  to  send  her  to  Guadaloupe  to 
be  repaired.  The  Jason  also  had  been  so  shattered  in  her  engage- 
ment with  the  Zealous,  that  she  was  also  obliged  to  make  the  best 
of  her  way  to  the  same  island.  These  accidents  prevented  the 
count  de  Grasse  from  gaining  so  soon  as  he  could  have  wished  to 
windward  of  the  grotipe  of  islands  called  the  Saints,  in  order  after- 
wards to  stand  to  windward  of  Desirade,  and  repair  to  St.  Domingo 
by  the  north  of  the  islands.  The  English,  after  bavins;  hastily  refit- 
led  their  ships,  had  again  set  themselves  to  pursue  the  French.  The 
count  de  Grasse  continued  to  beat  to  windward,  in  order  to  weather 
the  Saints,  and  he  was  already  arrived,  on  the  eleventh,  off  Guada- 
loupe. He  had  gained  so  much  distance  upon  the  British  fleet,  that 
its  topsails  only  could  be  descried,  and  that  with  difficulty,  by  the 
French.  Rodney  had  pushed  his  pursuit  with  all  the  diligence 
exacted  by  the  urgency  of  the  conjuncture  ;  but  he  began  to  despair 
of  overtaking  the  enemy.  It  was  agitated  in  a  council  of  war, 
whether  it  would  not  be  better  for  the  interests  of  their  affairs  to  give 
over  the  direct  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  stand  to  leeward,  in  order 
to  arrive,  if  possible,  before  them  in  the  waters  of  St.  Domingo. 
While  this  important  point  was  under  deliberation,  and  while  an 
anxious  lookout  was  kept  at  the  mastheads,  in  painful  expectation 
of  the  moment  which  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  Jamaica,  and  whether 
the  empire  of  the  West  Indies  was  to  remain  with  the  'French  or 
with  the  English,  a  signal  announced,  about  noon,  the  appearance  of 
two  French  ships.  They  had  fallen  to  the  leeward,  and  were  drift- 
ing continually  nearer  to  the  English.  They  were  the  Zele,  of 
seventy-four  guns,  a  ship  which  seemed  destined  to  bring  disaster  to 
the  French  fleet,  and  the  frigate  Astree,  which  the  count  de  Grasse 
had  detached  to  take  her  in  tow.  A  little  before,  the  Zele  had  got 
foul  of  the  Ville  de  Paris,  and  lost  her  foremast  and  mizenmast  in 
the  shock.  In  consequence  of  this  accident  she  was  unable  to  keep 
up  with  the  rest  of  the  fleet.  The  English  now  conceived  new 
hopes  of  engaging  the  battle  for  which  they  so  ardently  panted. 
They  calculated  that  by  bearing  down  rapidly  to  cut  ofF  the  drifted 
ships,  they  should  constrain  the  French  admiral  to  come  to  their 
succour,  and  thereby  place  himself  under  the  necessity  of  fighting. 
They  accordingly  manoeuvred  with  so  much  promptitude  and  sagaci- 
ty, that  the  two  ships  could  no  longer  escape  them,  unless  the  French 
admiral  bore  down  with  his  whole  fleet  for  their  preservation.  It  is 
thought,  and  not  without  reason,  that  if  the  count  de  Grasse,  content 
with  the  glory  acquired  upon  the  coasts  of  Virginia,  had  known  how 
to  yield  in  time  to  fortune,  and  had  abandoned  the  two  fatal  ships  to 
the  destiny  that  menaced  them,  he  might  easily  have  made  his  way 
good  to  St.  Domingo.  Once  arrived  in  that  island,  where  the  forces 
oi  Spain  would  have  joined  his  own,  he  might  have  given  the  final 
blow  to  the  British  power  in  the  West  Indies.  He  had  already 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  421 

gained  so  far  to  windward,  that  if  he  had  continued  his  voyage  it 
was  become  impossible  for  the  English  to  come  up  with  him.  But 
deeming  it  contrary  to  the  dignity  and  reputation  of  the  mighty  arma- 
ment which  he  commanded,  to  suffer  two  ships  to  be  taken  almost 
under  the  fire  of  its  guns,  he  took  the  brave  but  no  less  adventurous 
resolution  of  going  to  their  succour;  thus,  for  the  sake  of  protecting 
an  inconsiderable  part  of  his  fleet,  exposing  himself  to  the  hazard  of 
losing  the  whole.  He  formed  his  line  of  battle,  bore  down  upon  the 
English,  and  rescued  the  Zele.  But  this  movement  had  brought 
him  so  near  to  the  enemy,  that  it  was  no  longer  in  his  power  to 
avoid  an  engagement.  The  two  admirals  prepared  for  it  with  equal 
ardor.  The  same  high  spirit  was  shared  by  all  their  crews;  there 
was  not  a  sailor  of  the  two  nations  who  did  not  feel  that  he  was 
about  to  contend  for  the  honor  of  his  sovereign,  and  the  dominion  of 
the  West  Indies.  But  the  night  was  already  corne  ;  it  was  employed 
on  either  side  in  making  every  preparation  for  the  great  day  of  the 
morrow. 

The  space  of  sea  which  was  to  serve  as  the  field  of  battle,  is  con- 
tained between  the  islands  of  Guadaloupe,  Dominica,  the  Saints,  and 
Maria  Galante.  Both  to  windward  and  leeward,  the  waters  abound 
in  shoals  and  very  dangerous  reefs.  The  twelfth  of  April,  at  six  in 
the  morning,  the  two  fleets  found  themselves  drawn  up  in  presence 
of  each  other,  but  on  opposite  tacks.  The  wind  at  this  moment 
having  veered  from  east  to  southeast,  became  more  favorable  to  the 
English.  They  profited  of  it  without  loss  of  time  ;  their  van  and 
the  greater  part  of  their  centre  ranged  up  to  within  half  cannon-shot 
of  the  enemy,  and  commenced  the  attack  with  unexampled  fury. 
The  action  lasted  from  seven  in  the  morning  till  seven  at  night. 
The  other  ships  of  the  centre,  and  the  greater  part  of  those  of  the 
rear,  edged  up  successively,  and  took  part  in  the  battle.  Among 
tliern  was  distinguished  the  Barfleur,  of  ninety  guns,  the  ship  of  ad- 
miral Hood.  During  this  time  the  Zele,  towed  by  the  Astree,  was 
endeavoring  to  gain  Guadaloupe. 

Never  did  warriors  the  most  inflamed  with  c!esire  of  victory,  dis- 
play more  desperate  valor  or  determined  resolutiol  than  the  French 
and  English  in  this  memorable  day.  The  broadsides,  from  their  rapid 
succession,  appeared  continual ;  through  the  thick  srnoke  that  covered 
the  two  fleets,  nothing  was  seen  but  the  blaze  of  their  guns,  nothing 
was  heard  but  the  thunder  of  artillery,  and  the  crash  of  the  spars 
that  were  shivered  into  splinters.  The  Formidable,  admiral  Rod- 
ney's ship,  discharged  in  the  course  of  this  terrible  conflict  no  less 
than  eighty  broadsides  ;  the  Ville  de  Paris  an  equal  number.  The 
fight  continued  for  several  hours  without  any  apparent  superiority  of 
success ;  almost  all  the  ships  were  excessively  shattered  ;  the  crews 
were  exhausted  with  fatigue.  From  the  very  commencement  of  the 
action  the  English,  according  to  their  custom,  had  endeavored  to 
VOL.  u.  54 


422  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIV, 

break  the  enemy's  line  of  battle.  But  the  wind  was  not  strong 
enough ;  and  the  French  perceiving;  their  design,  held  firm  and 
repulsed  them  with  vigor.  Meanwhile,  the  van  and  centre  of  the 
count  de  Grasse  had  suffered  extremely  in  their  rigging,  which  occa- 
sioned a  sensible  retardment  in  the  movements  of  these  two  divisions. 
The  third,  commanded  by  M.  de  Bougainville,  not  having  regulated 
its  manoeuvres  by  those  of  the  rest  of  the  line,  had  fallen  irjto  ex- 
treme disorder.  To  this  fatal  event,  which  could  only  be  imputed 
to  men,  there  soon  succeeded  another,  originating  in  the  contrariety 
of  fortune.  The  wind  became  all  at  once  so  unfavorable  to  the  French, 
that  their  sails  rilled  aback  ;  it  was  for  the  same  reason  extremely  pro- 
pitious to  the  English.  Rodney  took  advantage  of  it  instantly.  Ho 
bore  rapidly  down  with  the  Formidable,  the  Narnur,  the  Duke  and  the 
Canada,  and  penetrated  through  the  French  line  at  the  post  occupied 
by  the  Glorieux,  which  was  completely  dismasted,  at  the  distance  of 
three  ships  from  the  Ville  de  Paris.  His  other  ships  were  directed 
by  signal  to  follow  him.  This  order  having  been  executed  with  great 
promptitude,  the  whole  British  fleet  found  itself  to  windward  of  the 
enemy's.  From  this  moment  the  fate  of  the  day  could  no  longer  be 
doubtful.  The  English  wore  round  close  upon  their  adversaries, 
who,  broken  and  in  total  confusion,  could  ill  withstand  an  enemy 
fighting  in  compact  line,  and  animated  by  the  prospect  of  infallible 
victory.  The  French  protracted  their  resistance  only  by  detached 
groups,  or  partial  engagements  of  ship  with  ship.  Their  desperate 
situation,  however,  had  not  yet  abated  their  courage.  They  endea- 
vored to  reestablish  the  line  to  leeward,  but  all  their  efforts  were  vain, 
though  they  signally  honored  their  misfortune.  The  English  of  pre- 
ference closed  with  those  ships  which  they  judged  unable  to  escape 
them.  The  Canada  engaged  the  Hector,  which  did  not  surrender 
till  after  having  exhausted  all  its  means  of  defence.  The  Centaur 
attacked  the  Cesar  ;  they  had  both  remained  entire.  A  furious  action 
ensued.  The  French  captain  would  not  surrender.  Three  other 
ships  of  war  assailed  him  ;  but  after  his  ship  bad  been  battered  to 
pieces,  and  his  ensign-staff  shot  away,  M.  de  Marigny,  who  com- 
manded the  Cesar,  ordered  his  colors  to  be  nailed  to  the  mast,  and 
redoubled  the  fire  of  all  his  batteries.  He  was  slain  ;  his  successor 
defended  himself  with  the  same  courage.  At  length  his  mainmast 
being  fallen,  and  all  his  tackling  destroyed,  he  yielded  to  number. 
The  captain  of  the  Glorieux  did  not  surrender  till  after  the  most  ho- 
norable resistance.  The  Ardent,  after  a  no  less  gallant  defence,  fell 
also  into  the  power  of  the  English.  The  Diaderne,  torn  all  to  pieces, 
went  to  the  bottom.  If  all  the  French  captains  whom  fortune  be- 
trayed on  this  day,  displayed  an  heroic  bravery,  none  of  them 
deserved  more  lasting  praises  than  the  unfortunate  count  de  Grasse. 
He  seemed  inflexibly  resolved  rather  to  sink  with  his  ship,  than  to  sur- 
render her  to  the  enemy.  Totally  dismasted,  and  admitting  the  water 


BOOK   XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  423 

on  all  parts,  the  Ville  de  Paris,  after  a  combat  of  ten  hours,  continued 
to  keep  up  a  terrible  fire  with  starboard  and  larboard  guns.  Captain 
Cornvvallis  in  the  Canada,  appeared  to  rest  his  glory  upon  reducing 
her  ;  but  by  her  very  mass  she  repulsed  all  his  efforts  ;  six  other 
British  ships  joined  the  Canada,  to  give  the  final  blows  to  the  French 
admiral,  but  still  in  vain.  Several  of  his  ships  had  attempted  to 
succoujr  him  ;  at  first  his  two  seconds  the  Languedoc  arid  Couronne, 
then  the  Pluton  and  the  Triumphant.  But,  overwhelmed  by  num- 
ber, the  captains  of  these  ships  had  been  constrained  to  abandon, 
their  captain-general  to  all  the  dangers  of  his  position.  The  count 
de  Grasse  found  his  last  hope  extinct ;  his  fleet,  lately  so  flourishing, 
was  either  dispersed  or  fallen  into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  but  his 
invincible  courage  refused  to  bend.  He  persisted  in  this  manner, 
facing  with  the  most  admirable  intrepidity  the  repeated  attempts  that 
were  made  upon  him  from  every  quarter,  till  past  six  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  Admiral  Hood's  approach  in  the  Barfleur  of  ninety 
guns,  did  not  alter  his  determination.  He  bore  a  heavy  fire  from 
him  during  some  time,  without  any  appearance  of  yielding  ;  and  it 
was  not  till  alter  a  dreadful  destruction  of  his  people  that  lie  con- 
sented at  last  to  strike.  He  and  two  more  were  the  only  men  left 
standing  upon  the  upper  deck.  Thus  fell  into  the -hands  of  the 
English  the  Ville  de  Paris,  justly  considered  as  one  of  the  fairest 
ornaments  of  the  French  marine.  This  magnificent  ship  had  been 
presented  to  Lewis  XV.  by  his  capital,  at  the  epoch  of  the  disasters 
occasioned  by  the  war  of  Canada.  It  had  cost  four  millions  of  livres. 
Thirty-six  chests  of  money,  and  the  whole  train  of  artillery,  intended 
for  the  attack  on  Jamaica,  became  the  prey  of  the  victors.  The 
'English  lost  in  this  battle  and  in  that  of  the  ninth,  upwards  of  a 
thousand  men.  The  loss  of  the  French  was  much  more  consider- 
able, without  reckoning  prisoners.  The  first  had  in  particular  to 
regret  the  captains  Bayne  and  Blair  of  the  Alfred  and  Anson.  Lord 
Robert  Manners,  son  of  the  marquis  of  Granby,  a  young  man  of  the 
greatest  promise,  survived  his  wounds  but  a  short  time.  This  day 
cost  life  to  six  captains  of  French  ships  ;  among  whom  were  the 
viscount  d'  Escars  and  M.  de  la  Clocheterie  ;  the  first  of  the  Glorieux, 
the  second  of  the  Hercule. 

To  reap  the  fruits  of  his  victory,  admiral  Rodney  would  have 
wished  to  pursue  the  enemy  after  the  battle.  But  as  it  grew  dark,  he 
thought  it  necessary,  in  order  to  secure  his  prizes,  and  to  afford  time 
for  inquiring  into  the  condition  of  the  ships  that  had  suffered  in  the 
action,  to  bring  too  for  the  night.  The  following  morning  he  was 
still  detained  upon  the  coasts  of  Guadaloupe  by  a  calm,  which  lasted 
three  days.  Having  at  length  examined  the  bays  and  harbors  of 
the  neighboring  French  islands,  and  being  satisfied  that  the  enemy 
had  sailed  to  leeward,  Rodney  despatched  sir  Samuel  Hood,  whose 
division  being  in  the  rear,  and  coming  up  late,  had  suffered  but  little 


424  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK.    XIV. 

in  the  battle,  to  the  west  end  of  St.  Domingo,  in  the  hope  that  he 
might  be  able  to  pick  up  some  of  their  disabled  ships.  Hood  was 
afterwards  to  repair  to  Cape  Tiberon,  where  admiral  Rodney  had 
appointed  to  meet  him  with  the  rest  of  his  fleet. 

With  the  exception  of  some  French  ships,  which  M.  de  Bougainville 
conducted  to  St.  Eustatius  to  be  repaired,  all  the  others  under  the 
marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  keeping  together  in  a  body,  made  th%best  of 
their  way  to  Cape  Francois.  In  the  meantime,  admiral  Hood  had 
arrived  in  the  waters  of  St.  Domingo,  and  while  cruising  in  the 
Mora  passage,  which  separates  that  island  from  Porto  Rico,  he  de- 
scried four  sail  of  French  vessels,  two  of  the  line,  and  two  of  less 
force.  These  were  the  Jason  and  Caton,  which  were  returning  from 
the  anchorage  of  Guadaloupe,  with  the  frigate  Aimable  and  the  sloop 
of  war  Ceres.  Their  captains  were  not  informed  of  the  action  of 
the  twelfth  of  April,  and  were  pursuing  their  voyage  in  full  security. 
They  fell  into  the  midst  of  the  squadron  of  sir  Samuel  Hood,  who 
had  little  difficulty  in  forcing  them  to  surrender.  A  fifth  sail,  which 
was  discovered  in  the  distance,  had  the  fortune  to  escape  the  pursuit 
of  the  English,  by  an  unexpected  shift  of  wind  in  her  favor.  Thus 
the  French  loss  amounted  to  eight  ships  of  the  line  ;  but  the  Diademe 
having  been  sunk,  and  the  Cesar  having  blown  up,  there  remained 
but  six  in  the  possession  of  the  English,  as  trophies  of  their  victory. 

Admiral  Hood  rejoined  sir  George  Rodney  off  Cape  Tiberon  ; 
the  latter  then  proceeded  with  the  disabled  ships  and  the  prizes  to 
Jamaica.  The  former  remained,  with  twenty-five  ships  that  had 
suffered  the  least,  in  the  waters  of  St.  Domingo,  to  watch  the  enemy, 
and  prevent  him  from  attempting  any  expedition  of  importance 
against  the  British  possessions.  Though  discouraged  by  the  check 
which  they  had  just  received,  the  allies  were  still  formidable.  They 
had  at  Cape  Francois  twenty-three  sail  of  the  line,  under  the  marquis 
de  Vaudreuil,  and  sixteen  Spanish,  commanded  by  don  Solano. 
Their  land  forces  amounted  to  near  twenty  thousand  men.  They 
relinquished,  however,  the  enterprise  of  Jamaica,  and  indeed  every 
sort  of  attempt  in  the  West  Indies.  The  Spaniards  returned  to  the 
Havanna.  Some  French  ships  took  under  their  guard  a  convoy  of 
merchantmen,  and  arrived  in  Europe  without  accident.  The  mar- 
quis de  Vaudreuil  repaired  with  the  rest  of  his  fleet  to  the  ports  of 
North  America.  .  Thus  ended  the  projects  against  Jamaica,  and  all 
this  campaign  in  the  West  Indies.  It  produced  afterwards  one  only 
event ;  the  Bahama  Islands  which  had  hitherto  served  as  a  shelter 
for  British  privateers,  surrendered  the  sixth  of  May  to  the  Spanish 
arms.  The  French  obtained  also  another  success  in  the  most  north- 
ern regions  of  America ;  a  feeble  compensation  of  their  late  losses. 
The  marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  a  little  before  his  departure  for  the  Uni- 
ted States,  had  detached  M.  de  la  Peyrouse,  with  the  ship  of  war 
Sceptre,  and  the  frigates  Astree  and  Engageante.  His  instructions 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  425 

were,  to  repair  to  Hudson's  bay,  and  do  all  the  harm  possible  to  the 
establishments  of  the  British  northwest  company.  The  expedition 
succeeded  completely  ;  the  English  estimated  the  damage  he  caused 
them  at  several  millions  of  livres.  It  was  much  more  remarkable 
for  the  almost  insurmountable  obstacles  which  the  nature  of  the  places 
and  climate  presented  to  the  French,  than  for  the  resistance  of  their 
enemipB,  whom  they  surprised  in  full  security  and  without  defence. 
The  coasts  were  difficult  and  little  known,  and  the  shoals  very  dan- 
gerous. Though  it  was  only  the  last  of  July  when  the  ships  "of  the 
expedition  arrived  in  Hudson's  bay,  yet  the  cold  was  already  so 
rigorous  there,  and  the  masses  of  floating  ice  so  numerous  that  they 
tvere  very  near  being  shut  up  for  the  winter  in  those  bleak  and  dis"- 
mul  regions. 

In  the  meantime,  admiral  Rodney  had  repaired  to  Jamaica  ;  he 
had  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  the  port  of  Kingston.  The  inhabit- 
ants of  the  island  crowded  with  eagerness  to  behold  their  deliverer, 
and  to  enjoy  the  spectacle  of  the  victorious  and  of  the  captured  ships. 
But  no  object  more  excited  their  curiosity,  than  the  French  admiral 
himself,  who,  already  become  illustrious  by  great  success  in  America, 
and  ready  but  now  to  fall  upon  their  island  at  the  head  of  the  most 
formidable  armament,  appeared  there  at  present  as  a  memorable 
example  of  the  caprices  of  fortune.  The  victory  of  Rodney  and  the 
exultation  of  the  colonists,  did  not  however  cause  them  to  forget 
what  generosity  exacted  of  them  towards  an  unfortunate  enemy. 
They  loaded  him  with  all  the  attentions  which  they  judged  suitable 
to  console  him. 

Meanwhile,  before  the  news  of  the  victory  of  the  twelfth  of  April 
had  reached  England,  admiral  Pigot  had  been  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  West  India  fleet,  in  the  room  of  Rodney.  The  latter 
obeyed  without  delay,  and  departed  for  Europe,  after  having  em- 
barked the  count  de  Grasse  in  the  homeward  bound  Jamaica  convoy. 
The  odious  pillage  committed  at  St.  Eustatius,  had  brought  Rodney 
into  great  discredit  with  the  public.  His  conduct  had  been  censured 
with  extreme  asperity  even  in  parliament.  The  complaints  which 
arose  on  al!  parts  against  this  admiral,  might  have  contributed  no  less 
to  his  recall  than  his  attachment  to  the  party  in  opposition  to  minis- 
ters. But  when  arrived  in  England,  he  answered  his  accusers  only 
by  showing  them  the  count  de  Grasse  prisoner.  Immediately,  the 
infamous  spoiler  of  St.  Eustatius  became  the  idol  of  the  nation. 
Those  same  individuals  who  had  inveighed  against  him  with  the  most 
vehemence,  showed  themselves  the  most  forward  to  load  him  with 
panegyric  in  the  same  measure. 

The  count  de  Grasse  encountered  in  England  the  most  honorable 
reception  ;  he  owed  it  perhaps  as  much  to  ostentation  as  to  politeness. 
As  soon  as  he  was  arrived  at  London  he  was  presented  to  the  king, 
and  waited  on  by  all  the  great.  The  people  assembled  in  throng 


420  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  BOOK  XIV. 

before  the  hotel  where  he  lodged  ;  forced  to  appear  at  the  balcony,  the 
multitude  greeted  him  with  loud  acclamations,  and  applauses  without 
end.  They  called  him  the  brave,  the  valiant  Frenchman.  Such  is 
the  fascination  of  courage  even  in  an  enemy  !  In  the  public  places 
where  the  count  made  his  appearance,  numerous  crowds  gathered 
about  him,  not  to  insult  him,  but,  on  the  contrary,  to  pay  him  homage. 
The  enthusiasm  of  the  people  of  London  seemed  to  redoublfb  when 
it  was  generally  agreed  to  find  him  an  English  physiognomy.  He 
was  obliged  to  consent  to  have  his  portrait  painted  ;  copies  of  it 
were  profusely  distributed  throughout  the  country;  and  who- 
ever was  without  it,  exposed  himself  to  be  accounted  a  bad  patriot. 
Admiral  Rodney  was  created  an  English  peer,  by  the  title  of  lord 
Rodney.  Hood  was  honored  with  an  Irish  peerage ;  Drake  and 
Affleck  with  baronetages. 

The  grief  which  the  news  of  the  disaster  of  the  twelfth  of  April 
produced  in  France,  was  the  more  profound,  as  it  immediately 
succeeded  the  most  sanguine  hope.  But  the  French,  constant  in 
their  gaiety,  and  intrepid  by  their  nature,  rapidly  lose  impressions  of 
sadness  ;  they  soon  resumed  courage.  The  kjng  was  the  first  to  give 
the  example  of  firmness;  it  was  imitated  by  all  France.  In  order 
to  repair  the  losses  of  his  marine,  the  monarch  ordered  the  immediate 
construction  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line  of  one  hundred  and  ten, 
eighty,  and  seventy-four  guns.  The  counts  de  Provence  and  d'  Ar- 
tois,  his  brothers,  offered  him  each  one  of  eighty ;  the  prince  of 
Conde  one  of  one  hundred  and  ten,  in  the  name  of  the  states  of 
Burgundy.  The  chamber  of  commerce,  with  the  six  corps  of  re- 
tailers of  the  city  of  Paris,  the  merchants  of  Marseilles,  of  Bordeaux, 
of  Lyons,  resolved  with  the  same  zeal  to  furnish  to  the  state  each  a 
ship  of  one  hundred  and  ten  guns.  The  receivers-general  of  the 
revenue,  the  farmers-general,  and  other  financial  companies,  offered 
to  advance  considerable  sums.  All  these  offers  were  accepted,  but 
not  those  which  patriotism  had  dictated  to  private  citizens ;  the  king, 
not  willing  to  increase  the  burthens  that  already  weighed  upon  his 
people,  ordered  the  sums  which  had  been  subscribed  or  advanced 
by  particulars,  to  be  placed  again  at  their  disposal.  Thus,  the  ardent 
zeal  which  manifested  itself  in  all  parts  towards  the  country  and  the 
sovereign,  raised  the  French  above  the  malice  of  adverse  fortune, 
and  cheered  them  with  new  hopes  of  a  brilliant  future. 

We  have  seen  the  war  brought  to  an  end  upon  the  American  con- 
tinent, by  the  irreparable  check  which  the  arms  of  England  sustained 
at  Yorktown  ;  and  we  have  also  seen  it  suspended  in  the  West  indies, 
by  the  disasters  of  the  French  marine.  We  shall  now  return  from 
those  distant  regions,  to  consider  the  issue  of  this  long  and  bloody 
war  in  that  part  of  the  globe  which. we  inhabit,  and  in  those  countries 
whence  it  drew  its  principal  aliment.  The  attention  of  all  the  in- 
formed part  of  mankind  was  turned  upon  the  siege  of  Gibraltar. 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  427 

For  many  ages,  Europe  had  not  witnessed  an  enterprise  of  this  sort 
•which  presented  more  formidable  difficulties,  or  more  important 
results. 

Admiral  Howe  had  sailed  for  the  relief  of  that  fortress.  Various 
were  the  conjectures  of  men  respecting  the  success  of  his  efforts. 
Some,  full  of  confidence  in  the  dexterity  and  audacity  of  the  English, 
infene^  from  the  event  of  their  preceding  expeditions  the  most  favor- 
able issue  to  this;  others,  reflecting  upon  the  naval  superiority  of  the 
allied  courts,  and  impressed  with  esteem  for  the  talents  and  valor  of 
the  count  de  Cuichen  and  don  Lewis  de  Cordova,  formed  a  contrary 
opinion.  In  one  place,  the  extraordinary  preparations  that  had  been 
made  and  were  still  making,  by  the  besiegers,  appeared  to  answer 
for  the  approaching  fall  of  Gibraltar.  In  another,  on  the  contrary, 
the  strength  of  its  position,  the  perfection  of  its  works,  and  the  intre- 
pidity of  its  defenders,  seemed  to  place  it  beyond  the  reach  of  dan- 
ger. Every  where  but  one  opinion  prevailed  upon  this  point;  that 
the  obstacles  were  numerous,  and  that  blood  must  stream  copiously 
before  they  were  all  surmounted.  But  the  very  hazards  of  this  great 
enterprise  so  inflamed  the  valor  of  all  warlike  men,  that  even  those  who 
were  not  called  to  take  an  active  part  in  it,  wished  at  least  to  be 
spectators  of  the  glorious  scenes  that  were  about  to  be  represented 
at  the  foot  of  this  formidable  rock.  Hence  it  was,  that  not  only  from 
France  and  Spain,  but  also  from  Germany,  and  the  remoter  regions 
of  the  north,  the  most  distinguished  personages  were  seen  hastening 
to  arrive  at  the  camp  of  St.  Roch,  and  in  the  port  of  Algesiras. 
Even  those  nations  which  are  accounted  barbarous,  and  who  have 
communicated  that  appellation  to  so  large  and  so  fine  a  portion  of 
Africa,  were  seized  with  an  irresistible  curiosity  ;  they  repaired  to 
the  nearest  shores  in  order  to  contemplate  a  spectacle  so  new  for 
them.  All  was  in  movement  in  the  camp,  in  the  arsenals,  and  aboard 
the  fleets  of  the  allies.  From  the  summit  of  his  rock,  Elliot  awaited 
with  an  heroic  constancy  the  attack  with  which  he  was  menaced. 
But  before  relating  the  memorable  events  that  ensued,  it  appears  to 
us  necessary  to  enter  into  a  description  of  the  places,  and  of  the 
works  within  and  without  the  citadel ;  and  to  trace  an  outline  of  the 
plans  and  preparations  of  the  besiegers. 

The  fortress  of  Gibraltar  is  seated  upon  a  rock  which  projects  iu 
the  form  of  a  tongue  for  the  space  of  .a  league,  from  north  to  south, 
out  of  the  continent  of  Spain,  and  which  is  terminated  by  a  promon- 
tory called  the  point  of  Europe.  The  top  of  this  rock  is  elevated  a 
thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  Its  eastern  flank,  or  that 
which  looks  towards  the  Mediterranean,  is  entirely  composed  of  a 
living  rock,  and  so  perpendicularly  steep  as  to  be  absolutely  inacces- 
sible. The  point  of  Europe,  which  is  also  of  solid  rock,  slopes  and 
terminates  in  an  esplanade  which  rises  twenty  feet  above  the  sea  ; 
here  the  English  have  planted  a  battery  of  twenty  pieces  of  heavy 


428 


THE    AMERICAN    WAIl.  BOOK    XIV 


artillery.  Behind  this  point  the  promontory  dilates,  and  there  is 
formed  a  second  esplanade  which  overlooks  the  first,  and  affords 
space  enough  for  the  troops  of  the  garrison  to  parade  in  without  diffi- 
culty. As  the  declivity  is  gentle,  and  of  easy  access,  the  English 
have  made  cuts  in  the  rock  in  front,  and  surrounded  the  platform  with 
a  wall  fifteen  feet  in  height  and  as  many  in  thickness,  copiously  fur- 
nished with  artillery.  Within  this  platform  they  have  constructed 
besides  an  intrenched  camp,  which  offers  them  a  secure  retreat  in 
case  they  should  he  driven  from  their  outer  works.  From  this  post 
they  communicate  with  another  still  more  elevated,  and  situated 
among  steep  and  irregular  masses  ;  here  the  besieged  had  established 
their  camp.  Upon  the  western  flank  of  the  promontory,  and  upon 
the  seashore,  the  town  of  Gibraltar  itself  occupied  a  long  and  narrow 
space.  It  had  been  almost  totally  destroyed  by  the  artillery,  in  one 
of  the  preceding  attacks.  It  is  closed  on  the  south  by  a  wall,  on  the 
north  by  an  ancient  fortification  called  the  castle  of  the  Moors,  and  in 
front,  next  the  sea,  by  a  parapet  sixteen  feet  thick,  and  furnished 
from  distance  to  distance  with  batteries,  which  fire  level  with  the 
water.  Behind  the  town,  the  mountain  rises  abruptly  quite  to  its 
summit.  The  English,  for  the  greater  security  of  this  part,  have 
constructed  two  other  works,  which  project  considerably  into  the  sea. 
Both  are  armed  with  formidable  batteries.  The  first,  which  looks  to 
the  north,  is  called  the  Old  Mole  ;  the  second,  the  New  Mole.  Not 
content  with  these  defences,  they  have  erected  in  front  of  the  castle 
of  the  Moors  and  of  Old  Mole,  another  work  consisting  in  two  bastions, 
connected  by  a  curtain,  of  which  the  scarp  and  covered  way,  being 
well  countermined  throughout,  are  very  difficult  to  mine.  The  object 
of  this  construction  is  to  sweep,  by  a  raking  fire,  that  narrow  strip  of 
land  which  runs  between  the  rock  and  the  sea,  and  which  forms  the 
only  communication  of  the  Spanish  continent  with  the  fortress.  In 
the  front  of  this  work,  the  water  of  the  sea  had  been  introduced  by 
means  of  dikes  and  sluices,  which  forming  a  pool  or  fen,  adds  much 
to  the  strength  of  this  part.  The  north  side,  or  that  which  faces 
Spain,  is  by  far  the  loftiest  flank  of  the  rock.  It  fronts  the  camp  of 
Si.  Roch,  and  presents  upon  all  its  surface  a  prodigious  quantity  of 
batteries,  which  descend  in  tiers  towards  the  Spanish  camp.  Thus 
art  had  combined  with  nature  to  make  of  this  immense  rock  an  im- 
pregnable citadel.  Between  the  promontory  of  Gibraltar  and  the 
coast  of  Spain,  lies  towards  the  west  a  deep  gap  filled  by  the  waters 
of  the  sea  ;  it  is  the  bay  of  Gibraltar  or  of  Algesiras.  The  port  and 
city  of  this  name  are  situated  upon  the  western  shore  of  the  bay. 
The  garrison  of  Algesiras  amounted  to  little  over  seven  thousand 
men,  with  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  officers.  Such  was  the  nature 
of  that  rock,  against  which  the  Spanish  monarchy  displayed  the 
greatest  part  of  its  forces,  and  invoked  besides  the  powerful  assist- 
ance of  France.  This  enterprise  was  the  object  of  the  most  ardent 


BOOK    XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  429 

wishes  of  Charles  III. ;  he  considered  the  honor  of  his  crown  as 
deeply  interested  in  its  success.  The  king  of  France  likewise  saw 
in  the  reduction  of  Gibraltar  the  termination  of  the  war.  In  order 
to  push  the  operations  of  the  siege  and  secure  its  success,  the  con- 
duct of  it  was  committed  to  the  duke  de  Crillon  ;  the  public  opinion 
designated  the  victor  of  Minorca  as  the  conqueror  of  Gibraltar. 

The  preparations  directed  against  this  place  exceeded  every  thing 
that   had   ever  been  heard  of  in  like  circumstances.     Upwards  of* 
twelve  hundred    pieces  of  heavy  cannon,  eighty-three  thousand  bar- 
rels of  powder,  a   proportionable  quantity  of  bombs  and  balls,  were 
destined  to  batter  the  works  of  the   English.     Forty  gunboats,  with 
as  many  bombketches,  were  to  open  their  fire  on  the  side  of  the  bay, 
under  cover  of  a  formidable  fleet  of  fifty  sail   of  the  line  ;  twelve 
French,  the  others  Spanish.     Frigates  and  light  vessels  hovered  in 
front  of  this  line,  in  waiting  to  carry  succour  wherever  it  might  be 
wanted.     Upwards  of  three  hundred  large  boats  had  been  assembled 
from  all  parts  of  Spain,  which  came  to  join  the   immense   number 
already  in   the  bay  of  Algesiras.     It  was  intended  to  employ  them 
during  the  attack  in  carrying  munitions  and  necessaries  to  the  ships 
of  war,  and  in  landing   the  troops  as  soon  as  the  works  should  be 
ruined.    Nor  were  the  preparations  by  land  inferior  to  those  that  were 
made  by  sea.    The  Spaniards  had  already  advanced  by  sap  ;  and  their 
lines,  as   soon  as  they  were  terminated,   presented   an   astonishing 
number  of  batteries  of  heavy  artillery.     Twelve  thousand  French 
troops  were  brought  to  diffuse  their  peculiar  vivacity  and  animation 
through  the  Spanish  army,  as  well  as  for  the  benefit  to  be   derived 
from  the  example  and  exertion  of  their  superior  discipline  and  expe- 
rience.    At  sight  of  the  immense  warlike  apparatus  assembled  against 
the  place,  and  of  the  ardor  manifested  by  the  soldiers,  the  generals 
who  directed  the  siege  considered  themselves  as  so  sure  of  success, 
that  they  were  upon  the  point  of  ordering,  without  further  delay,  a 
general  assault.     They  had  resolved,  that  while  the  land  forces  should 
assail  the  fortress  on  the  side  of  the  isthmus,  the  fleet  should  batter 
it  upon   all  the  points  contiguous  to  the  sea.     They  hoped  that  the 
garrison,  already  little  numerous,  experiencing  besides  a  great  diminu- 
tion in  dead  and  wounded,  would  be  totally  incapable  of  sufficing  for 
the  defence  of  so  extensive  works.     The  loss  of  some  thousands  of 
men,  and  several  ships  of  the  line,  would  have  seemed  to  the  be- 
siegers but  a  slender  price  for  so  inestimable  a  conquest.     Mean- 
while, the  project  of  an  attack  by  main  force  was  not  adopted  by  all 
the   members  of  the   council.       Those    who    blamed   its    temerity, 
observed,  that  until  the  defences  of  the  place  on  the  land  side  were 
entirely   prostrated,  to   attempt   the   assault  would   be  sending    the 
troops  to  a  certain  death,  without  any  hope  of  success.     On  the  part 
of  the  sea,  they  showed  that  an  attack  would  be  attended  with  the 
inevitable  destruction  of  the  ships,  without  producing   the   smallest 
vor,.  n.  55 


430  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

effect  upon  the  fortress.  '  Nevertheless,'  they  added,  *  as  a  simple 
attack  by  land  must  necessarily  be  fruitless,  it  is  highly  desirable  that 
a  kind  of  ships  could  be  procured  more  capable  of  resisting  artillery 
than  those  of  an  ordinary  construction.'  It  could  not  be  expected  to 
carry  Gibraltar  by  an  attack  of  short  duration  ;  but  was  it  possible 
to  prolong  it  without  hazarding  the  ruin  of  the  fleet?  This  considera- 
tion occupied  the  thought  of  several  men  of  talents.  They  present- 
'ed  plans  of  various  inventions,  all  having  for  object  to  facilitate  the 
battering  of  the  fortress  on  the  part  of  the  sea.  These  schemes 
were  examined  with  extreme  attention.  Several  were  rejected  as 
incompetent  to  the  purpose  in  view,  none  as  too  expensive.  At 
length,  after  long  deliberation,  it  was  agreed  to  adopt  the  plan  of  the 
chevalier  d'  Arcon,  a  French  engineer  of  high  note  ;  it  was  thought 
ingenious  and  infallible.  His  project  went  to  the  construction  of 
floating  batteries,  or  ships,  upon  such  a  principle,  that  they  could  nei- 
ther be  sunk,  nor  fired.  The  first  of  these  properties  was  to  be 
acquired  by  the  extraordinary  thickness  of  timber,  with  which  their 
keels  and  bottoms  were  to  be  fortified  ;  the  second,  by  securing  the 
sides  of  the  ships,  wherever  they  were  exposed  to  shot,  with  a  strong 
wall,  composed  of  timber  and  cork,  a  long  time  soaked  in  water,  and 
including  between  a  large  body  of  wet  sand.  But  the  ingenious 
projector  not  being  yet  satisfied  with  his  work,  and  wishing  to  render 
it  more  proof  against  the  redhot  shot  from  the  fortress,  executed  a 
contrivance  for  communicating  water  in  every  direction  to  restrain 
its  effect.  In  imitation  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood  in  a  living 
body,  a  great  variety  of  pipes  and  canals  perforated  all  the  solid 
workmanship,  in  such  a  manner,  that  a  continued  succession  of 
water  was  to  be  conveyed  to  every  part  of  the  vessels  ;  a  number  of 
pumps  being  adapted  to  the  purpose  of  an  unlimited  supply.  By 
this  means,  it  was  expected  that  the  redhot  shot  would  operate  to 
the  remedy  of  its  own  mischief;  as  the  very  action  of  cutting  through 
those  pipes  would  procure  its  immediate  extinction. 

To  protect  his  floating  batteries  from  bombs,  and  the  men  at  the 
batteries  from  grape  or  descending  shot,  the  chevalier  d'  Arcon  had 
contrived  a  hanging  roof,  which  was  to  be  worked  up  and  down  with 
ease,  and  at  pleasure.  The  roof  was  composed  of  a  strong  rope- 
work  netting,  laid  over  with  a  thick  covering  of  wet  hides ;  while  its 
sloping  position  was  calculated  to  prevent  the  shells  from  lodging,  and 
to  throw  them  off  into  the  sea  before  they  could  take  effect.  All 
this  scaffolding  was  constructed  upon  the  hulks  of  great  ships,  from 
six  hundred  to  fourteen  hundred  tons  burthen,  cut  down  to  the  slate 
required  by  the  plan.  There  were  ten  of  these  floating  batteries  ; 
they  were  armed  in  all  with  an  hundred  and  fifty-four  pieces  of  heavy 
brass  cannon,  that  were  mounted  ;  and  something  about  half  the 
number  of  spare  guns  were  kept  ready  to  supply  the  place  of  those 
which  might  be  overheated,  or  otherwise  disabled  in  action.  The 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  431 

Pastora  alone,  which  was  the  largest,  carried  twenty-four  in  battery, 
and  twelve  in  reserve.  The  Talla  Piedra,  commanded  by  the 
Prince  of  Nassau,  and  the  Paula,  which  was  also  one  of  the  stoutest, 
mounted  a  no  less  numerous  artillery.  That  its  fire  might  not  be 
slackened  by  losses  in  dead  or  wounded,  thirty-six  men,  as  well 
Spaniards  as  French  were  allotted  to  the  service  of  each  piece. 
The  command  of  this  flotilla  had  been  confided  to  admiral  don 
Moreno,  a  seaman  of  equal  valor  and  ability,  who  had  served  with 
distinction  at  the  siege  of  Port  Mahon.  The  vast  bulk  of  the  bat- 
tering ships,  the  materials  employed  in  their  construction,  and  the 
weight  of  their  artillery  seemed  likely  to  render  them  extremely 
heavy  and  unmanageable.  They  were  however  rigged  with  so  much 
skill  and  ingenuity,  that  they  executed  their  various  evolutions  with 
all  the  ease  and  dexterity  of  frigates. 

When  all  these  preparations  were  completed,  there  were  few  per- 
sons in  the  camp  of  the  besiegers  who  did  not  consider  the  fall  of  a 
place  so  vigorously  attacked  as  inevitable.  It  was  at  this  epoch, 
towards  the  middle  of  August,  that  two  French  princes  arrived  at 
the  army  before  Gibraltar  ;  the  count  d'  Artois  and  the  duke  de 
Bourbon.  The  object  of  their  mission  was  to  animate  the  troops  by 
their  presence,  and  that  they  might  themselves  come  in  for  a  share 
of  the  glory  of  so  signal  and  illustrious  an  enterprise.  The  army 
were  impatient  to  receive  the  signal  of  attack  ;  their  ardor  had  more 
need  of  restraint  than  incitement.  So  sanguine  was  the  general 
hope,  that  the  duke  de  Crillon  was  thought  extremely  cautious  of 
hazarding  an  opinion,  when  he  allowed  so  long  a  term  as  fourteen 
days  to  the  certainty  of  being  in  possession  of  Gibraltar.  Twenty- 
four  hours  appeared  more  than  sufficient. 

The  arrival  of  the  French  princes  afforded  an  opportunity  for  the 
display  of  that  politeness,  and  the  exercise  of  those  humanised  atten- 
tions and  civilities,  by  which  the  refined  manners  of  modern  Europe 
have  tended  so  much  to  divest  war  of  many  parts  of  its  ancient 
savage  barbarity.  The  Spaniards  had  intercepted  some  packets, 
containing  a  number  of  letters  directed  to  the  officers  in  Gibraltar, 
and  had  transmitted  them  to  the  court  of  Madrid,  where  they  lay,  at 
the  time  that  the  count  d'  Artois  arrived  at  that  capital. 
French  prince  obtained  the  packets  from  the  king,  and  on  his  arrival 
at  the  camp,  had  them  forwarded  to  their  address.  The  duke  de 
Crillon  sent  with  them  a  letter  to  general  Elliot,  in  which,  besides 
informing  him  of  this  particular  mark  of  attention  shown  by  the  count 
d'  Artois,  he  farther  acquainted  him  that  he  was  charged  by  the 
French  princes  respectively,  to  convey  to  the  general  the  strongest 
expressions  of  their  regard  and  esteem  for  his  person  and  character. 
He  requested  in  the  most  obliging  terms,  that  he  would  accept  of  r 
present  of  fruit  and  vegetables,  for  his  own  use,  which  accompanied 
the  letter,  and  of  some  ice  and  partridges  for  the  gentlemen  of  his 


432  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

household  ;  farther  entreating,  that  as  he  knew  the  general  lived 
entirely  upon  vegetables,  he  would  acquaint  him  with  the  particular 
kinds  which  he  liked  best,  with  a  view  to  his  regular  supply.  Gene- 
ral Elliot  answered  with  the  same  politeness  ;  he  returned  many 
thanks  to  the  princes  and  the  dnke  de  Crillon,  for  the  flattering 
attentions  they  were  pleased  to  show  him.  But  he  informed  the 
duke  that  in  accepting  the  present,  he  had  broken  through  a  resolu- 
tion which  he  had  invariably  adhered  to  from  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  which  was,  never  to  receive,  or  to  procure  by  any  means 
whatever,  any  provisions  or  other  commodity  for  his  own  private  use  ; 
and  that  he  made  it  a  point  of  honor,  to  partake  of  both  plenty  and 
scarcity,  in  common  with  the  lowest  of  his  brave  fellow-soldiers.  He 
therefore  entreated  the  duke,  not  to  heap  any  more  favors  of  the 
same  kind  upon  him,  as  he  could  not  in-  future  apply  them  to  his 
own  use.  This  exchange  of  courtesies  was  deemed  worthy  of  their 
authors,  and  of  the  sovereigns  they  represented. 

But  while  these  civilities  were  passing,  as  in  the  rnidst  of  profound 
peace,  the  dispositions  were  in  process  for  redoubling  the  horrors  of 
war.  Elliot  had  hitherto  observed  in  a  sort  of  inaction  the  prepara- 
tions of  the  besiegers,  When  all  of  a  sudden  he  saw  issuing  from  the 
port  of  Algesiras  the  enormous  masses  of  the  floating  batteries.  If 
his  courage  was  not  shaken,  he  could  not  however  but  feel  at  least  a 
strong  emotion  of  surprise.  In  this  uncertainty  as  to  what  might  be 
the  effect  of  those  new  invented  machines,  prudence  urged  him  to 
make  every  defensive  preparation  that  was  calculated  to -elude  and 
defeat  it.  Confiding,  moreover,  iti  the  strength  of  the  place,  and 
the  valor  of  his  garrison,  he  was  under  no  apprehension  for  the  issue 
of  the  approaching  attack.  He  did  more  ;  he  resolved  to  anticipate 
it,  by  attacking  himself.  The  besiegers  had  pushed  their  works  with 
so  much  diligence  that  some  of  them  were  already  far  advanced 
towards  the  fortress.  The  governor  determined  to  try  how  far  a 
vigorous  cannonade  and  bombardment  with  redhot  balls,  carcasses 
and  shells,  might  operate  to  their  destruction.  A  powerful  and 
Admirably  directed  firing  accordingly  commenced  from  the  garrison, 
j$at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  eighth  of  September.  By 
ten  o'clock,  the  Mahon  battery,  with  another  adjoining  to  it,  were  ia 
flames  ;  and  by  five  in  the  evening  were  entirely  consumed,  together 
with  their  gun-carriages,  platforms  and  magazines,  although  the  latter 
were  bomb  proof.  A  great  part  of  the  communications  to  the  east- 
ern parallel,  and  of  the  trenches  and  parapet  for  musketry,  were 
likewise  destroyed  ;  and  a  large  battery  near  the  bay  suffered  exces- 
sively ;  the  works  were  on  fire  in  fifty  places  at  the  same  instant.  It 
was  not  without  extreme  exertions  and  considerable  loss  that  the 
besiegers  at  length  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  flames,  and  pre- 
serving their  works  from  total  destruction. 


BOOK  XIV.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  433 

This  affront  was  so  much  resented  by  the  duke  de  Crillon,  that 
having  pressed  the  reparation  of  his  works  during  the  night,  he 
unmasked  all  his  batteries  by  break  of  day  on  the  following  morn- 
ing ;  they  mounted  one  hundred  and  ninety-three  pieces  of  cannon 
and  mortars,  and  continued  to  pour  their  fire  of  shot  and  shells,  with- 
out intermission,  upon  the  garrison,  through  the  whole  course  of  the 
day.  At  the  same  time,  a  part  of  the  fleet  taking  the  advantage  of 
a  favorable  wind,  dropped  down  from  the  Orange  Grove  at  the  head 
of  the  bay,  and  passing  slowly  along  the  works,  discharged  their  shot 
at  the  Old  Mole  and  the  adjoining  bastions,  continuing  their  cannon- 
ade until  they  had  passed  Europa  Point  and  got  into  the  Mediterra- 
nean. They  then  formed  a  line  to  the  eastward  of  the  rock,  and 
the  admiral  leading,  came  to  the  attack  of  the  batteries  on  the  point, 
and  under  a  very  slow  sail,  commenced  a  heavy  fire  with  all  their 
guns.  But  these  combined  efforts  did  very  little  harm  to  the  besieg- 
ed. There  prevailed  for  some  days  a  calm,  which  was  soon  to  be 
interrupted-by  a  most  sanguinary  combat. 

The  thirteenth  of  September  was  destined  to  witness  an  ever 
memorable  conflict.  History,  in  effect,  presents  nothing  more  terri- 
ble for  the  desperate  fierceness  and  resolution  of  the  two  parties,  nor 
more  singular  for  the  species  of  arms,  nor  more  glorious  for  the 
humanity  manifested  by  the  conquerors.  The  season  beginning  to 
be  late,  and  admiral  Howe  approaching  with  intent  to  revictual  Gib- 
raltar, the  allied  commanders  felt  the  necessity  of  precipitating  the 
attack  they  meditated.  According  to  the  plan  agreed  upon,  the 
artillery  of  the  lines,  the  floating  batteries,  the  ships  of  war  and  gun- 
boats were  to  attack  the  place  upon  all  points  at  once.  While  the 
cannon,  mortars  and  howitzers  of  the  isthmus  kept  up  a  heavy  fire 
on  the  land  side,  it  was  intended  that  the  floating  batteries  should 
direct  their  fire  against  the  works  which  commanded  the  bay,  taking 
their  station  in  front  of  the  Old  Mole.  At  the  same  time,  the  gun 
and  mortar  boats,  with  the  bombketches,  taking  post  on  the  two 
flanks  of  the  line  of  battering  ships,  were  to  enfilade  the  British 
artillery  which  defended  the  fortifications  constructed  upon  the 
margin  of  the  sea.  As  to  the  fleet,  it  was  destined  to  concur  no  less 
effectually  to  the  attack,  according  to  the  wind  or  the  necessity  of 
the  service.  In  this  manner,  the  fortress  would  be  battered  simulta- 
neously by  four  hundred  pieces  of  ordnance,  without  including  the 
artillery  afloat. 

General  Elliot,  on  his  part,  had  neglected  nothing  that  could  ena- 
ble him  to  make  a  vigorous  defence.  The  soldiers  were  at  their 
posts,  the  artillerists  at  their  places  with  lighted  matches  ;  numerous 
furnaces  were  prepared  for  heating  the  shot.  At  seven  in  the  morn- 
ing, the  ten  battering  ships,  under  the  conduct  of  admiral  don  Mo- 
reno, put  themselves  in  motion.  Between  nine  and  ten  they  came 
to  an  anchor,  being  moored  in  a  line,  at  moderate  distances,  from 


434  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIV. 

the  Old  to  the  New  Mole,  lying  parallel  to  the  rock,  and  at  about 
nine  hundred  yards  distance.  The  admiral's  ship  was  stationed 
opposite  the  king's  bastion  ;  '  and  the  others  took  their  appointed 
places  successively,  and  with  great  regularity,  on  his  right  and  left. 
The  cannonade  and  bombardment,  on  all  sides,  and  in  all  directions, 
from  the  isthmus,  the  sea,  and  the  various  works  of  the  fortress,  was 
not  only  tremendous,  but  beyond  example.  The  prodigious  showers 
of  redhot  balls,  of  bombs,  and  of  carcasses,  which  rilled  the  air,  and 
were  without  intermission  thrown  to  every  point  of  the  various 
attacks,  both  by  sea  and  by  land,  from  the  garrison,  astonished  even 
the  commanders  of  the  allied  forces.  The  battering  ships,  however, 
appeared  to  be  the  principal  objects  of  vengeance,  as  they  were  of 
apprehension,  to  the  garrison  ;  but  such  was  the  excellence  of  their 
construction,  that  they  not  only  resisted  this  terrible  fire,  but  answer- 
ed it  with  equal  fury  ;  and  already  they  had  operated  a  breach  in 
the  works  of  the  Old  Mole.  The  result  of  so  many  mutual  efforts 
seemed  for  a  long  time  uncertain.  At  length,  however,  some  smoke 
began  to  issue  from  the  upper  part  of  the  battering  ships  Pastora  and 
Talla  Piedra.  It  was  caused  by  some  redhot  balls,  which  had  pene- 
trated so  far  into  their  sides,  that  they  could  not  be  extinguished  by 
the  water  of  the  internal  canals.  They  had  set  fire  to  the  contiguous 
parts,  which,  after  smouldering  for  some  time,  suddenly  broke  out  in 
flames.  The  men  were  seen,  at  the  hazard  of  life,  using  fire 
engines,  and  pouring  water  into  the  shotholes.  This  fire,  though 
kept  under  during  the  continuance  of  daylight,  could  never  be 
thoroughly  subdued.  The  disorder  in  these  two  commanding  ships 
in  the  centre,  affected  the  whole  line  of  attack  ;  and  by  the  evening 
the  fire  from  the  fortress  had  gained  a  decided  superiority.  The  fire 
was  continued  from  the  batteries  in  the  fortress  with  equal  vigor 
through  the  night,  and  by  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  two  first 
batteries  were  in  flames,  and  the  others  visibly  on  fire,  whether  by 
the  effect  of  the  redhot  shot,  or,  as  the  Spaniards  pretended,  that 
they  were  purposely  set  on  fire,  when  it  appeared  no  longer  possible 
to  save  them.  The  confusion  was  now  extreme.  Rockets  were 
continually  thrown  up  by  each  of  the  ships,  as  signals  to  the  fleet  of 
their  distress  and  danger.  These  signals  were  immediately  answer- 
ed, and  all  means  used  by  the  fleet  to  afford  the  assistance  they 
required  ;  but  as  it  was  deemed  impossible  to  remove  the  battering 
ships,  their  endeavors  were  only  directed  to  bringing  off  the  men.  A 
great  number  of  boats  were  accordingly  employed,  and  great  intre- 
pidity displayed,  in  the  attempts  for  this  purpose  ;  the  danger  from 
the  burning  vessels,  rilled  as  they  were  with  instruments  of  destruc- 
tion, appearing  no  less  dreadful  than  the  fire  from  the  garrison, 
terrible  as  that  was,  since  the  light  thrown  out  on  all  sides  by  the 
flames  afforded  the  utmost  precision  in  its  direction.  Never,  per- 
haps, has  a  more  deplorable  spectacle  passed  before  the  eyes  of 


BOOK  XIV.  THE  AMERICAN    WAR.  435 

men.  The  thick  darkness  which  covered  the  land  and  waters  in  the 
distance  contrasted  with  the  frightful  glare  of  the  flames  which  de- 
voured so  many  victims  ;  in  the  midst  of  the  roar  of  artillery,  their 
dolorous  cries  were  audible.  A  new  incident  occurred  to  interrupt 
the  attempts  that  were  made  for  their  rescue,  and  to  complete  the 
general  confusion  and  destruction.  Captain  Curtis,  a  seaman  as 
able  as  he  was  adventurous,  advanced  at  this  moment  with  twelve 
gunboats,  each  carrying  one  eighteen  or  twenty-four  pounder.  They 
had  been  constructed  to  oppose  those  of  the  Spaniards,  and  their  low 
fire  and  fixed  aim  rendered  them  extremely  formidable.  Captain 
Curtis  drew  them  up  in  such  a  manner  as  to  flank  the  line  of  batter- 
ing ships.  The  scene  was  wrought  up  by  this  fierce  and  unexpect- 
ed attack  to  the  highest  point  of  calamity.  The  Spanish  boats  dared 
no  longer  to  approach,  and  were  compelled  to  the  hard  necessity  of 
abandoning  their  ships  and  friends  to  the  flames,  or  to  the  mercy  of 
a  heated  and  irritated  enemy.  Several  of  their  boats  and  launches 
had  been  sunk  before  they  submitted  to  this  necessity  ;  and  one  in 
particular,  with  fourscore  men  on  board,  who  were  all  drowned, 
excepting  an  officer  and  twelve  men,  who  having  the  fortune  to  float 
on  the  wreck  under  the  walls,  were  taken  up  by  the  garrison.  Some 
feluccas  had  taken  shelter  upon  the  coast  during  the  night,  but  as 
soon  as  the  day  appeared,  the  English  soon  compelled  them  to  sur- 
render. It  seemed  that  nothing  could  have  exceeded  the  horrors  of 
the  night ;  but  the  opening  of  daylight  disclosed  a  spectacle  still  more 
dreadful.  Numbers  of  men  were  seen  in  the  midst  of  the  flames, 
crying  out  for  pity  and  help  ;  others  floating  upon  pieces  of  timber, 
exposed  to  an  equal  though  less  dreadful  danger  from  the  opposite 
element.  Even  those  in  the  ships,  where  the  fire  had  yet  made  a 
less  progress,  expressed  in  their  looks,  gestures,  and  words,  the 
deepest  distress  and  despair,  and  were  no  less  urgent  in  imploring 
assistance.  Moved  with  compassion  at  this  dismal  scene,  the  Eng- 
lish discontinued  their  fire,  and  thought  only  of  saving  the  enemy 
they  had  vanquished  ;  a  conduct  the  more  generous,  as  it  was 
attended  with  manifest  peril.  Captain  Curtis  in  particular  acquired 
an  imperishable  glory,  by  showing  himself  regardless  of  his  own 
existence  in  his  endeavors  to  preserve  that  of  his  enemies.  He 
advanced  intrepidly  with  his  boats  towards  the  burning  ships,  in 
order  to  rescue  those  who  were  about  to  become  the  prey  of  the 
one  or  other  element.  He  was  himself  the  first  to  rush  on  board 
the  blazing  batteries,  and  to  set  the  example  of  dragging  with  his 
own  hands  the  terrified  victims  from  the  jaws  of  destruction.  Mean- 
while, death  hovered  incessantly  round  him.  He  was  equally  expos- 
ed to  the  peril  arising  from  the  blowing  up  of  the  ships  as  the  fire 
reached  their  magazines,  and  to  the  continual  discharge,  on  all  sides, 
of  the  artillery,  as  the  guns  became  to  a  certain  degree  heated. 
Several  of  his  people  were  killed  or  severely  wounded  in  this  honor- 


436  THE    AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

able  enterprise.  He  was  near  sharing  the  fate  of  one  of  the  largest 
ships,  which  blew  up  only  a  few  moments  after  he  left  her.  Near  four 
hundred  men  were  thus  saved,  by  the  noble  exertions  of  Curtis  from 
inevitable  death.  The  French  and  Spaniards,  however,  lost  no  less 
than  fifteen  hundred  men,  including  the  prisoners  and  wounded,  in. 
the  attack  by  sea.  The  wounded  that  fell  into  the  power  of  the 
conqueror  were  carried  to  the  hospitals  of  the  fortress,  and  treated 
with  the  greatest  humanity.  Nine  floating  batteries  were  burnt  by 
the  redhot  shot,  or  by  the  Spaniards  themselves.  The  tenth  was 
burnt  by  the  English,  when  they  found  she  could  not  be  brought  off. 
Their  loss  wras  inconsiderable  ;  it  amounted,  according  to  their 
account,  since  the  ninth  of  August,  to  no  more  than  sixty-five  killed, 
and  three  hundred  and  eighty-eight  wounded.  The  fortifications 
received  but  slight  damage  ;  or  at  least  not  so  considerable  as  to 
afford  any  room  for  future  apprehension. 

In  this  manner  was  victory  obtained  with  lasting  glory  to  general 
Elliot,  and  the  whole  garrison  of  Gibraltar.  The  treasures  which 
the  king  of  Spain  had  expended  for  the  construction  of  these  enor- 
mous machines,  the  bravery  and  perseverance  of  his  troops,  the  valor 
and  spirit  of  the  French,  were  all  in  vain. 

It  cannot  indeed  be  positively  affirmed,  that  if  such  formidable 
means  of  attack  had  even  been  employed  in  all  their  efficacy,  and 
according  to  the  intention  of  the  generals,  they  would  have  sufficed 
to  carry  the  place  ;  but  neither  can  it  be  denied  that  the  allies  com- 
mitted several  faults  of  no  little  importance.  The  first  was  undoubt- 
edly that  of  having  hurried  on  the  attack  before  M.  d'  Arcon  had 
been  able  to  bring  his  floating  batteries  to  that  degree  of  perfection 
which  he  could  have  wished.  By  working  the  pumps,  he  had  per- 
ceived that  the  water  of  the  pipes  leaked  upon  the  inward  parts,  and 
that  the  powder  was  exposed  to  be  wet  by  it,  and  rendered  unfit  for 
use.  He  would  have  found  a  remedy  for  this  inconvenience  ;  but 
he  was  not  allowed  time  to  seek  it.  The  inner  pipes  were  therefore 
stopped  up,  and  only  the  outer  ones  filled  with  water,  which  were 
found  an  insufficient  defence  against  the  effect  of  the  redhot  shot.  It 
is,  besides,  to  be  considered  that  don  Moreno  was  ordered  so  abruptly 
to  repair  to  the  attack  from  the  point  of  Majorca,  that  ho  found  it 
impossible  to  form  the  line  of  his  floating  batteries  in  front  of  the 
Old  Mole,  as  contemplated  in  the  plan  of  attack.  From  that  point 
his  fire  would  assuredly  have  been  more  efficacious,  and  he  might 
also  have  retired  thence  without  difficulty  if  he  had  thought  it  neces- 
sary ;  but  he  was  constrained  to  take  post  between  the  Old  and  the 
New  Mole.  Nor  did  the  Spanish  gunboats  answer  the  general  expec- 
tation, whether  they  were  in  effect  opposed  by  the  wind,  as  was  pre- 
tended, or  that  their  spirit  of  adventure  sunk  under  the  dreadful  fire 
from  the  garrison.  Only  two  of  them  took  any  considerable  share 
in  the  attack.  The  great  fleet  itself  remained  in  a  stats  of  almost 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  437 

total  inaction.  It  is  uncertain  whether  this  failure  should  be  attribut- 
ed to  an  unfavorable  wind,  or  to  secret  jealousies  between  the  land 
arid  sea  commanders.  The  batteries  on  shore,  whatever  was  the 
cause  of  it,  were  equally  far  from  performing  the  services  which 
were  expected  from  them.  Their  fire  was  neither  so  well  supported, 
nor  so  well  directed,  as  it  should  have  been.  It  resulted  from  these 
several  causes,  that  the  garrison,  instead  of  being  disquieted  upon  all 
points  at  the  same  instant,  found  themselves  at  liberty  to  direct  the 
whole  weight  and  force  of  their  fire  against  the  floating  batteries. 
In  this  manner  was  disconcerted  the  most  ingenious  design  which  for 
a  long  time  had  been  framed  by  the  wisdom  of  man.  The  most 
sanguine  hopes  suddenly  gave  place  to  the  opinion,  that  Gibraltar 
was  not  only  the  strongest  place  known,  but  that  it  was  absolutely- 
inexpugnable. 

Convinced,  by  this  attack,  that  a  regular  siege  could  not  have  the 
desired  issue,  the  allied  commanders  resolved  to  convert  it  into  a 
blockade,  and  to  await  from  famine  what  they  despaired  of  obtaining 
by  dint  of  arms.  It  was  therefore  of  the  highest  importance  to  pre- 
vent admiral  Howe  from  throwing  into  the  place  the  intended  relief. 

The  combined  fleet  had  accordingly  taken  its  anchorage  in  the 
bay  of  Algesiras,  to  the  number  of  about  fifty  sail  of  the  line;  among 
which  were  five  of  one  hundred  and  ten  guns,  and  the  Trinidad,  of 
one  hundred  and  twelve.  The  design  of  don  Lewis  de  Cordova, 
the  commander  of  these  forces,  was  to  engage  the  British  fleet  as 
soon  as  it  should  appear,  while  his  light  squadron  should  give  chase 
to  the  transports  and  capture  them,  one  after  another.  It  is  not  easy 
to  explain  why  this  admiral,  instead  of  advancing  to  meet  the  enemy 
off  Cape  St.  Mary,  where  he  would  have  been  able  to  display  his 
whole  line,  took  the  determination  to  await  him  in  a  narrow  b;iy, 
where  the  number  of  his  ships,  so  far  from  being  an  advantage,  could 
only  tend  to  embarrass  him.  It  appears  that  this  disposition  emanat- 
ed immediately  from  the  king  of  Spain,  whose  thoughts  were  all 
absorbed  in  the  conquest  of  Gibraltar. 

In  the  meantime,  admiral  Howe  met  with  much  delay  through 
contrary  winds  and  unfavorable  weather,  on  bis  way  to  Gibraltar. 
His  anxiety  was  therefore  extreme,  lest  the  place  should  find  itself 
necessitated  to  surrender  before  the  arrival  of  succours.  It  was  not 
till  the  fleet  had  arrived  near  the  scene  of  action  that  his  apprehen- 
sions were  removed,  by  intelligence  received  from  the  coast  of  Por- 
tugal, of  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  combined  forces.  This  news 
increased  his  hope  of  succeeding  in  his  enterprise ;  he  calculated 
that  the  enemy,  discouraged  by  so  severe  a  check,  would  show  him- 
self less  eager  to  encounter  him.  Near  the  mouth  of  the  straits  he 
met  with  a  furious  gale  of  wind,  which  damaged  several  of  his  ships. 
The  combined  fleet  suffered  much  more  in  the  bay  of  Algesiras. 
One  ship  of  the  line  was  driven  ashore  near  the  city  of  that  name  ; 
VOL.  it.  56 


438  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    XIV. 

another  fine  Spanish  ship,  of  seventy-two  guns,  was  driven  across 
the  bay,  under  the  works  of  Gibraltar,  and  was  taken  by  the  boats  of 
the  garrison.  Two  more  were  driven  to  the  eastward  into  the  Medi- 
terranean ;  others  lost  masts  or  bowsprits ;  and  many  suffered  more 
or  less  damage. 

On  the  morning  that  succeeded  the  storm,  the  British  fleet  entered 
the  straits'  mouth,  in  a  close  line  of  battle  ahead,  and  in  the  evening 
of  the  same  day  it  was  opposite  the  port  of  Gibraltar ;  but  the  wind 
failing,  only  four  victualling  ships  could  enter  the  harbor.  The  rest 
of  the  transports  with  the  squadron  were  drifted  by  the  currents  into 
the  Mediterranean.  The  combined  fleet  took  the  same  direction. 
A  general  action  seemed  inevitable ;  a  calm  and  fog  which  came  up, 
prevented  it ;  or  perhaps  the  admirals  themselves  were  not  disposed 
to  engage,  without  all  probabilities  of  success.  However  it  was, 
admiral  Howe  profiting  dexterously  of  an  east  wind  which  sprung  up 
in  the  strait,  passed  his  whole  convoy  to  Gibraltar  harbor.  To  cover 
this  operation,  the  British  fleet  had  formed  in  order  of  battle  at  the 
mouth  of  the  straits,  fronting  the  Mediterranean,  between  the  opposite 
points  of  Europa  and  Ceuta. 

The  combined  fleets  then  made  their  appearance,  bearing  directly 
down  upon  the  enemy  ;  but  the  British  admiral  considering  that  the 
revictualling  of  Gibraltar,  the  principal  object  of  his  mission,  was 
accomplished,  he  saw  that  it  would  be  the  highest  imprudence  and 
rashness  to  hazard  an  action  in  the  strait.  He  knew  the  superiority 
of  force  that  he  would  have  to  encounter  ;  and  he  could  not  but  per- 
ceive that  the  vicinity  of  the  enemy's  coasts  would  exceedingly  aggra- 
vate, for  him,  the  consequences  of  a  defeat.  He  chose,  if  he  was 
obliged  to  come  to  action,  to  have  searoom  enough,  in  order,  by  his 
evolutions,  to  prevent  its  being  decisive,  as  it  must  necessarily  be  hi 
a  confined  space.  Under  these  considerations,  he  took  the  advan- 
tage of  a  favorable  wind,  and  repassed  the  straits  into  the  Atlantic. 

The  allies  followed  him  with  only  a  part  of  their  fleet.  Twelve 
of  their  largest  ships  of  the  line,  being  heavy  sailers,  were  left  behind. 
Meanwhile,  their  van  came  within  reach  of  the  British  rear,  and  there 
immediately  ensued  between  them  a  brisk,  though  distant  cannonade, 
the  only  effect  of  which  was  to  damage  some  vessels  on  both  sides. 
Profiting  of  their  superiority  of  sailing,  the  English  drew  off  to  such 
a  distance,  that  the  allies  lost  all  hope  of  coming  up  with  them.  They 
then  took  the  resolution  of  repairing  to  Cadiz.  Admiral  Howe  de- 
tached eight  of  his  ships  for  the  West  Indies,  six  others  to  the  coasts 
of  Ireland,  and  returned  with  the  rest  to  Portsmouth.  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  floating  batteries,  and  the  revictualling  of  Gibraltar, 
relieved  England  from  all  disquietude  respecting  the  fate  of  that 
place.  This  double  success  was  no  less  glorious  for  her  arms,  than 
afflicting  for  the  enemies  she  combated.  The  allies  are  reproached 
with  having  shown  upon  land  too  much  precipitancy  and  too  little 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  439 

concord  ;  upon  sea,  too  much  indecision  and  too  little  spirit.  In  this 
occurrence,  as  in  those  which  had  preceded  it,  the  display  of  their 
great  naval  forces  had  resulted  in  little  more  than  a  vain  parade.  It 
is,  however,  to  be  considered,  that  if  during  the  course  of  all  this 
war,  the  fleets  of  the  allied  courts  gained  no  brilliant  advantages,  or 
rather  sustained  reverses,  in  general  actions,  their  seamen  more  often 
than  once  acquired  signal  renown  in  particular  engagements  of  ship 
with  ship.  The  French,  especially,  manifested  in  these  rencounters 
a  valor  and  ability  alike  worthy  of  admiration,  and  often  crowned 
with  victory.  We  leave  those  to  account  for  this  difference  who  are 
more  versed  than  ourselves  in  naval  tactics. 

The  events  which  we  have  related,  as  well  in  this  as  in  thejbre- 
going  book,  had  occasioned  among  the  belligerent  powers  an  ardent 
desire,  or  rather  an  avowed  will  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  On  all 
sides,  a  hope  was  cherished  that  an  honorable  adjustment  would  soon 
be  brought  about.  Several  successive  campaigns,  without  any  im- 
portant advantage,  and  the  loss  of  the  army  taken  at  Yorktovvn,  with 
lord  Cornvvallis,  had  at  length  convinced  the  British  ministry  of  the 
impossibility  of  subjugating  the  Americans  by  force  of  arms.  The 
manoeuvres  employed  to  divide  them  among  themselves,  or  to  detach 
them  from  their  allies,  had  not  been  attended  with  any  better  success 
than  military  operations.  On  the  other  hand,  the  victories  of  Rod- 
ney and  Elliot  had  not  only  dissipated  all  fears  for  the  West  Indies 
and  Gibraltar,  but  also  put  in  safety  the  honor  of  Great  Britain. 
With  the  exception  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  which 
she  could  no  longer  refuse  to  acknowledge,  she  found  herself  in  a 
situation  to  treat  upon  a  footing  of  equality  with  her  enemies  relative 
to  all  other  articles.  Victorious  at  Gibraltar,  holding  the  scale  of 
fortune  even  in  the  seas  of  Europe,  she  had  caused  it  to  incline  in 
her  favor  in  the  West  Indies.  If  she  had  sustained  sensible  losses 
in  that  quarter,  she  had,  however,  acquired  the  island  of  St.  Lucia, 
so  important  from  its  strength,  the  excellence  of  its  ports,  and  the 
advantages  of  its  position.  Although  it  could  not  be  considered  as  a 
sufficient  indemnification  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  for  the  loss  of 
Dominica,  Grenada,  Tobago  and  St.  Christophers,  yet  England  had 
made  so  considerable  conquests  in  the  East  Indies  that  she  brought 
into  a  negotiation  more  objects  of  exchange  than  France  could  offer. 
But  all  these  considerations  yielded  to  another  of  far  greater  mo- 
ment ;  the  public  debt  of  Great  Britain,  already  enormous,  experi- 
enced every  day  an  alarming  augmentation.  The  people  did  not 
conceal  their  desire  for  the  return  of  peace,  and  the  protraction  of 
the  war  excited  public  murmurs.  The  ministers  themselves,  who 
had  so  severely  censured  the  obstinacy  of  their  predecessors  in  con- 
tinuing the  war,  openly  inclined  for  peace ;  whether  because  they 
thought  it  really  necessary,  or  that  they  were  afraid  of  incurring 
similar  reproaches.  An  untimely  death  had  carried  off  the  marquis 


440  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK    XIV. 

of  Rockingham,  who,  in  the  general  direction  of  affairs,  had  concili- 
ated universal  esteem,  and  Fox  had  resigned.  The  first  had  been 
replaced  by  the  earl  of  Shelburne,  and  the  second  by  William  Pitt, 
son  of  the  earl  of  Chatham  ;  both  known  for  consenting  rather  from 
necessity  than  choice  to  the  independence  of  America.  The  ma- 
jority of  the  ministry,  however,  was  composed  of  those  who  had 
obtained  the  repeal  of  the  rigorous  laws  against  the  Americans,  and 
who  had  afterwards  distinguished  themselves  in  parliament  by  advo- 
cating with  singular  warmth  and  eloquence  an  early  acknowledg- 
ment of  their  independence.  It  was  therefore  determined  to  send 
Thomas  Grenville  to  Paris,  in  order  to  sound  the  intentions  of  the 
French  government,  and  to  prepare  the  ways  for  the  plenipotentiaries 
that  were  to  follow  him.  A  short  time  after,  in  effect,  M.  Fitz  Her- 
bert and  M.  Oswald  repaired  to  the  French  capital  in  that  character; 
they  had  little  difficulty  in  penetrating  the  dispositions  of  the  court  ot 
Versailles.  The  United  States  had  taken  care  that  their  plenipo- 
tentiaries should  assemble  at  Paris  in  this  conjuncture  ;  they  were 
John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Jay,  and  Henry  Laurens, 
who  had  recently  been  released  from  his  detention  in  the  tower  of 
London. 

If  great  was  the  desire  of  peace  in  England,  it  was  not  less  ar- 
dently wished  for  in  France,  as  well  by  the  government  as  by  the 
people.  The  court  of  Versailles  had  attained  the  object  it  had  most 
at  heart,  that  is  the  separation  of  the  British  colonies  from  the  mother 
country.  The  first  of  the  proposals  of  the  court  of  London  was,  in 
effect,  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  United  States  ;  and 
this  was  the  principal,  and  indeed  the -only  avowed  motive  of  France 
for  taking  up  arms.  As  to  the  situation  of  affairs  in  the  West  Indies, 
the  operations  that  were  in  contemplation  against  those  islands,  inter- 
ested Spain  much  more  than  France.  And,  besides,  the  discomfiture 
of  the  twelfth  of  April  had  deranged  all  plans,  and  extinguished  all 
hopes.  Nor  was  there  any  room  to  expect  better  fortune  in  the  seas 
of  Europe,  since  their  empire  had  already  been  disputed  for  several 
years,  without  the  occurrence  of  any  decisive  event. 

The  losses  which  France  had  sustained  in  the  East  Indies,  might 
counterbalance  the  conquests  she  had  made  in  the  West.  Upon  the 
whole,  therefore,  she  found  herself  in  a  condition  to  treat  for  herself 
on  equal  terms  with  respect  to  the  chances  of  war,  and  upon  a  foot- 
ing oi  decided  superiority  in  regard  to  its  principal  cause  ;  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States.  Independent  of  the  foregoing 
considerations,  there  existed  others  which  powerfully  urged  a  speedy 
reestablishment  of  peace.  The  finances  were  exhausted  ;  and  not- 
withstanding the  judicious  regulations  and  economy  which  the  govern- 
ment had  endeavored  to  introduce  into  all  the  departments,  the 
resources  were  no  longer  in  proportion  to  the  exorbitant  charges  of 
the  war.  The  expenditure  exceeded  the  receipt,  and  every  day 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  441 

beheld  the  increase  of  the  public  deht.  The  reestablishment  of  the 
marine,  expeditions  in  distant  countries,  the  capture  of  several 
convoys  which  it  had  been  necessary  to  replace,  such  were  at  first" 
the  charges  which  consumed  the  royal  treasure.  The  Americans, 
afterwards,  deprived  in  a  great  measure  of  all  revenue  by  the  slow- 
ness with  which  taxes  were  paid  in  their  country,  authorised  them- 
selves from  the  insufficiency  of  their  means  to  present  incessantly 
new  demands  to  the  court  of  Versailles.  After  having  permitted  the 
farmers-general  to  lend  them  a  million  of  livres,  after  having  guaran- 
teed the  loans  which  they  had  negotiated  in  Holland,  Lewis  XVI. 
had  advanced  them  himself  eighteen  millions,  and  they  still  solicited 
six  others.  The  French,  at  this  epoch,  had  applied  themselves  with 
singular  ardor  to  the  extension  of  their  commerce.  The  war  had 
proved  extremely  prejudicial  to  it,  and  the  merchants  who  had  been 
the  greatest  sufferers  could  no  longer  hope  to  retrieve  their  losses, 
but  by  the  cessation  of  hostilities.  All  these  considerations  led  to  a 
general  opinion,  that  to  the  possibility  of  concluding  an  honorable 
peace,  was  added  the  expediency  and  even  the  necessity  of  so  doing. 

As  to  Spain,  the  hope  of  conquering  Gibraltar  and  Jamaica  had 
been  annihilated  by  the  .fatal  days  of  the  twelfth  of  April  and  the 
thirteenth  of  September.  The  continuation  of  the  war  with  a  view 
to  these  two  objects,  would  therefore  have  been  rather  the  effect  of 
obstinacy  than  of  constancy.  On  the  other  hand,  the  court  of  Madrid 
had  acquired  by  its  arms  the  province  of  West  Florida  and  the  island 
of  Minorca.  As  England  had  no  compensation  to  offer  it  for  these  two 
acquisitions,  it  was  natural  to  think  that  a  treaty  of  peace  would  con- 
firm the  possession  of  them  to  Spain.  Though  her  views  had  been 
aimed  much  higher,  these  advantages  were  at  least  sufficient  to  pre- 
vent the  Spaniards  from  complaining  that  they  had  taken  part  in  the 
war  without  any  personal  interest,  and  through  mere  complaisance. 
It  had  never  ceased  to  excite  general  surprise  that  the  court  of 
Madrid  should  have  furnished  fuel  to  a  conflagration  which  might 
become  so  fatal  to  itself,  in  taking  part  in  a  war  whose  professed  ob- 
ject was  that  of  establishing  an  independent  republic  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  her  Mexican  possessions.  The  contagion  of  example,  the 
seduction  of  novelty,  the  natural  proclivity  of  men  to  shake  off  the 
yoke,  afforded  without  doubt  reasonable  grounds  of  apprehension 
and  alarm.  But  if  Spain  had  interfered  in  this  great  quarrel  against 
her  particular  interests,  she  would  have  been  doubly  blameable  in 
lavishing  so  much  blood  and  treasure  to  prolong  it,  especially  since 
the  possession  of  Minorca  and  West  Florida  secured  her  honorable 
conditions.  This  power  therefore  inclined  also  towards  the  general 
pacification. 

It  remains  for  us  to  cast  a  glance  upon  the  Dutch.  Following 
their  allies  at  a  distance,  rather  than  marching  at  their  side,  they-were 
constrained  by  their  position  to  will  whatever  France  willed.  It  was 


442  THE    AMERICAN  WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

only  from  that  power,  and  not  from  their, own  forces,  that  they  could 
expect  the  termination  of  their  disquietudes.  If  they  had  recovered 
"St.  Eustatius  and  Dernerary,  were  they  not  indebted  for  it  entirely 
to  the  arms  of  the  king  of  France  ?  They  wished  therefore  for 
peace,  since  experience  had  taught  them  that  war  could  yield  them 
no  advantage,  and  that  it  is  never  more  detrimental  than  to  a  people 
whose  existence  is  founded  upon  commerce. 

To  this  inclination  for  peace,  manifested  at  the  same  time  by  all 
the  belligerent  powers,  was  added  the  mediation  of  the  two  most 
powerful  princes  of  Europe  ;  the  empress  of  Russia  and  the  emperor 
of  Germany.  Their  intervention  was  accepted  with  unanimous  con- 
sent;  every  thing  verged. towards  a  general  peace. 

Thus,  towards  the  close  of  the  present  year,  the  negotiations  at 
Paris  were  pushed  with  mutual  ardor.  The  English  and  Americans 
were  the  first  to  come  to  an  accommodation.  They  signed,  the 
thirtieth  of  November,  a  provisional  treaty,  which  was  to  be  defini- 
tive and  made  public,  as  soon  as  France  and  Great  Britain  should 
have  adjusted  their  differences.  The  most  important  conditions  of 
this  treaty  were,  that  the  king  of  England  acknowledged  the  liberty, 
sovereignty  and  independence  of  the  thirteen  United  States  of 
America,  which  were  all  named  .successively  ;  that  his  Britannic 
majesty  renounced,  as  well  for  himself,  as  for  his  heirs  and  successors, 
all  rights  whatever  over  the  government,  property  or  territory,  of  the 
said  states.  In  order  to  prevent  any  occasion  for  complaints  on  either 
side  upon  the  subject  of  limits,  imaginary  lines  of  boundary  were 
agreed  upon,  which  brought  within  the  territory  of  the  United  Slates 
immense  countries,  lakes  and  rivers,  to  which,  up  to  that  time,  they 
had  never  pretended  any  sort  of  claim.  For,  besides  the  vast  and 
fertile  countries  situated  upon  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi, 
the  limits  of  the  United  States  embraced  a  part  of  Canada  and  Nova 
Scotia  ;  an  acquisition  which  admitted  the  Americans  to  participate 
in  the  fur  trade.  Some  Indian  nations,  which  had  hitherto  existed 
under  the  domination  of  the  English,  and  especially  the  Six  Tribes, 
who  had  always  adhered  to  their  party  and  alliance,  were  now  includ- 
ed in  the  new  territory  of  the  United  States.  The  English  were 
to  evacuate  and  restore  all  the  parts  which  they  still  occupied,  such 
as  New  York,  Long  Island,  Staten  Island,  Charleston,  Penobscot  and 
all  their  dependencies.  There  was  no  mention  made  of  Savannah, 
as  the  evacuation  of  that  place  and  of  all  Georgia  by  the  English, 
had  already  left  it  entirely  in  the  power  of  Congress. 

The  Americans  were  also  secured  by  the  treaty  of  peace  in  ttie 
right  of  fishing  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  in  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence,  and  all  other  places  where  the  two  nations  had  been 
accustomed  to  carry  on  fishery  before  the  rupture.  It  was  expressly 
stipulated,  that  the  Congress  shoulo1  recommend  to  the  different  states 
that  they  should  decree  the  restitution  of  all  cofifiscated  effects. 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  443 

estates  and  property  whatsoever,  as  well  to  British  subjects  as  to 
those  among  the  Americans  who  had  adhered  to  the  party  of  Eng- 
land. It  was  agreed,  besides,  that  such  individuals  could  not  be 
questioned  or  prosecuted  for  any  thing  which  they  had  said  or  done 
in  favor  of  Great  Britain.  These  last  articles  displeased  certain 
zealous  republicans,  and  became  the  object  of  vehement  declamations 
on  their  part.  They  little  reflected  how  vengeance,  at  first  so  sweet, 
may  prove  bitter  in  the  result.  The  loyalists  were  not  any  more  satis- 
fied ;  galled  at  seeing  their  fate  depend  on  a  mere  recommendation, 
which  might  have  effect  or  not,  according  to  the  good  pleasure  of  the 
several  states,  they  complained  of  the  ingratitude  of  England,  who 
unworthily  abandoned  them  to  chance.  Animated  discussions  also 
arose  in  parliament  relative  to  this  point.  The  party  in  opposition 
represented  in  glowing  colors  the  infamy  with  which  the  ministers 
were  about  to  cover  the  name  of  England,  in  suffering  those  who  had 
served  her  to  become  the  prey  of  their  persecutors.  It  seemed  to 
have  been  forgotten  that  in  these  political  convulsions  it  is  necessary 
to  have  regard  rather  to  what  is  possible  or  advantageous,  than  to 
that  which  is  merely  just  and  honorable.  Every  man  who  takes 
part  in  a  civil  conflict,  must  expect,  sooner  or  later,  to  submit  to  this 
common  law.  Exclusively  occupied  with  its  great  interests,  the  State 
deigns  not  even  to  perceive  those  of  individuals.  Its  own  preserva- 
tion is  the  sole  object  of  its  cares;  for  it  the  public  good  is  every 
thing,  private  utility  nothing.  Upon  the  adoption  of  these  bases,  it 
was  agreed  that  hostilities,  whether  by  land  or  sea,  should  cease 
immediately  between  Great  Britain  and  America. 

1783.  The  preliminaries  of  peace  between  France  and  England 
were  signed  at  Versailles  on  the  twentieth  of  January  1783,  by  the 
count  de  Vergennes,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  and  M.  Fitz  Herbert, 
minister  plenipotentiary  of  his  Britannic  majesty.  England  acquired 
thereby  an  extension  of  her  right  of  fishery  upon  the  banks  of  New- 
foundland. But  she  restored  to  France  in  full  property  the  islands 
of  St.  Pierre  and  Miquelon.  She  likewise  restored  her  the  island  of 
St.  Lucia,  and  ceded  her  that  of  Tobago.  On  the  other  hand, 
France  restored  to  England  the  island  of  Grenada,  with  the  Grena- 
dines, Dominica,  St.  Vincent,  St.  Christopher,  Nevis  and  Montserrat. 
In  the  East  Indies,  France  recovered  possession  of  Pondicherry,  and 
Karical,  and  all  her  other  establishments  in  Bengal  and  upon  the 
coast  of  Orixa.  Still  other  concessions  of  no  little  importance  were 
made  her,  relating  to  trade  and  the  right  of  fortifying  different  places. 
But  an  article  singularly  honorable  for  France,  was  that  by  which 
England  consented  to  consider  as  entirely  annulled  all  stipulations 
which  had  been  made  in  regard  to  the  port  of  Dunkirk,  since  the 
peare  of  Utrecht,  in  1713. 

The  court  of  London  ceded  to  that  of  Madrid  the  island  of  Minorca 
and  the  two  Flondas.  It  obtained,  at  the  same  time,  the  restitution 


444  THE    AMERICAN 'WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

of  the  Bahama  islands ;  a  restitution  which  was  afterwards  found 
superfluous,  since  colonel  Deveaux  had  just  r- conquered  those 
islands  with  a  handful  of  men,  equipped  at  his  own  expense.  These 
preliminaries  were  converted  into  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  the 
third  of  September,  1783.  It  was  signed  on  the  part  of  France  by 
the  count  de  Vergennes,  and  on  that  of  Spain,  by  the  count  d'  Aranda, 
and  in  behalf  of  England,  by  the  duke  of  Manchester.  The  defini- 
tive treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  was  signed 
the  same  day  at  Paris,  by  David  Hartley  on  one  part,  and  by  John 
Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  John  Jay,  on  the  other.  On  the 
preceding  day  had  likewise  been  concluded,  at  Paris,  the  separate 
treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  the  States-General  of  Holland  ; 
the  duke  of  Manchester  stipulating  in  the  name  of  his  Britannic  ma- 
jesty, and  M.  Van  Berkenroode  and  M.  Bransten,  in  behalf  of  their, 
high  mightinesses.  The  court  of  London  restored  to  the  Dutch 
their  establishment  of  Trincomale ;  but  they  ceded  to  the  English 
the  city  of  Negapatam  with  its  dependencies. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  pomp  with  which  the  allied  courts  had 
affected  to  assert  the  maritime  rights  of  neutrals,  no  mention  whatever 
was  made  in  these  different  treaties  of  so  important  a  point  of  public 
law. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  long  struggle  undertaken  for  the  cause 
of  America.  If  may  it  be  supposed,  that  the  colonists  had  for  a  long 
time  sought,  an  opportunity  to  throw  off  the  yoke,  it  must  be  admitted 
also,  that  the  English  were  themselves  the  first  to  excite  them  to  it. 
Their  rigorous  laws  irritated,  instead  of  restraining ;  the  insufficiency 
of  their  military  force,  and  the  versatility  of  their  measures,  did  but 
the  more  imbolden  the  resistance  of  the  Americans.  The  war  which 
ensued,  was  carried  on,  as  civil  wars  have  usually  been,  often  with 
valor,  always  with  desperation,  and  sometimes  with  barbarity.  Be- 
tween the  English,  on  the  contrary,  and  the  other  European  nations 
which  they  had  to  combat,  the  reciprocal  demonstrations  of  prowess 
received  new  lustre  from  that  humanity  and  courtesy  which  emi- 
nently characterise  the  age  in  which  we  live.  The  Congress  and  the 
Americans  in  general,  displayed  the  most  extraordinary  constancy  ; 
the  British  ministers  perhaps  merited  the  reproach  of  obstinacy,  and 
the  cabinet  of  France  distinguished  itself  by  the  singular  sagacity  of 
its  policy. 

From  these  different  causes  resulted  the  foundation  in  the  New 
World  of  a  Republic,  happy  within  by  its  constitution,  pacific  by  its 
character,  respected  and  courted  abroad  for  the  abundance  of  its 
resources.  So  far  as  it  is  possible  to  judge  of  sublunary  tilings,  from 
the  extent  and  fertility  of  its  territory,  and  the  rapid  increase  of  its 
population,  it  is  destined,  at  no  distant  day,  to  become  a  vast,  and 
exceedingly  powerful  state.  To  consolidate  their  work,  and  render 
its  duration  eternal,  the  Americans  have  only  two  things  to  avoid. 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  44f> 

The  one  is,  that  moral  depravation  which  too  commonly  results  from 
an  excessive  love  of  gain  ;  the  other  is,  the  losing  sight  of  those  prin- 
ciples upon  which  the  edifice  is  founded-  May  they  at  least  return  to 
them  promptly,  if  the  ordinary  course  of  human  events  should  intro- 
duce disorder  and  decay  into  that  admirahle  system  of  government 
which  they  have  estahlished  ! 

With  the  exception  of  an  affair  of  little  importance  in  which  colonel 
La  wens  was  slain,  and  the  evacuation  of  Charleston,  nothing  had 
passed  upon  the  American  continent,  deserving  of  particular  atten- 
tion. As  soon  as  the  preliminaries  of  peace  were  known  there,  the 
public  joy  manifested  itself,  hut  with  much  less  enthusiasm  however 
than  might  naturally  he  supposed.  Peace  had  for  a  long  time  been 
looked  upon  as  certain  ;  and  man  enjoys  more  calmly  the  possession 
of  happiness  itself,  than  the  hopes  which  precede  it.  New  appre- 
hensions, besides,  soon  arose  to  cloud  the  horizon  ;  a  secret  fire 
menaced  a  conflagration,  and  at  the  very  moment  in  which  peace 
disarmed  external  enemies,  an  intestine  war  appeared  ready  to  rend 
(he  republic.  The  pay  of  the  army  was  excessively  in  arrear ;  the 
greater  part  of  the  officers  had  spent  in  the  service  of  the  state,  not 
only  all  they  were  possessed  of,  but  also  the  fortunes  of  their  friends. 
They  were  very  apprehensive  that  the  resolutions  of  October,  1780, 
by  which  Congress  had  granted  them  half  pay  for  a  certain  term  of 
years,  would  not  be  carried  into  effect.  They  had  therefore  deputed 
a  committee  of  officers,  to  solicit  the  attention  of  Congress  to  this 
subject.  Their  instructions  were,  to  press  the  immediate  payment 
of  the  money  actually  due,  the  commutation  of  the  half  pay  above 
mentioned  for  a  sum  in  gross,  and  the  indemnification  of  the  officers 
for  the  sums  which  they  had  been  compelled  to  advance  in  conse- 
quence of  the  failure  of  their  rations.  Some  security  that  the 
engagements  of  the  government  would  be  complied  with,  was  also 
to  be  requested.  But  whether  because  a  part  of  the  members  of 
Congress  were  little  disposed  to  favor  the  army,  or  that  others  were 
desirous  that  the  particular  states,  and  not  the  federal  treasury,  should 
support  the  burthen  of  these  gratifications,  nothing  was  decided. 
Discouraged  at  this  slowness,  the  deputies  wrote  to  the  army.  The 
other  public  creditors  manifested  no  less  disquietude  than  the  officers. 
They  foresaw  plainly  that  the  ordinary  revenue  would  be  altogether 
inadequate  to  the  payment  of  the  sums  that  were  due  to  them  ;  and 
they  were  equally  convinced  of  the  repugnance  which  the  states 
would  have  to  impose  new  taxes  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the  means 
to  satisfy  their  demands.  The  discontent  of  the  first  and  of  the 
second  was  extreme,  they  already  anticipated  their  total  ruin. 

The  American  government  at  this  epoch,  was  divided  in  two  par- 
ties ;  one  was  sincerely  disposed  to  do  ample  justice  to  the  public 
creditors  generally,  and  to  this  end  they  desired  the  establishment 
of  a  general  tax ;  they  labored  to  fund  the  public  debts  on  solid  con- 
VOL.  n.  57 


446  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIV. 

tinental  securities ;  they  wished  also  to  create  a  revenue  to  answer 
the  necessities  of  the  republic,  and  to  be  subject  to  the  disposal  of 
Congress.  The  opposite  party  considered  this  revenue  as  dangerous 
to  liberty.  They  contended  that  the  particular  states  alone,  not  the 
Congress,  should  have  authority  to  impose  taxes  or  duties.  Already, 
at  the  recommendation  of  Congress,  twelve  states  had  subjected  to  a 
duty  of  five  per  cent,  all  foreign  produce  or  manufactures  that  should 
be  imported  into  the  United  States.  One  state,  however,  out  of  the 
thirteen,  had  refused  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  Congress,  and 
this  refusal  paralysed  the  action  of  the  twelve  others. 

It  was  at  this  epoch  that  intelligence  was  received  of  the  signature 
of  the  preliminary  and  eventual  articles  of  peace  ;  the  disbanding  of 
the  arrny  must  be  its  necessary  consequence.  The  partisans  of  the 
tax  then  became  apprehensive  that  their  adversaries,  when  relieved 
from  the  maintenance  of  the  troops,  and  from  the  fear  which  they 
inspired,  would  show  themselves  still  more  adverse  to  the  creation  of 
a  national  revenue.  They  saw  not  only  that  the  creditors  of  the  state 
would  thus  be  cut  off  from  all  hope,  but  that  the  republic  itself  would 
be  exposed  for  the  future  to  incessant  and  inextricable  embarrass- 
ments, for  want  of  a  general  authority  invested  with  the  power  of 
imposing  taxes.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  profit  of  an  occasion 
which  would  never  again  present  itself,  to  procure  the  adoption  of  a 
plan  whose  utility  appeared  to  them  incontestable.  They  were  un- 
decided, however,  as  to  the  means  to  be  employed  in  this  conjunc- 
ture ;  several  contradictory  opinions  were  advanced.  The  more 
resolute,  not  reflecting  upon  the  danger  of  an  irregular  appeal  to  the 
multitude  in  affairs  of  state,  were  inclined  to  resort  to  force,  and  to 
make  of  the  army  itself  the  instrument  of  their  designs.  At  the  head 
of  these  were  Alexander  Hamilton,  then  member  of  Congress,  the 
treasurer,  Robert  Morris,  with  another  Morris,  his  assistant  in  office. 
But  the  more  circumspect  thought  it  advisable  to  pursue  a  middle 
course,  and  to  permit  the  army  to  threaten  but  not  to  act  ;  as  if  the 
hand  which  has  excited  a  popular  movement  could  also  appease  it  at 
pleasure  !  In  the  secret  councils  that  were  held  upon  this  affair,  the 
latter  opinion  prevailed.  Colonel  Stewart,  of  the  regular  troops  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  sent  to  camp  under  pretext  of  entering  upon  the 
exercise  of  his  office  of  inspector-general.  He  had  instructions  to 
sound  the  dispositions  of  Washington,  and  to  endeavor  to  ascertain 
how  far  he  would  consent  to  give  into  the  plan  agreed  upon.  It  was 
especially  recommended  to  him  to  foment  the  agitation  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  army,  and  to  persuade  it  not  to  disband  until  it  had 
obtained  full  assurance  that  the  arrears  of  pay  should  be  liquidated, 
together  with  an  indemnification  for  the  supplies  which  it  ought  to 
have  had,  but  which  had  been  withheld  up  to  that  time.  Whether 
the  commander-in-chief  was  not  disinclined  towards  this  scheme,  or 
that  he  thought  it  prudent  not  to  declare  himself  too  ostensibly,  cplo- 


BOOK   XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  447 

nel  Stewart  believed,  or  at  least  made  others  believe,  that  Washington 
approved  it  entirely.  Meanwhile,  the  members  of  the  opposite  party 
were  soon  apprised  of  what  was  passing,  and  set  themselves  to  coun- 
terart  it.  Convinced  of  the  importance  of  obtaining  the  countenance 
of  Washington,  they  put  forward  a  certain  Harvey,  who  had  mani- 
fested an  extreme  ardor  in  these  discussions.  This  man  wrote  to 
the  commander-in-chief,  that,  under  the  pretence  of  wishing  to  satisfy 
the  public  creditors,  the  most  pernicious  designs  were  meditated 
against  the  republic  ;  that  nothing  less  was  in  agitation  than  a  plot  to 
demolish  the  fabric  of  freedom,  and  to  introduce  tyranny.  To  these 
insinuations  he  joined  others  relating  to  Washington  personally  ;  he 
intimated  to  him  that  it  was  wished  to  deprive  him  of  his  rank,  to  put 
down  his  friends,  and,  in  a  word,  to  destroy  the  work  which  they  had 
accomplished  with  so  much  glory,  and  at  the  expense  of  so  much  toil 
and  blood.  Washington  could  not  but  entertain  certain  apprehen- 
sions. He  doubted  there  were  machinations  in  agitation  which  por- 
tended no  good  to  the  state.  He  circulated  the  letter  of  Harvey, 
that  its  contents  might  be  known  even  to  the  soldiers.  He  exerted  all 
his  authority  to  prevent  an  insurrection.  The  commander-in-chief 
thus  declared  himself  publicly  against  a  design,  which  perhaps  within 
his  own  breast  he  did  not  altogether  disapprove,  though  he  blamed, 
and  not  without  reason,  the  means  by  which  it  was  to  have  been 
carried  into  execution.  The  most  alarming  rumors  were  propagated 
on  all  parts.  It  was  loudly  exclaimed  that  the  troops,  before  they 
disbanded,  ought  to  obtain  justice  ;  that  they  had  a  right  to  claim  the 
fruit  of  victories  which  their  valor  had  won  ;  that  the  other  creditors 
of  the  state,  and  many  members  of  the  Congress  itself,  invoked  the 
interference  of  the  army,  prepared  to  follow  the  example  which  they 
expected  from  it.  Minds  became  highly  inflamed  ;  assemblages  were 
formed  in  the  camp,  and  it  was  openly  proposed  in  them  to  make  law 
for  the  Congress.  In  the  midst  of  this  effervescence,  circulated  anony- 
jnous  invitations  to  the  officers  to  convene  in  general  assembly.  On 
the  eleventh  of  March,  was  passed  from  hand  to  hand  an  address,  the 
author  of  which  did  not  name  himself,  but  who  was  known  afterwards 
to  be  major  John  Armstrong.  This  writing,  composed  with  great  inge- 
nuity, and  with  greater  passion,  was  singularly  calculated  to  aggravate 
the  exasperation  of  the  soldiers,  and  to  conduct  them  to  the  most 
desperate  resolutions.  Blameable  in  a  time  of  calm,  it  became  really 
criminal  at  a  moment  when  all  heads  were  in  a  state  of  the  most 
vehement  irritation.  Among  other  incendiary  passages,  it  contained 
the  following  ;  '  After  a  pursuit  of  seven  years,  the  object  for  which 
we  set  out  is  at  length  brought  within  our  reach  ;  yes,  my  friends, 
that  suffering  courage  of  yours  was  active  once  ;  it  has  conducted  the 
United  States  of  America  through  a  doubtful  and  a  bloody  war.  It 
has  placed  her  in  the  chair  of  independency,  and  peace  returns  again 
to  bless—Whom  ?  A  country  willing  to  redress  your  wrongs,  cherish 


448  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   XIV. 

your  worth,  and  reward  your  services?  a  country  courting  your 
return  to  private  life,  with  tears  of  gratitude,  and  smiles  of  admira- 
tion, longing  to  divide  with  you  that  independence  which  your  gal- 
lantry has  given,  and  those  riches  which  your  wounds  have  preserved  t 
Is  this  the  case?  or  is  it  rather  a  country  that  tramples  upon  your 
rights,  disdains  your  cries,  and  insults  your  distresses?  Have  you 
not  more  than  once  suggested  your  wishes,  and  made  known  your 
wants  to  Congress?  Wants  and  wishes  which  gratitude  and  policy 
should  have  anticipated  rather  than  evaded  ;  and  have  you  not  lately, 
in  the  meek  language  of  entreating  memorials,  hegged  from  their 
justice  what  you  could  no  longer  expect  from  their  favor  ?  How 
have  you  been  answered  ?  Let  the  letter  of  your  delegates  to 
Philadelphia  reply. 

1  If  this,  then,  he  your  treatment  while  the  swords  you  wear  are 
necessary  for  the  defence  of  America,  what  have  you  to  expect 
when  your  voice  shall  sink,  and  your  strength  dissipate  by  division  ? 
When  those  very  swords,  the  instruments  and  companions  of  your 
glory,  shall  be  taken  from  your  sides,  and  no  remaining  mark  of 
military  distinction  left  but  your  wants,  infirmities  and  scars  ?  Can 
you  then  consent  to  be  the  only  sufferers  by  this  revolution,  and  re- 
tiring from  the  field,  grow  old  in  poverty,  wretchedness  and  contempt  t 
Can  you  consent  to  wade  through  the  vile  mire  of  dependency,  and 
owe  the  miserable  remnant  of  that  life  to  charity,  which  has  hitherto 
been  spent  in  honor?  If  you  can,  go — and  carry  with  you  the  jest 
of  tories  and  the  scorn  of  whigs — the  ridicule,  and  what  is  worse,  the 
pity  of  the  world.  Go,  starve,  and  be  forgotten  !  But  if  your  spirit 
should  revolt  at  this ;  if  you  have  sense  enough  to  discover,  and 
spirit  enough  to  oppose  tyranny,  under  whatever  garb  it  may  assume  ; 
whether  it  be  the  plain  coat  of  republicanism,  or  the  splendid  robe 
of  royalty  ;  if  you  have  yet  learned  to  discriminate  between  a  people 
and  a  cause,  between  men  and  principles,  awake  ;  attend  to  your 
situation,  and  redress  yourselves.  If  the  present  moment  be  lost, 
every  future  effort  is  in  vain  ;  and  your  threats  then  will  be  as  empty 
as  your  entreaties  now.5 

These  words,  more  worthy  of  a  raving  tribune  of  the  people,  than 
of  a  discreet  American,  chafed  minds  already  exasperated  into  a 
delirium  of  fury.  The  general  fermentation  announced  the  most 
sinister  events  ;  and  war  between  the  civil  and  military  powers  ap- 
peared inevitable.  But  Washington,  whose  constancy  no  crisis  could 
shake,  strong  in  the  love  and  veneration  of  the  people,  contemplated 
the  danger  of  his  country,  and  instantly  formed  the  generous  design 
of  extinguishing  the  kindling  conflagration.  He  was  not  ignorant 
how  much  better  it  is,  in  such  circumstances,  to  lead  misguided 
minds  than  to  resist  them  ;  how  much  easier  it  is  to  obviate  intem- 
perate measures  than  to  correct  them.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to 
prevent  the  meeting  of  the  officers.  With  this  view,  in  his  orders 


BOOK.  Xtv.  THE    AMEPaCAN    WAR.  449 

addressed  to  the  officers,  lie  expressed  the  conviction  he  felt  that 
their  own  good  sense  would  secure  them  from  paying  any  attention 
to  an  anonymous  invitation  ;  but  his  own  duty,  he  added,  as  well  as 
the  reputation  and  true  interest  of  the  army,  required  his  disapproba- 
tion ot  such  disorderly  proceedings.  At  the  same  time,  he  requested 
the  general  and  field  officers,  with  one  officer  from  each  company, 
and  a  proper  representation  from  the  staff  of  the  army,  to  assemble 
in  order  to  deliberate  upon  the  measures  to  be  adopted  for  obtaining 
the  redress  of  their  grievances. 

By  this  conduct,  the  prudence  of  which  is  undeniable,  Washington 
succeeded  in  impressing  the  army  with  a  belief  that  he  did  not  dis- 
approve their  remonstrances,  and  the  leaders  of  the  insurrection,  in 
particular,  that  he  secretly  favored  their  designs.  By  this  means  he 
gained  time  for  disposing  minds  and  things  in  such  a  manner,  that 
the  military  committee  should  take  only  those  resolutions  which 
entered  into  his  plan.  The  following  day,  Armstrong  circulated  a 
second  anonymous  paper,  in  which  he  congratulated  the  officers 
upon  the  prospect  tlfat  their  measures  were  about  to  receive  the 
sanction  of  public  authority  ;  he  exhorted  them  to  act  with  energy  in 
the  assembly  convoked  for  the  fifteenth  of  March. 

In  the  meantime,  Washington  exerted  the  whole  weight  of  his 
influence  to  bring  the  agitations  of  the  moment  to  a  happy  termina- 
tion ;  he  endeavored  to  impress  on  those  officers  individually  who 
possessed  the  greatest  share  of  the  general  confidence,  a  just  sense 
of  what  the  exigency  required  ;  to  sofhe  he  represented  the  dangers 
of  the  country  ;  to  others,  the  .constancy  they  had  hitherto  manifest- 
ed ;  to  all,  the  glory  they  had  acquired,  and  the  interest  they  had  in 
transmitting  it  entire  and  unsullied  to  their  posterity.  He  reminded 
them  also  of  the  exhausture  of  the  public  treasury,  and  of  the  infamy 
with  which  they  would  brand  themselves  in  giving  birth  to  civil  war, 
at  the  very  moment  in  which  the  public  happiness  was  about  to 
revive  in  the  midst  of  peace.  On  the  day  appointed  by  Washington, 
the  convention  of  officers  assembled.  The  commander-in-chief 
addressed  them  a  speech,  as  judicious  as  it  was  eloquent,  in  which 
he  endeavored  to  destroy  the  effect  of  the  anonymous  papers.  He 
demonstrated  all  the  horror  of  the  alternative  proposed  by  the  author, 
that  in  case  of  peace,  the  army  should  turn  their  arms  against  the 
state,  unless  it  instantly  complied  with  their  demands,  and  if  war  con- 
tinued, that  they  should  abandon  its  defence  by  removing  into  some 
wild  and  unsettled  country. 

1  My  God  !'  he  exclaimed,  « what  can  this  writer  have  in  view,  by 
recommending  such  measures  ?  Can  he  be  a  friend  to  the  army  ? 
Can  he  be  a  friend  to  this  country  f  Rather  is  he  not  an  insidious 
foe  ;  some  emissary,  perhaps,  from  New  York,  plotting  the  ruin  of 
both,  by  sowing  the  seeds  of  discord  and  separation  between  the 
civil  and  military  authorities  of  the  continent  ?'  '  Let  me  entreat 


450  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  XIV* 

you,  gentlemen,'  he  added,  '  not  to  take  any  measures,  which,  viewed 
in  the  calm  light  of  reason,  will  lessen  the  dignity,  and  sully  the  glory 
you  have  hitherto  maintained  ;  let  me  request  you  to  rely  on  the 
plighted  faith  of  your  country,  and  place  a  full  confidence  in  the 
purity  of  the  intentions  of  Congress  ;  that  previous  to  your  dissolu- 
tion as  an  army,  they  will  cause  all  your  accounts  to  be  fairly  liqui- 
dated ;  and  that  they  will  adopt  the  most  effectual  measures  in  their 
power  to  render  ample  justice  to  you  for  your  faithful  and  meritorious 
services.  And  let  me  conjure  you  in  the  name  of  our  common 
country,  as  you  value  your  own  sacred  honor,  as  you  respect  the 
rights  of  humanity,  and  as  you  regard  the  military  and  national  honor 
of  America,  to  express  your  utmost  horror  and  detestation  of  the 
man  who  wishes,  under  any  specious  pretences,  to  overturn  the 
liberties  of  our  country  ;  and  who  wickedly  attempts  to  open  the 
flood-gates  of  civil  discord,  and  deluge  our  rising  empire  in  blood. 

1  By  thus  determining,  and  thus  acting,  you  will  pursue  the  plain 
and  direct  road  to  the  attainment  of  your  wishes  ;  you  will  defeat 
the  insidious  designs  of  our  enemies,  who  are  compelled  to  resort 
from  open  force  to  secret  artifice.  You  will  give  one  more  distin- 
guished proof  of  unexampled  patriotism  and  patient  virtue,  rising 
superior  to  the  pressure  of  the  most  complicated  sufferings  ;  and  you 
will,  by  the  dignity  of  your  conduct,  afford  occasion  for  posterity  to 
say,  when  speaking  of  the  glorious  example  you  have  exhibited  to 
mankind  ;  "  Had  this  day  been  wanting,  the  world  had  never  seen  the 
last  stage  of  perfection  to  which4uman  nature  is  capable  of  attaining."  ; 

When  Washington  had  concluded  his  discourse,  a  profound  silence 
ensued  in  the  assembly  ;  soon  those  who  composed  it  communicated 
to  each  other  in  a  low  voice,  the  sentiments  with  which  they  were 
impressed.  The  authority  of  such  a  personage,  the  weight  of  his 
words,  the  sincere  affection  which  he  bore  to  the  army,  operated 
irresistibly  upon  all  minds.  The  effervescence  gave  place  to  a  calm. 
No  voice  was  heard  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  chief.  The  deputies 
of  the  army  declared  unanimously  that  no  circumstances  of  distress 
or  danger  should  induce  them  to  sully  the  glory  which  they  had 
acquired  ;  that  the  army  continued  to  have  an  unshaken  confidence 
in  the  justice  of  Congress  and  their  country  ;  thnt  they  entreated  the 
commander-in-chief  to  recommend  to  the  government  the  subject  of 
their  memorials  ;  and,  finally,  that  they  abhorred  the  infamous  pro- 
positions contained  in  the  anonymous  writing  addressed  to  the  officers 
of  the  army.  Thus  Washington,  by  his  prudence  and  firmness,  was 
instrumental  in  preserving  his  country  from  the  new  danger  that 
menaced  it,  at  the  very  moment  when  its  safety  seemed  to  have  been 
established  forever.  Who  knows  what  might  have  happened,  if 
civil  war  had  ensanguined  the  very  cradle  of  this  republic  ?  The 
captain-general  kept  his  word,  and  was  himself  the  advocate  of  his 
officers  with  the  Congress.  He  obtained  of  them  a  decree,  comrnut- 


BOOK  XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  451 

ing  the  half  pay  into  a  sum  in  gross  equal  to  five  years'  full  pay,  and 
that  either  in  money,  or  securities  bearing  an  interest  of  six  per  cent. 
According  to  the  orders  of  Congress,  three  months'  pay  was 
advanced  to  the  officers  and  soldiers  in  the  notes  of  the  treasurer. 
But  this  measure  was  not  taken  till  late,  and  not  until  the  Pennsylva- 
nia militia  had  broken  out  into  so  violent  an  insurrection,  at  Phila- 
delphia, that  they  blockaded,  with  arms  in  hands,  the  very  hall  of 
Congress  for  some  hours.  The  reduction  of  the  continental  army 
became  then  the  principal  object  of  attention,  and  discharges  were 
granted  successively  to  those  soldiers,  who  during  seven  campaigns 
of  a  most  obstinate  war,  had  struggled  with  an  heroic  constancy,  not 
only  against  sword  and  fire,  but  also  against  hunger,  nakedness,  and 
even  the  fury  of  the  elements.  Their  work  completed,  their  country 
acknowledged  independent,  they  peaceably  returned  to  their  fami- 
lies. The  Congress  voted  them  public  thanks,  in  the  name  of  a 
grateful  country.  The  English  were  not  slow  to  evacuate  New 
York  and  its  dependencies,  in  which  they  had  made  so  long  a 
stay.  A  little  after,  the  French  departed  from  Rhode  Island  for 
their  possessions,  carrying  with  them  the  benedictions  of  all  the 
Americans. 

The  Congress,  in  order  to  celebrate  worthily  the  establishment  of 
peace  and  independence,  appointed  the  eleventh  of  December,  to  be 
observed  as  a  day  of  solemn  thanksgiving  to  the  Dispenser  of  all 
good.  By  another  decree  they  ordained,  that  an  equestrian  statue 
of  bronze  should  be  erected  to  general  Washington,  in  the  city 
where  the  Congress  should  hold  its  sessions.  The  general  was  to 
be  represented  by  it  in  the  Roman  costume,  with  the  staff  of  com- 
mand in  the  right  hand,  and  the  head  encircled  with  a  crown  of 
laurel.  The  pedestal  of  marble  was  to  be  invested  with  bassi  relievi 
commemorative  of  the  principal  events  of  the  war,  which  had  taken 
place  under  the  immediate  command  of  Washington  ;  such  as  the 
deliverance  of  Boston,  the  taking  of  the  Hessians  at  Trenton,  the 
affair  of  Princeton,  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  and  the  surrender  of 
Yorktown.  The  anterior  face  of  the  pedestal  was  to  bear  the  fol- 
lowing inscription.  The  United  States  assembled  in  Congress,  voted 
this  statue,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1783,  in  honor  of  George  Wash- 
ington, captain-general  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States  of  Ame- 
rica, during  the  war  which  vindicated  and  secured  their  liberty, 
sovereignty,  and  independence. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  a  contest  which  during  the  course  of  eight 
consecutive  years,  chained  the  attention  of  the  universe,  and  drew 
the  most  powerful  nations  of  Europe  to  take  a  share  in  it.  It  is 
worthy  of  the  observer  to  investigate  the  causes  which  have  concur- 
red to  the  triumph  of  the  Americans,  and  baffled  the  efforts  of  their 
enemies.  In  the  first  place,  they  had  the  good  fortune  not  to  en- 
counter opposition  from  foreign  nations,  and  even  to  find  among 


152  THE    AMERICAN  'WAR.  BOOK    X1VT. 

them  benevolence^  countenance,  and  succours.  These  favorable 
dispositions,  while  they  inspired  them  with  more  confidence  in  the 
justice  of  their  cause,  redoubled  also  their  spirit  and  energy.  The 
coalition  of  several  powerful  nations,  leagued  against  a  single  one,  on 
account  of  some  reform  it  wishes  to  establish  in  the  frame  of  its 
government,  and  which  theatens  not  only  to  defeat  its  object,  but  to 
deprive  it  of  liberty  and  independence,  usually  causes  its  rulers  to 
divest  themselves  of  all  moderation  and  prudence,  and  to  have  re- 
course to  the  most  violent  and  extraordinary  measures,  which  soon 
oxhaust  the  resources  of  the  country  and  excite  discontent  among 
its  inhabitants  ;  till,  oppressed  and  harassed  in  every  form  by  the 
officers  of  government,  they  are  driven  at  last  into  civil  convul- 
sions, in  which  the  strength  of  the  community  is  consumed.  And 
besides,  these  violent  measures  so  disgust  the  people  with  the  whole 
enterprise,  that  confounding  the  abuse  of  a  thing  with  the  use  of  it; 
they  choose  rather  to  retreat  to  the  point  from  which  they  set  out, 
or  even  further  back,  than  to  continue  their  progress  towards  the 
object  originally  proposed.  Hence  it  is,  that,  if  that  object  were 
liberty,  they  afterwards  rush  into  despotism,  preferring  the  tyranny 
of  one  to  that  of  many.  But  to  these  fatal  extremities,  the  Arneri 
cans  were  not  reduced,  as  well  for  the  reason  at  first  stated,  the 
general  favor  of  foreign  states,  as  on  account  of  the  geographical 
position  of  their  country,  separated  by  vast  seas  from  nations  which 
keep  on  foot  great  standing  armies,  and  defended  on  all  other  points 
by  impenetrable  forests,  immense  deserts  and  inaccessible  mountains, 
and  having  in  all  this  part  no  other  enemy  to  fear  except  the  Indian 
tribes,  more  capable  of  infesting  and  ravaging  the  frontiers,  than  of 
making  any  permanent  encroachments.  One  of  the  most  powerful 
causes  of  the  success  of  the  American  revolution,  should,  doubtless, 
be  sought  in  the  little  difference  which  existed  between  the  form  of 
government  which  they  abandoned,  and  that  which  they  wished  to' 
establish.  It  was  not  from  absolute,  but  from  limited  monarchy, 
that  they  passed  to  the  freedom  of  an  elective  government.  Moral 
things,  with  men,  are  subject  to  the  same  laws  as  physical  ;  the  laws 
of  all  nature.  Total  and  sudden  changes  cannot  take  place  without 
causing  disasters  or  death. 

The  royal  authority,  tempered  by  the  very  nature  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  still  enfeebled  by  distance,  scarcely  made  itself  perceptible 
in  the  British  colonies.  When  the  Americans  had  shaken  it  off  en- 
tirely, they  experienced  no  considerable  change.  Royalty  alone  was 
effaced  ;  the  administration  remained  the  same,  and  the  republic; 
found  itself  established  without  shock.  Such  was  tho  advantage 
enjoyed  by  the  American  insurgents,  whereas  the  people  of  other 
countries,  who  should  undertake  to  pass  all  at  once  from  absolute  mo- 
narchy to  the  republican  scheme,  would  find  themselves  constrained 
to  overturn  not  only  monarchical  institutions,  but  all  others,  in  order 


BOOK   XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  453 

to  substitute  new  ones  in  their  stead.  But  such  a  subversion,  cannot 
take  place  without  doing  violence  to  the  opinions,  usages,  manners 
and  customs  of  the  greater  number,  nor  even  without  grievously 
wounding  their  interests.  Discontent  propagates  itself;  democratic 
forms  serve  as  the  mere  mask  of  royalty ;  the  people  discover  that 
they  have  complained  of  imaginary  evils ;  they  eagerly  embrace  the 
first  opportunity  to  measure  back  their  steps,  even  to  the  very  point 
which  they  started  from. 

Another  material  cause  of  the  happy  issue  of  this  grand  enterprise, 
will  be  seen  in  the  circumspect  and  moderate  conduct  invariably 
pursued  by  that  considerate  and  persevering  people  by  whom  it  was 
achieved.  Satisfied  with  having  abolished  royalty,  they  paused 
there,  and  discreetly  continued  to  respect  the  ancient  laws,  which 
had  survived  the  change.  Thus  they  escaped  the  chagrin  of  having 
made  their  condition  worse  in  attempting  to  improve  it.  They  had 
the  good  sense  to  reflect,  that  versatility  in  counsels  degrades  the 
noblest  cause,  chills  its  partisans,  and  multiplies  its  opponents.  There 
will  always  be  more  alacrity  in  a  career  whose  goal  is  fixed  and  ap- 
parent, than  in  that  where  it  is  concealed  in  obscurity.  The  Ame- 
ricans reared  the  tree,  because  they  suffered  it  to  grow;  they  gather- 
ed its  fruit,  because  they  allowed  it  to  ripen.  They  were  not  seen 
to  plume  themselves  on  giving  every  day  a  new  face  to  the  state. 
Supporting  evil  with  constancy,  they  never  thought  of  imputing  it  to 
the  defects  of  their  institutions,  nor  to  the  incapacity  or  treason  of 
those  who  governed  them,  but  to  the  empire  of  circumstances. 
They  were  especially  indebted  for  this  moderation  of  character  to 
the  simplicity  of  their  hereditary  manners  j  few  among  them  aspired 
to  dignity  and  power. 

They  presented  not  the  afflicting  spectacle  of  friends  dissolving 
their  ancient  intimacies,  and  even  declaring  a  sudden  war  upon  each 
'other,  because  one  was  arrived  at  the  helm  of  state  without  calling 
trie  other  to  it.  With  them  patriotism  triumphed  over  ambition. 
There  existed  royalists  and  republicans;  but  not  republicans  of 
different  sects,  rending  with  their  dissentions  the  bosom  of  their  coun- 
try. There  might  be  among  them  a  diversity  of  opinions,  but  never 
did  they  abandon  themselves  to  sanguinary  feuds,  proscriptions  and 
confiscations.  From  their  union  resulted  their  victory  ;  they  immo- 
lated their  enmities  to  the  public  weal,  their  ambition  to  the  safety 
of  the  state,  and  they  reaped  the  fruit  of  it ;  an  ever  memorable 
proof  that  if  precipitate  resolutions  cause  the  failure  of  political  en- 
terprises, temper  and  perseverance  conduct  them  to  a  glorious  issue. 

The  army  was  disbanded  ;  but  the  supreme  command  still  remain- 
ed in  the  hands  of  Washington  ;  the  public  mind  was  intent  upon 
what  he  was  about  to  do.  His  prudence  reminded  him  that  it  was 
time  to  put  a  term  to  the  desire  of  military  glory  ;  his  thoughts  were 
now  turned  exclusively  upon  leaving  to  his  country  a  great  example 
VOL,  ir.  58 


454  THE  AMERICAN'  WAR.  BOOK  xiv. 

of  moderation.  The  Congress  was  then  in  session  at  the  city  of 
Annapolis  in  Maryland.  Washington  communicated  to  that  body  his 
.resolution  to  resign  the  command,  and  requested  to  know  whether  it 
would  be  their  pleasure  that  he  should  offer  his  resignation  in  writing, 
or  at  an  audience.  The  Congress  answered,  that  they  appointed  the 
twenty-third  of  December  for  that  ceremony.  When  this  day  arriv- 
ed, the  hall  of  Congress  was  crowded  with  spectators  ;  the  legisla- 
tive and  executive  characters  of  the  state,  several  general  officers, 
and  the  consul-general  of  France  were  present.  The  members  of 
Congress  remained  seated  and  covered.  The  spectators  were  stand- 
ing and  uncovered.  The  general  was  introduced  by  the  secretary, 
and  conducted  to  a  seat  near  the  president.  After  a  decent  interval, 
silence  was  commanded,  and  a  short  pause  ensued.  The  president, 
general  Mifflin,  then  informed  him,  that  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled  were  prepared  to  receive  his  communications.  Washing- 
ton rose,  and  with  an  air  of  inexpressible  dignity,  delivered  the  fol- 
lowing address. 

*  Mr.  President ;  The  great  events  on  which  my  resignation  de- 
pended, having  at  length  taken  place,  I  have  now  the  honor  of  offer- 
ing my  sincere  congratulations  to  Congress,  and  of  presenting  myself 
before  them  to  surrender  into  their  hands  the  trust  committed  to  me, 
and  to  claim  the  indulgence  of  retiring  from  the  service  of  my  coun- 
try. Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  independence  and  sovereignty, 
and  pleased  with  the  opportunity  afforded  the  United  States  of  be- 
coming a  respectable  nation,  I  resign  with  satisfaction  the  appoint- 
ment I  accepted  with  diffidence,  a  diffidence  in  my  abilities  to 
accomplish  so  arduous  a  task,  which,  however,  was  superseded  by  a 
confidence  in  the  rectitude  of  our  cause,  the  support  of  the  supreme 
power  of  the  union,  and  the  patronage  of  heaven.  The  successful 
termination  of  the  war  has  verified  the  most  sanguine  expectations ; 
and  my  gratitude  for  the  interposition  of  Providence,  and  the  assist- 
ance I  have  received  from  my  countrymen,  increases  with  every 
review  of  the  momentous  contest.  While  I  repeat  rny  obligations  to 
the  army  in  general,  I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own  feelings  not  to 
acknowledge  in  this  place,  the  peculiar  services  and  distinguished 
merits  of  the  gentlemen  who  have  been  attached  to  my  person  during 
the  war.  It  was  impossible  the  choice  of  confidential  officers  to 
compose  my  family  should  have  been  more  fortunate.  Permit  me, 
sir,  to  recommend  in  particular,  those  who  have  continued  in  the 
service  to  the  present  moment,  as  worthy  of  the  favorable  notice  and 
patronage  of  Congress. 

*  I  consider  it  as  an  indispensable  duty,  to  close  this  last  act  of  my 
official  life  by  commending  the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to 
the  protection  of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the  superintend- 
ence of  them,  to  his  holy  keeping.  Having  now  finished  the  work 
assigned  me,  I  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action,  and  bidding 


BOOK    XIV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  455 

an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body,  under  whose  orders  I 
have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my  commission,  and  take  my  leave 
of  all  the  employments  of  public  life.' 

Having  spoken  thus,  he  advanced  to  the  chair  of  the  president, 
and  deposited  the  commission  in  his  hands.  The  president  made 
him,  in  the  name  of  Congress,  the  following  answer. 

4  Sir  ;  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  receive  with 
emotions  too  affecting  for  utterance,  the  solemn  resignation  of  the 
authorities  under  which  yoii  have  led  their  troops  with  success  through 
a  perilous  and  a  doubtful  war.  Called  upon  by  your  country  to 
defend  its  invaded  rights,-  you  accepted  the  sacred  charge,  before 
it  had  formed  alliances,  and  whilst  it  was  without  funds  or  a  govern- 
ment to  support  you.  You  have  conducted  the  great  military  contest 
with  wisdom  and  fortitude,  invariably  regarding  the  rights  of  the  civil 
power,  through  all  disasters  and  changes.  You  have,  by  the  love 
and  confidence  of  your  fellow-citizens,  enabled  them  to  display  their 
martial  genius,  and  transmit  their  fame  to  posterity.  You  have  per- 
severed, until  the  United  States,  aided  by  a  magnanimous  king  and 
nation,  have  been  enabled,  under  a  just  Providence,  to  close  the  war 
in  freedom,  safety,  and  independence  ;  on  which  happy  event,  we 
sincerely  join  you  in  congratulations.  Having  defended  the  standard 
of  liberty  in  this  new  world,  having  taught  a  lesson  useful  to  those  who 
inflict,  and  to  those  who  feel  oppression,  you  retire  from  the  great 
theatre  of  action,  with  the  blessing  of  your  fellow-citizens  ;  but  the 
glory  of  your  virtues  will  not  terminate  with  your  military  command  ; 
it  will  continue  to  animate  the  remotest  ages.  We  feel,  with  you, 
our  obligations  to  the  army  in  general,  and  will  particularly  charge 
ourselves  with  the  interests  of  those  confidential  officers  who  have 
attended  your  person  to  this  affecting  moment.  We  join  you  in  com- 
mending the  interests  of  our  dearest  country  to  the  protection  of 
Almighty  God,  beseeching  him  to  dispose  the  hearts  and  minds  of  its 
citizens  to  improve  the  opportunity  afforded  them  of  becoming  a 
happy  and  respectable  nation.  And  for  you,  we  address  to  Him  our 
earnest  prayers  that  a  life  so  beloved,  may  be  fostered  with  all  his 
care  ;  that  your  days  may  be  happy  as  they  have  been  illustrious ; 
and  that  he  will  finally  give  you  that  reward  which  this  world  cannot 
give.' 

When  the  president  had  terminated  his  discourse,  a  long  and  pro- 
found silence  pervaded  the  whole  assembly.  All  minds  appeared 
impressed  with  the  grandeur  of  the  scene,  the  recollections  of  the 
past,  the  felicity  of  the  present,  and  the  hopes  of  the  future.  The 
captain-general  and  Congress  were  the  objects  of  universal  eulogium. 

A  short  time  after  this  ceremony,  Washington  retired  to  enjoy  the 
long  desired  repose  of  his  seat  of  Mount  Vernon.  in  Virginia. 


I 


BIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  AUTHOR. 


CHARLES  JOSEPH  WILLIAM  BOTTA,  was  born  at  St. 
George,  province  of  Vercelli  in  Piedmont,  in  1766.  He 
studied  medicine  at  the  university  of  Turin,  and  was  em- 
ployed as  physician  to  the  army  of  the  Alps  ;  afterwards 
to  that  of  Italy.  About  this  time  he  composed  an  exten- 
sive work,  containing  a  plan  of  government  for  Lombar- 
dy.  Towards  the  close  of  1798,  he  was  sent  to  the 
islands  of  the  Levant  with  the  division  detached  thither 
by  general  Buonaparte. 

On  his  return  to  Italy  he  published  a  description  of  the 
island  of  Corfu,  and  of  the  maladies  prevalent  there  dur- 
ing his  stay  ;  2  vols.  8vo. 

In  the  year  seven  of  the  French  Republic,  (1799)  gene- 
ral Joubert  appointed  him  member  of  the  provisional 
government  of  Piedmont.  This  provisional  government 
having  been  dissolved  at  the  arrival  of  the  commissioner 
Musset,  Botta  was  appointed  member  of  the  administra- 
tion of  the  department  of  the  Po.  At  the  epoch  of  the 
Austro-Russian  invasion,  he  again  took  refuge  in  France. 
The  minister  of  war,  Bernadotte,  reappointed  him  physi- 
cian of  the  army  of  the  Alps  ;  and  after  the  battle  of 
Marengo,  the  commarider-in-chief  of  the  army  of  reserve 
appointed  him  member  of  the  Consulta  of  Piedmont. 

At  the  commencement  of  1801,  he  was  member  of  the 
executive  commission,  and  afterwards,  of  the  council  of 
general  administration  of  the  twenty-seventh  military  divi- 
sion. Botta  likewise  made  part  of  the  deputation  which 
came  to  Paris  in  1803  to  present  thanks  to  the  govern- 
ment upon  the  definitive  adjunction  of  Piedmont,  and 
there  published  an  historical  sketch  of  the  history  of 
Savoy  and  Piedmont.  Immediately  after  the  union,  he 
was  elected  member  of  the  legislative  body  by  the  de- 
partment of  the  Doura,  the  tenth  of  August,  1804. 
twenty-eighth  of  October,  1808,  he  was  created  vice-pre- 
sident, and  on  the  expiration  of  his  term,  was  reelected 


iRAPHY    OF    THE    AUTHOR. 

in  1809,  and  proposed,  the  ninth  of  December,  as  candi- 
date for  the  ques  tor  ship.  The  emperor  granted  him  soon 
after  the  decoration  of  the  order  of  the  Union. 

The  third  of  January,  1810,  he  presented  to  Buona- 
parte, in  the  name  of  the  academy  of  sciences  of  Turin, 
the  two  last  volumes  of  its  memoirs.  He  adhered,  the 
third  of  April,  1814,  to  the  deposition  of  Napoleon  and 
his  family.  The  eighth,  he  accepted  the  constitutional 
act  which  recalled  the  Bourbons  to  the  throne  of  France, 
but  he  ceased  to  make  part  of  the  legislative  body  on  the 
separation  of  Piedmont.  At  the  return  of  Buonaparte  in 
1815,  he  was  appointed  rector  of  the  academy  of  Nanci, 
but  lost  this  place  after  the  second  restoration  of  the  king. 

Besides  the  works  already  named,  he  has  published, 

1.  At  Turin,  1801,  an  Italian  translation  of  the  work 
of  Born,  of  which  Broussonet  had  given  to  the  public  a 
French  version,  in  1784. 

2.  A  memoir  upon  the  doctrine  of  Brown,  1800,  in  8vo. 

3.  Memoir  upon  the  nature  of  tones  and  sounds,  read 
before  the  academy  of  Turin,  and  inserted  (by  extract) 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Italienne,  tome  I.  Turin,  1803,  8vo. 

4.  The  history  of  the  war  of  the  independence  of  Ame- 
rica, 1809,  4  vols.  8vo. 

5.  II  Carnillo,  O  Vejo  conquistato,  (Camillus,  or  Veii 
conquered,)  an  epic  poem  in  twelve  cantos.    Paris,  1816. 
This  work  has  received  high  encomiums  in  the  European 
journals.    Botta  has  contributed  some  articles  to  the  Bio- 
graphie  Universelle,  among  others,  that  of  John  Adams. 

6.  The  history  of  Italy. 

The  Translator  is  indebted  for  the  preceding  notice  of 
Botta,  to  the  complaisance  of  an  estimable  countryman 
and  acquaintance  of  the  Historian. 


LIST  OF  WORKS 


CONSULTED    BY   THE    AUTHOR    FOR    WRITING    THE    HISTORY   OF    THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

% 

ENGLISH. 

Journals  of  the  House  of  Lords  ;  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
in  folio  ;  printed  by  order  of  the  two  Houses,  from  1764  to  1783. 

Authentic  account  of  the  Proceedings  of  Congress,  held  at  New  York  in 
1765.  Almon,  1767. 

Journals  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Congress,  in  8vo.     Dilly,  1775. 

Journals  of  Congress  held  at  Philadelphia,  for  Almon,  1786. 

The  Parliamentary  Register,  &c.  all  the  volumes  from  1766  to  1783. 

The  Annual  Register;  all  the  volumes  from  1764  to  1783. 

Historical  Anecdotes  relative  to  the  American  rebellion,  1  vol.  8vo.  1779. 

The  Remembrancer,  or  impartial  repository  of  public  events  ;  the  second 
edition,  London,  for  1.  Almon,  with  the  prior  documents. 

Letters  on  the  American  Troubles,  translated  from  the  French  of  M. 
Pinto,  1776. 

An  impartial  History  of  the  War  in  America  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  colonies,  from  its  commencement  to  the  end  of  the  year  1779,  in  8vo. 
for  Fauldnrs,  1780. 

The  History  of  the  Civil  War  in  America,  comprehending  the  campaigns 
of  1775,  1776,  177?;  by  an  officer  of  the  army,  in  8vo.  for  Sewall,  1781. 

A  genuine  detail  of  the  several  engagements,  positions  and  movements  of 
the  Royal  and  American  armies,  during  the  years  1775  and  1776,  with  an 
accurate  account  of  the  blockade  of  Boston,  &c.  •  by  William  Carter,  in 
4to.  for  Kearsley,  1785. 

An  impartial  and  authentic  narrative  of  the  battle  fought  on  the  17th 
June,  on  Bunker's  Hill  ;  by  John  Clarke,  1775. 

A  History  of  the  Campaigns  of  1780  and  1781  in  the  southern  pro- 
vinces of  North  America ;  by  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton,  Dublin,  1  vol. 
8vo.  1.787. 

Strictures  on  lieutenant-colonel  Tarleton's  History  of  the  campaigns  of 
1780  and  1781,  by  Roderick  Mackenzie,  in  8vo.  1787. 

The  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  by  David  Ramsay,  2  vols. 
8vo.  Philadelphia,  1?'89. 

History  of  the  War  with  America,  France,  Spain  and  Holland,  com- 
mencing in  1775,  and  ending  in  1783,  by  John  Andrews,  4  vols.  in  8vo. 
London,  for  J,  Fielding,  1785. 

The  History  of  the  Rise,  Progress,  and  Establishment  of  the  Independ- 
ence of  the  United  States  of  America,  by  William  Gordon,  London,  printed 
for  the  author,  and  sold  by  Charles  Dilly,  1788,  4  vols.  8vo. 

An  Historical,  Geographical,  Commercial  and  Philosophical  View  of 
the  American  United  States,  and  of  the  European  settlements  in  America, 
and  the  West  Indies  ;  by  W.  Winterbotham,  4  vols.  in  8vo.  London,  1795. 

The  Life  of  George  Washington,  by  John  Marshall,  chief  justice  of  the 
United  States,  5  vols.  in  8vo.  London,  for  Richard  Philips  1804, 1805, 1807. 


LIST    OF    WORKS. 

The  Life  of  Washington,  by  David  Ramsay,  1  vol.  8vo.  New  York, 
1807,  printed  by  Hopkins  and  Seymour. 

Letters  addressed  to  the  Army  of  the  United  States,  in  the  year  1783, 
with  a  brief  exposition  ;  by  Buel,  Kingston,  State  of  New  York,  1803. 

FRENCH. 

Revolution  d'Amerique,  par  Pabbe  Raynal,  Londres,  1781. 

Lettre  adiessee  a  1'abbe  Raynal,  sur  les  affaires  de  PAmerique  Septen- 
trionale, traduite  de  1'Anglais  de  Thomas  Payne,  1783. 

Essais  historiques  et  politiques  sur  les  Anglo-Americains,  par  M.  Billiard 
d'Auberteuil,  4  vols.  in  8vo.  Bruxelles,  1781. 

Histoire  de  1'adminislration  de  Lord  North,  et  de  la  guerre  de  I'Ameri- 
que septentrionale,  jusqu?  a  la  paix  de  1783,  2  vols.  in  8vo.  Londres  et 
Paris,  1784. 

Histoire  impartiale  des  evenemens  militaire  et  politiques  de  la  derniere 
guerre  dans  les  quatre  parties  du  monde,  3  vols.  Amsterdam  et  Paris,  chez 
la  veuve  Duchesne,  1785. 

Constitution  des  treize  Etats  Unis  d'Amerique,  Philadelphie  et  Paris, 
1783. 

Affaires  de  PAngleterre  et  de  PAmerique,  17  vols.  in  8vo.  Anvers. 

Voyages  de  M.  le  Marquis  de  Chastelux  dans  PAmerique  Septentrionale, 
pendant  les  annees  1780,  1781,  et  1782,  2  vols.  in  8vo.  Paris,  chea 
Prault,  1786. 

Histoire  des  troubles  de  PAmerique  Anglaise,  &c.  par  Francois  Soules, 
4  vols.  in  8vo.  Paris,  chez  Buisson,  1787- 

Histoire  de  la  derniere  guerre  entre  la  Grande  Britagne  et  les  Etats  Unis 
d'Amerique,  la  France,  PEspagne  et  la  Hollande,  depuis  son  commencement 
en  1775,  jusqu'a  sa  fin  en  1783,  1  vol.  4to.  Paris  chez  Brocas,  1787- 

Histoire  de  la  Revolution  de  PAmerique,  par  rapport  a  la  Caroline  rneri- 
dionale,  par  David  Ramsay,  membre  du  Congres  Atnericain  ;  traduit  de 
PAnglais,  2  vols.  8vo.  Londres  et  Paris,  chez  Frouille,  1787* 

Recherches  historiques  et  politiques  sur  les  Etats  Unis  de  PAmerique 
Septentrionale,  par  un  citoyen  de  Virginie,  4  vols.  in  8vo.  Paris,  chez 
Frouille,  1788. 

Discussions  importantes,  debattues  au  parlement  Britannique,  4  vols.  in 
8vo.  Paris,  chez  Maradan  et  Perlet,  1790. 

JVlemoires  historiques  et  pieces  authentiques  sur  M.  de  la  Fayette.  1  vol. 
in  8vo.  Paris,  Pan  2,  (1793). 

To  the  foregoing  works  should  be  added,  a  great  number  of  pamphlets, 
which,  during  the  American  revolution,  were  published  daily,  as  well  in 
England  as  in  America  and  France.  Lastly,  even  among  the  actors  of 
the  great  events  which  he  has  related,  the  author  has  had  the  good  fortune 
to  find  individuals  as  polite  as  well  informed,  who  have  deigned  to  furnish 
him  with  important  manuscripts.  He  prays  them  to  accept  here  the  public 
expression  of  his  acknowledgment. 


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STAMPED   BELOW 


RENEWED  BOOKS  ARE  SUBJECT  TO  IMMEDIATE 
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JAi, 
BAY  19 


DEC  14  1967 


LIBRARY,  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  DAVIS 

Book  Slip-35m-7,'62(D296s4)458 


2^1201 


Botta,   C.O.G. 

History  of  the  War  of 
the  Independence  of  the 
U.-S.  of  America. 


Call  Number: 

E208 

B6? 

1826 


251203 


